LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


Class 


GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYOX. 


GEN.  NATHANIEL  LYON, 


AND 


MISSOURI   IIST   1861. 


A  MONOGRAPH  OF  THE  GREAT  REBELLION, 


BY 


JAMES    PECKHAM, 

h 

FORMERLY   LT.-COL.   STH   INFANTRY,    MO.   VOLS. 


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UNIVERSITY     i 

Of  J 


NEW   YOKK: 

AMERICAN     NEWS    COMPANY,    PUBLISHERS 

119    &    121    NASSAU    STREET. 

1866. 


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M  ,_i  if 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  18C6,  by 

JAMES    PECKHAM, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United   States,  for  the  Souther 
District  of  New  York. 


PRESS  OF  WYNKOOP  &  HALLENBECK, 
No.  113  FL-LTOS  STEKKT,  N.  Y. 


N 
10 


THIS    MEMORIAL 


OF 

THE    HEROIC    ACTIONS 

or 


NATHANIEL    LYON 


IS     MOST    RESPECTFULLY    INSCRIBED    TO 


CHARLES  M.  ELLEARD,  ESQ., 


ONE  OF  HIS  EARLY  AND  STEADFAST  FRIENDS, 


THE    AUTHOK. 


218183 


PREFACE. 


I  SUBMIT  this  volume  to  the  considerate  attention  of  my 
countrymen.  It  is  published  in  order  that  those  who  succeed 
us  may  know  how  the  men  of  this  generation  regarded  Truth, 
and  the  attitude  they  assumed  in  its  fearful  struggle  with 
Error.  No  period  has  been  fraught  with  more  momentous 
interests  to  humanity  than  this  in  which  we  are  living.  And 
no  man  ever  more  generously  sacrificed  himself  in  the  mainte 
nance  of  Eight,  or  exhibited  more  religious  deference  to  Jus 
tice,  or  a  more  gallant  soldiership  for  Truth,  than  Nathaniel 
Lyon.  No  man  ever  sustained  himself  with  greater  nobility  of 
personal  deportment.  The  story  of  this  hero  and  patriot  will 
stimulate  Age  to  regard  patriotism  with  pious  tenacity  in  the 
council,  and  Youth,  in  the  spirit  of  real  chivalry,  to  buckle  on 
impervious  armor  for  its  defense  in  the  field.  In  unfolding  the 
stupendous  drama  of  the  time,  the  different  characters  neces 
sary  to  the  plot  must  find  deliberate  portrayal,  and  it  is  to  the 
greater  grandeur  of  the  central  figure  that  it  is  not  obscured  by 
such  frequent  mention  of  others.  By  Americans  everywhere, 
but  more  especially  ~by  MISSOURIANS,  the  beautiful  character  of 
this  son  of  Connecticut  will  be  spoken  of  with  pride,  and 
treasured  with  reverence,  while  memory  shall  remain  an  attri 
bute  of  man. 


INTRODUCTION. 

I860. 


THE  political  contest  in  Missouri,  in  1860,  was  between 
those  who  yielded  unqualified  obedience  to  the  slave- 
power,  and  those  who  longed  for  relief  from  the  imposi 
tions  of  the  oligarchy.  There  were  in  the  Democratic 
party  leaders  with  sufficient  influence  to  induce  the 
party  itself  to  espouse  th«  cause  of  Douglas ;  but  the 
selection  for  governor  fell  upon  one  of  the  most  virulent 
nullifiers  who  had  hounded  the  great  Benton  to  his 
grave.  Without  the  possession  of  more  than  ordinary 
sagacity,  those  leaders  saw  that  the  majority  of  the 
people,  while  tolerant  toward  slavery,  were  yet  averse 
to  secession,  and,  as  Doug-las  was  looked  upon  as  a 
middle-man,  they  adopted  the  cheat  of  carrying  into  the 
gubernatorial  chair,  under  his  banner,  one  in  whom  they 
felt  they  could  trust  the  interests  of  the  South,  in  any 
emergency  that  might  arise. 

The  results  of  the  canvass  in  1856  had  awakened  in 
the  slaveholders  gloomy  apprehensions  as  to  the  security 
of  the  "institution."  That  there  should  have  been 
found  in  Missouri  such  a  numerous  body  of  citizens, 
forming  almost  a  majority,  arrayed  against  the  "time- 


Vlll.  INTRODUCTION. 

honored  party,"  in  whose  bosom  slavery  found  the  neces 
sary  aid  and  comfort,  struck  the  oligarchy  with  fear  and 
astonishment.  Under  the  circumstances,  (the  national 
canvass  of  1856,)  a  position  against  the  Democracy  in 
1860  indicated  alliance  with  the  "  Free-soilers."  The 
vote  for  Rollins,  for  Governor,  in  1857,  caused  the  tocsin 
of  alarm  to  be  sounded,  and  slavery,  aroused  to  action, 
mustered  into  its  service  those  fiercer  passions  of  human 
nature,  which  subjugate  the  finer  sensibilities,  and  tend 
to  degrade  the  civilized  man. 

In  1 860,  the  slaveholder  determined  to  profit  by  expe 
rience.  The  bitter  hate  and  the  opprobrious  epithets, 
which,  in  the  old  time,  had  been  hurled  against  the 
far-off  Garrisonian  abolitionists,  were  launched  with 
renewed  force  against  any  freeman  who  dared  to  differ 
from  the  Democracy.  The  support  of  Douglas  was  con 
sidered  a  sufficient  concession  to  those  who  were  afflicted 
with  the  possession  of  conscience  ;  and  when  the  obtuse 
voter  failed  to  discover  a  satisfactory  principle  under  the 
new  guise,  he  was  too  often  cowed  down  by  a  studied 
ruffianism,  and  if  still  persistent  in  his  opposition,  it  was 
only  to  serve  the  pro-slavery  policy  from  the  Bell-Everett 
platform.  While  they  opposed  the  Democracy,  which 
they  claimed  to  do  as  an  organization,  the  Bell-Everetts 
were  as  bitter  against  the  Republicans  as  were  the  slave- 
drivers  themselves,  making  the  extent  of  their  abuse  the 
measure  of  their  apology  for  their  points  of  difference 
from  the  oligarchy. 

But  in  the  whole  State  there  were  some  twenty  thou 
sand  Republicans,  who  were  not  to  be  deterred  from  the 


INTRODUCTION.  IX. 

performance  of  their  duty  by  any  threat,  not  to  be  dis 
mayed  by  the  appearance  of  any  danger.  Only  in  St. 
Louis,  however,  did  they  maintain  any  kind  of  an  organ 
ization,  but  in  that  city  they  were  not  only  splendidly 
organized,  but  presented  a  very  formidable  front.  It 
may  have  been  that,  by  reason  of  three  parties  being  in 
the  field  in  each  canvass,  they  generally  held  possession 
of  a  majority  of  the  city  and  county  offices ;  but  there 
were  wards  in  the  city,  where  opposition  to  them  was 
useless.  In  1858  and  1859,  Republican  meetings  were 
invariably  disturbed  by  the  partisans  of  slavery,  who, 
from  their  hiding-places  in.  the  dark,  frequently  hurled 
missiles  at  the  speakers,  or  rent  the  air  with  noisy  excla 
mations  of  passionate  hate  or  gross  obscenity. 

The  leading  spirit  and  chief  adviser  of  the  Republicans 
in  1860  and  1861  was  Frank  Preston  Blair,  Jr.,  who, 
in  the  canvass  of  1856,  had  whispered  the  magic  word, 
EMANCIPATION.  ~No  history  of  Missouri  in  the  moment 
ous  crisis  of  1861  can  possibly  be  complete  without 
having  that  name  stamped  upon  its  pages  in  characters 
of  splendid  coloring.  Himself  a  Southerner,  and  a  slave 
holder,  the  stereotyped  cry  of  "  Yankee  prejudice," 
"  New  England  education,"  and  "  Nigger  equality " 
could  not  be  raised  against  him  in  efforts  to  intensify  pas 
sion  and  excite  hate.  His  own  personal  courage  and 
coolness^  silenced  the  pretensions  of  the  insolent,  and 
forced  opponents  from  the  employment  of  abuse  into  the 
arena  of  debate,  and  there,  before  his  exhaustive  argu 
ments  and  array  of  facts,  the  mailed  squires  of  slavery 

were  speedily   unhorsed.     Even  in  his   personal  inter- 
1* 


X.  INTRODUCTION. 

course  with  opposing  partisans,  in  whose  breasts  were 
lurking  the  twin  passions  of  hate  and  fear,  he  exhibited 
not  only  the  courteousness  of  an  affable  gentleman,  but 
an  equanimity  of  temperament  and  apparent  forgetful- 
ness  really  wonderful.  The  antagonist  who  expected  at 
the  first  meeting  a  rupture,  because  of  bitter  attacks 
made  upon  Mr.  Blair  in  recent  speeches,  was  surprised,  in 
passing,  at  the  placid  countenance  and  nonchalance  of 
manner  of  his  political  foe.  This  power  over  self,  made 
Mr.  Blair  powerful  with  others.  Serving  a  great  cause 
in  the  interests  of  humanity,  warring  against  an  institu 
tion  deep-seated  in  the  hearts  and  purposes  of  a  powerful 
class,  he  knew  exactly  the  work  before  him,  and  the 
depths  he  would  necessarily  stir  into  fermentation.  He 
made  it  his  purpose  to  disregard  passion,  to  answer 
declamation  with  argument,  and  to  act  in  self-defense 
against  ruffianly  attack.  His  example  was  infused  into 
his  partisans.  The  effect  was  visible  in  the  rapidly 
increasing  growth  of  the  Republican  brotherhood  and 
the  permanent  radiancy  of  the  Republican  idea. 

Previous  to  1860,  the  element  which,  in  that  year, 
formed  the  "Republican  Party,"  was  known  in  St. 
Louis  as  the  "  Free  Democratic  Party,"  but  it  was  de 
termined,  in  the  winter  of  1860  and  1861,  that  the  name 
"  Republican  "  should  be  adopted,  and  the  party  identify 
itself  with  the  great  anti-slavery  party  of  the  north.  It 
was  determined  in  a  council  of  leaders,  composed  princi 
pally  of  O.  D.  Filley,  John  How,B.  Gratz  Brown,  H.  B. 
Branch,  James  O.  Broadhead,  Samuel  T.  Glover,  Henry 
Boernstein,  Charles  L.  Beniays,  J.  B.  Gardenhire,  Carl 


INTRODUCTION.  XL 

Daenzer,  Allen  P.  Richardson,  Ben.  Farrar,  Barton 
Able,  Charles  M.  Elleard,  James  Castello,  R.  J.  Howard, 
P.  T.  McSherry,  Henry  T.  Blow,  Alexis  Mudd,  Franklin 
A.  Dick,  Bernard  Poepping,  Wm.  Doench,  John  H. 
Fisse,  John  O.  Sitton,  John  M.  Richardson — men  repre 
senting  different  sections  of  the  State,  and  who  agreed 
with  Mr.  Blair — who  corresponded  from  Washington 
City  freely  with  his  friends — that  a  State  convention 
should  be  called,  to  meet  in  St.  Louis,  for  the  purpose  of 
selecting  delegates  to  attend  the  Chicago  National  Con 
vention,  and  perfecting  a  State  organization  of  the 
Republican  party  in  Missouri. 

The  first  convention  of  men  in  Missouri  who  were 
determined  to  take  public  position  with  the  anti-slavery 
element  of  the  North  met,  in  obedience  to  a  call  which 
originated  with  the  above  gentlemen,  in  the  small  hall 
of  the  Mercantile  Library  building,  on  Saturday,  May 
10,  1860,  and  organized  by  choosing  B.  Gratz  Brown, 
Chairman,  and  K  T.  Doane,  J.  K  Kidd,  Theophile 
Papin,  and  Charles  Borg,  Secretaries.  In  all  the 
speeches  and  resolutions,  there  breathed  nothing  but 
the  spirit  of  genuine  freedom,  and  there  was  inaugu 
rated  an  open  and  relentless  warfare  upon  the  project 
of  slavery  extension.  Delegates  to  Chicago  were  chosen, 
and  instructed  to  present  the  name  of  Edward  Bates 
as  the  first  choice  of  Missouri  for  the  presidency  of  the 
Union. 

Upon  the  return  of  the  delegation  from  Chicago,  a 
mass  meeting  of  Republicans  was  held,  at  the  south  end 
of  Lucas  Market,  to  ratify  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 


Xll.  INTRODUCTION. 

Mr.  Blair*  while  speaking  was  frequently  interrupted 
by  yells  and  blasphemies  from  political  opponents,  but 
his  successors  upon  the  platform  met  with  severer  treat 
ment.  Some  were  hit  by  stones,  others  completely  inter 
rupted  by  gangs  of  rowdies,  who  rushed  wildly  through  the 
crowd,  causing  indescribable  commotion.  Several  fights 
occurred,  in  which  several  of  the  rioters  were  severely 
worsted,  the  meeting  finally  breaking  up  in  a  grand  row. 
These  scenes  were  terribly  suggestive  to  some  persons 
who  were  present,  and  resulted  in  an  organization,  which, 
in  ability  for  self-defense,  in  thorough  system  and  perfect 
understanding  and  purpose  among  members,  has  never 
been  surpassed  by  any  political  club  in  America. 

Thus  originated  the  celebrated  club  of  "/Sfc.  Louis  Wide 
Awakes"  When  the  summer  canvass  of  I860  opened, 
the  Republicans  were  assured  of  complete  protection 

*  I  introduce  the  following,  in  order  that  the  reader  may  know  some  little  of 
the  personal  history  of  one  who  was  not  only  the  trusted  guide,  counselor, 
and  friend  of  General  Lyon.  but  also  one  to  whom  Missouri  owes  her  main 
tenance  in  the  civil  ranks  of  the  Union  as  a  loyal  State.  The  interest  that 
among  the  loyal  will  always  attach  to  a  gallant  soldier  and  patriot  demands 
this  brief  introduction  of  the  past  of  Frank  P.  Blair. 

[EXTBACT.] 

"The  life  of  Mr.  Blair  has  shown  that  he  is  possessed  of  all  the  energies 
which  go  to  make  up  a  thorough  business  man.  He  comes  from  the  Best 
Block,  being  the  third  son  of  lion.  Francis  P.  Blair,  of  Washington.  Frank 
P.,  Jr.,  is  forty-one  years  of  age,  having  been  born  in  1821.  He  graduated  at 
I'rineeton  College,  in  1841,  and  entered  upon  the  practice  of  law  in  St.  Louis. 
In  181")  he  made  a  journey  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  for  his  health,  and  upon  the 
opening  of  the  Mexican  War  he  joined  the  army  as  a  private,  and  served  until 
1847,  when  he  returned  to  St.  Louis.  In  18-18  he  joined  heartily  in  the  free-soil 
movement,  and  m.ule  a  nrong  speech  ai'ain«t  the  extension  of  slavery  into  the 
Territories.  In  1852,  he  was  elected  to  the  Missouri  Legislature  as  a  free-soilcr, 
and  was  re-elected  in  1^54.  In  1  c>6,  he  was  elected  to  Congress,  where  he  has 
di-tiii_'ui~lied  himself  by  his  bold,  active  labors. 

'*  Mr.  Blair  has  been  Foremost  in  the  work  of  sustaining  the  Government. 
To  stand  up  as  he  has  done,  year  after  year,  in  a  slave  State,  and  preach  free 
doctrines,  was  no  light  task,  and  to  the  honor  of  that  he  has  now  added  his 
labor  as  a  Federal  onicor  in  the  volunteer  service.  Heeding  not  the  ftilmina- 
tious  of  the  robel  government  of  his  State,  but  offering  his  life,  if  need  be,  in 
def.-iise-  of  hi-*  country's  flag,  he  has  done  much  to  strengthen  the  Union  feel 
ing  in  the  State,  and  to  counteract  the  evil  influence  ot  the  treacherous 
Executive."—  Cleveland  Leader,  1801. 


INTRODUCTION.  XU1. 

at  all  their  public  gatherings.  From  their  headquarters, 
(furnished  gratis  by  a  devoted  friend,  August  Loehner, 
Esq.,)  on  the  southeast  corner  of  Seventh  and  Chestnut 
streets,  the  Wide  AwaJces  marched  in  procession  to  the 
places  of  appointed  political  gatherings,  and  while  the 
meeting  continued,  (if  at  night,)  each  man,  with  a  lighted 
lamp  placed  securely  on  the  end  of  a  heavy  stick,  sta 
tioned  himself  on  the  outside  of  the  assembled  crowd, 
thus  depriving  ruffianly  opponents  of  their  hiding-places 
in  the  dark.  At  the  first  two  meetings  which  the  Wide 
Awakes  thus  attended,  the  enemy,  not  understanding  the 
purposes  of  the  club,  began  their  usual  serenade  of  yells 
and  cheers,  but  they  were  speedily  initiated  into  the 
mysteries  of  the  new  order ;  which  initiation  consisted 
in  being  besmeared  with  burning  camphene,  and  vigor 
ously  beaten  with  leaded  sticks.  -  The  least  sign  of  dis 
orderly  conduct  was  the  signal  for  an  assault  upon  the 
offender,  and  if  he  escaped  unmaimed  he  was  lucky  in 
deed.  As  the  Republicans  never  disturbed  the  meetings 
of  their  adversaries,  they  determined  to  enjoy  quietly 
their  own,  and  this  coming  to  be  understood,  there  be 
gan  to  be  perfect  freedom  of  speech.  Public  meetings 
in  St.  Louis  were  now  more  orderly  than  in  any  other 
city  in  the  Union. 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  club  of  Wide  AwaJces  was  the 
basis  of  a  military  strength,  which  in  the  following  year 
gave  prompt  response  to  the  call  of  President  Lincoln  ; 
and  even  earlier  than  that  call,  not  only  saved  the  arse 
nal,  but  maintained  the  cause  of  freedom  and  union  at 
the  February  polls. 


XIV.  INTRODUCTION. 

The  Democracy — both  wings — also  had  their  clubs; 
the  "  Douglas  Club,"  "  Constitutional  Guards,"  "  Broom 
Rangers,"  &c.  The  latter  organization,  in  the  Douglas 
interest,  was  the  most  effective  of  any  on  that  side,  and 
adopted  the  plan  of  the  Wide  Awakes  in  marching  with 
lighted  lamps  to  places  of  public  meeting.  The  several 
clubs  named,  during  the  summer  and  fall  campaigns  of 
1860,  were  upon  the  street  every  night  (Sundays  only 
excepted)  for  three  weeks  previous  to  the  election  day, 
and  during  the  whole  time,  such  were  the  admirable 
arrangements  of  their  leaders,  never  once  collided.  But 
the  Wide  Awakes  did  not  escape  insult  from  bitter  par 
tisans  on  the  sidewalks.  Once  only  were  they  assailed 
with  more  than  words,  and  on  that  occasion  some 
rowdies  threw  stones  into  the  Wide  Awake  procession, 
as  it  was  returning  to  their  headquarters  from  a  public 
meeting.  The  latter  chased  their  opponents  to  the  Ber- 
thold  mansion,  on  the  corner  of  Fifth  and  Pine  streets, 
the  head  quarters  of  the  Douglasites.  A  brisk  shower 
ing  of  stones  soon  demolished  several  windows  of  the 
building,  and  consequences  still  more  serious  would  have 
ensued,  had  it  not  been  for  the  personal  efforts  of  J. 
Richard  Barrett  (the  Democratic  candidate  for  Congress) 
on  the  one  side,  and  Charles  M.  Elleard,  Esq.,  on  the 
other,  both  of  whom  labored  diligently  to  quiet  the 
excited  partisans. 

In  St.  Louis,  in  the  summer  canvass  of  1860,  Mr.  Blair 
was  the  Republican  candidate  for  Congress,  Mr.  Albert 
Todd  the  Bell-Everett,  and  J.  Richard  Barrett  the  Dem 
ocratic,  both  wings.  There  was  also  an  election  to  fill  a 


INTRODUCTION.  XV. 

vacancy  occasioned  by  the  resignation  of  Mr.  Blair,  who 
had  obtained  a  seat  in  the  then  Congress,  by  a  vote  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  ousting  Mr.  Barrett.  Mr. 
Blair  was  defeated  for  the  short  term  by  a  combination 
of  causes,  the  principal  of  which  were,  first,  a  coalition 
between  the  Bell-Everetts  and  the  Democrats,  and  sec 
ondly,  a  fraud  in  the  circulation  of  a  bogus  ticket,  which 
declared  for  Blair  "  for  Congress,"  but  did  not  state  "  to 
fill  vacancy."  Enough  of  such  tickets  were  thrown  out, 
which,  if  they  had  been  counted,  would  have  elected  Mr. 
Blair.  The  latter  was  successful  for  the  long  term,  by  a 
large  vote. 

In  that  canvass  the  question  of  union  and  disunion 
was  fully  discussed  and  understood.  While  the  Brecken- 
ridge  wing  of  the  Missouri  Democracy  made  but  a  feeble 
public  show,  the  majority  of  those  who  had  places  upon 
the  ticket  were  known  to  be  warm  friends  of  the  South 
ern  cause.  The  difference  in  the  attitude  of  the  two 
wings  of  the  Democracy  was  simply  this  :  The  Breck- 
enridgers  desired  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  a  means 
of  breaking  up  the  union  of  the  States  ;  the  Douglasites, 
boasting  of  political  power  in  that  union,  maintained  that 
it  was  their  interest  to  remain  there  so  long  as  they 
held  such  power,  but  they  agreed  with  the  Brecken- 
ridge  men  that,  when  that  power  passed  away,  the  neces 
sity  for  a  dissolution  would  become  immediate.  I  assert, 
without  fear  of  contradiction,  that  there  was  not  a  single 
Democrat  who  remained  with  the  party  in  1860,  who 
declared  for  unconditional  unionism ;  and  I  assert  with 
equal  confidence  that  there  was  not  a  speaker  who 


XVI.  INTRODUCTION. 

addressed  the  people  from  Democratic  platforms  in  that 
canvass  who  did  not  encourage  conditional  secession. 
There  was  not  a  speaker  in  the  Democratic  party  who 
did  not  add  to  secession  tendencies  by  the  most  vulgar 
and  inflammatory  orations  against  the  Republicans,  while 
many  declared  themselves  for  the  South.  Some  few  of 
those  men  have  since  atoned  for  their  fatal  teachings  by 
grasping  Union  muskets  in  the  Federal  army,  while  many 
.  others,  warmed  into  repentance  by  the  sheen  of  North 
ern  guns,  have  further  illustrated  the  temper  and  spirit 
of  the  apostate,  in  frothy  declamation  and  bitter  invective 
against  the  thoughtless  youths  whom  they  had  led  astray. 
The  Bell-Everetts  were  as  abusive  as  the  Democracy. 

But  while  in  St.  Louis,  under  "  Wide  Awake  "  protec 
tion  and  Blair  example,  the  Republicans  enjoyed  com 
parative  security,  it  was  vastly  different  in  every  other 
place  in  the  State.  Mr.  Blair  and  Judge  William  V.  N". 
Bay  arranged  to  speak  at  Ironton  upon  the  topics  of  the 
day,  but  in  order  to  secure  them  protection  against  mur 
derous  assault,  some  three  hundred  Wide  Awakes 
accompanied  them  by  special  train  of  cars,  engaged  for 
the  occasion.  The  slaveocracy  attended  the  meeting 
with  a  predetermination  to  break  it  up,  but  they 
were  so  largely  outnumbered  that  they  acknowledged 
themselves  flanked,  and  most  of  them  dispersed,  mutter 
ing  in  suppressed  tones  curses  upon  the  "Abolitionists." 
Samuel  T.  Glover,  one  of  the  most  finished  orators  in  the 
State,  appointed  with  Mr.  Blair  to  speak  at  Hannibal, 
but  no  Wide  Awakes  were  there  to  protect  them,  and  they 
were  effectually  interrupted  by  the  opposition.  Missiles 


INTRODUCTION.  XVU. 

hurled  at  the  speakers  broke  up  the  meeting.  No  other 
efforts  were  made  to  canvass  the  State.  The  opposition 
had  it  all  their  own  way, 

Even  as  early  as  1860,  organized  persecution  drove 
many  "  plain-speaking "  people  from  their  homes,  and 
cowed  down  others  less  self-sacrificing.  Any  appeal  to  the 
courts  for  protection,  any  hope  of  assistance  from  neigh 
bors,  were  useless.  In  many  instances  Democratic  post 
masters  refused  to  deliver  anti-Democratic  newspapers 
sent  through  the  mails,  and  complaints  forwarded  to 
Washington,  or  published  in  the  public  prints,  were  un 
heeded.  The  success  of  Mr.  Lincoln  drove  the  oligarchy 
to  desperation,  and  the  great  majority  of  the  people,  just 
from  the  teachings  of  the  hustings,  were  inclined  to 
sympathize  with  the  cause  of  slavery,  against  that  "  sec 
tional  party,  against  which  the  South  is  almost  in  arms 
in  self-defense,"  *  and  which  they  were  taught  to  believe 
to  be  "  the  author  of  unimaginable  ills." 

During  the  canvass,  Claiborne  F.  Jackson  and  Thomas 
C.  Reynolds,  the  Douglas  candidates  for  Governor  and 
Lieutenant-Governor,  pretended  to  some  little  affection  for 
the  American  Union ;  and  even  after  the  election,  Jackson, 
in  a  speech  at  Boonville,  deluded  many  into  the  belief 
that  he  was  averse  to  secession.  But  his  profession  of 
loyalty  was  merely  a  pretense.  Events  prove  that  he 
was  cordially  in  the  interests  of  the  South,  even  before 
his  inauguration  as  Governor,  and  that  he  was  ready  to 
throw  off  all  disguise  the  very  moment  it  should  be  safe 
and  proper  to  do  so. 

*  Charles  D.  Drake  at  the  Court-house  in  St.  Louis,  18<50 


[NOTE.] 

In  order  that  the  reader  may  know  the  actual  result  at  the 
polls,  in  1860,  I  give  the  following: 


IN    THE    STATE. 


Douglas 58,361 

Bell 57,762 

Lincoln 17,017 


C.  F.  Jackson 73,372 

Orr 65,991 

Gardenhire 6,124 


Breckenridge 30,297  ;   II.  Jackson 11,091 

IN    ST.   LOUIS    COUNTY. 

For  Congress  (lony  tenn). 
Blair...  .11,453.         Barrett. ..  .9,967.          Todd..    .4,542. 

The  following  Democratic  officers  were  elected  in  St.  Louis 
county,  by  the  assistance  of  Bell-Everett  votes : 

County  Marshal,  County  Recorder,  County  Jailer,  County 
Coroner;  and  Barrett  was  placed,  for  the  short  term,  so  near 
Blair  in  the  count,  that  a  small  fraud  was  sufficient  to  secure  for 
the  former  the  certificate  of  election. 

The  Republicans  elected  the  Congressman  for  the  First  Dis 
trict,  County  Sheriff,  County  School  Commissioner,  and  the 
entire  Legislative  delegation  (one  Senator  and  twelve  Repre 
sentatives). 


GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

AND 

MISSOURI      IN      1861. 


B  O  OK     I. 

SUMTER. 

CONTENTS— MEETING  OP  THE  MISSOURI  LEGISLATURE— THE  INAUGURAL— 
COMMISSIONER  D.  R.  RUSSELL,  op  MISSISSIPPI — MEASURES  TO  SUBVERT  LOY 
ALTY—THE  SUB-COMMITTEE—THE  CHIEF  CONSPIRATOR— SECESSION  IN  THE 
INTERIOR— SECESSION  IN  ST.  Louis— THE  MINUTE-MEN— THE  UNION  GUARD 
—APPOINTMENT  OP  THE  UNION  SAFETY  COMMITTEE— ARMING  OF  THE  UNION 
GUARD — UNION  CONTRIBUTIONS — WHERE  THE  MONEY  CAME  PROM — PLANS 
OF  THE  SECESSIONISTS— THE  ST  .  Louis  ARSENAL— THE  CATHOLIC  BELLS- 
REMOVAL  OP  GOVERNMENT  FUNDS— POLITICAL  PARTIES  IN  JANUARY,  1861— 
POLITICAL  MOVEMENTS — CLAIB  JACKSON  LOSES  MUCH  POWDER — PREPARA 
TIONS  TO  CAPTURE  THE  ARSENAL— THOROUGH  UNION  ORGANIZATION— DARK 
DAYS— ARRIVAL  OF  CAPTAIN  LYON  AT  THE  ARSENAL— EARLY  LIFE  AND 
CAREER  OF  LYON — LYON  AND  BLAIR — LYON  AND  THE  SAFETY  COMMITTEE — 
REVIEW  OF  LYON'S  CHARACTER — LYON  AND  THE  STARS  AND  STRIPES — A 
HUNGARIAN  LEGEND— LYON  AT  THE  ARSENAL— LYON  IN  COMMAND  OF  THE 
ARSENAL  DEFENSES — HE  is  THWARTED  BY  HAGNER — LYON  TO  BLAIR,  UPON 
SURRENDERS  BY  OFFICERS — THE  LEAVENWORTH  ORDER  REVOKED — THE 
ARSENAL  TO  BE  SAVED— SECESH  SIGNALS  UNDERSTOOD — TRICK  OF  THE  SE- 
CESH— RUMORS— LYON  AMONG  UNION  MEN — THE  POLICY  OF  BLAIR  AND  THE 
SAFETY  COMMITTEE — EXCITEMENT  OVER  THE  REBEL  FLAG — THE  FEBRUARY 
CANVASS- APPOINTMENT  OF  PEACE  COMMISSIONERS— GOVERNOR  JACKSON 
REFUSES  TO  COMMISSION  A  LOYAL  OFFICER — SCENES  IN  JEFFERSON  CITY  IN 
FEBRUARY — CAPTAIN  LYON  ON  THE  ALERT— HE  is  PRUDENT  AND  POLITIC— 
THE  POWDER  PURCHASED  BY  JACKSON— HAGNER  SHALL  NOT  SURRENDER — 
THE  MUNICIPAL  ELECTION  OF  APRIL — THE  POLICE  COMMISSIONERS — ELEC 
TION  OF  CHIEF — THE  COMMISSION  FIND  OUT  LYON — THE  CATASTROPHE. 

MEETING    OF    THE    MISSOURI    LEGISLATURE. 

THE  State  Legislature  met  on  the  31st  of  December, 
I860,  effected  a  temporary  organization,  and  adjourned 


22  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

to  the  2d  of  January.  On  that  day,  an  election  for  per 
manent  officers  was  held  in  the  "  House,"  and  the  suc 
cessful  candidates  were  entirely  of  the  secession  mould. 
Speaker  McAfee  was  an  undisguised  secessionist.  Al 
though  the  Speaker  pro  tern.  (Mcllhenny)  had  voted  for 
Bell  for  President,  he  was  but  a  pliant  tool  in  the  hands 
of  the  rebels.  Clerk  of  the  House,  Murray,  and  Secre 
tary  of  the  Senate,  Hough,  were  sincere  secessionists, 
and  served  during  the  civil  war  in  the  rebel  ranks. 
The  vote  for  Speaker  stood  thus:  McAfee,  76;  M. 
Boyd  (Bell-Everett),  43  ;  Thomas  L.  Price  (Douglas), 
4;  Heyer  (secesh),  1.  On  the  morning  of  the  3d,  the 
Lieut.-Governor  issued  a  private  circular,  which  was 
placed  on  the  desks  of  certain  Senators,  inviting  to  his 
room  all  those  Senators  who  were  in  hearty  sympathy 
with  "  our  Southern  brethren,"  and  who  were  "firmly 
determined  to  see  our  sister  States  secure  their  rights," 
for  the  purpose  of  making  up  the  Senate  committees. 
Of  all  the  officers  and  clerks  of  both  branches  of  the 
Legislature,  I  know  of  but  one  who  was  not  an  avowed 
secessionist. 


THE    INAUGURAL. 

The  inaugural  of  Claib  Jackson  was  thoroughly  in  the 
interests  of  the  rebellious  States.  He  proclaimed  with 
marked  emphasis,  that  "  Missouri  and  Kentucky  should 
stand  by  the  South,  and  preserve  her  equilibrium."  This 
declaration  was  greeted  with  prolonged  applause  by 
both  members  and  lobby ites  who  favored  secession.  It 
was  in  sad  contrast  to  the  loyal  message  which  the 
Legislature  had  previously  received  from  the  retiring 
Governor,  R.  M.  Stewart,  and  taught  the  few  Union 
men  in  either  branch  that  they  were  surrounded  by 
dangers  they  had  little  anticipated. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  23 

COMMISSIONER   D.    R.    RUSSELL,    OF    MISSISSIPPI. 

Upon  their  arrival  in  Jefferson  City,  members  found 
already  there  Mr.  D.  R.  Russell,  who  presented  himself 
as  the  "  Commissioner  from  the  State  of  Mississippi  to 
the  State  Government  of  Missouri."  He  was  received  in 
great  style  by  Governor,  Lieut-Governor,  and  secession 
ists  generally,  and  the  Legislature,  by  joint  action,  resolved 
to  receive  him  in  joint  session.  I  shall  never  forget  the 
night  when  the  Missouri  Legislature,  in  solemn  form, 
tendered  its  homage  to  this  envoy  of  the  rebellion.  It 
was  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  in  early  Janu 
ary,  1861,  and  every  jet  in  the  great  chandelier  in  the 
Hall  of  Representatives  was  lighted.  The  Door-keeper 
interrupted  the  proceedings  of  the  "  House,"  by  announc 
ing,  "The  President  and  members  of  the  Senate."  Rey 
nolds  marched  down  the  aisle  followed  by  the  Senators, 
the  latter  seeking  the  chairs  assigned  for  them  by  the  Ser- 
geant-at-Arms.  Reynolds  occupied  the  Speaker's  chair, 
and  in  an  affected  voice  said  :  "  The  Legislature  of  Mis 
souri  is  now  in  joint  session,  according  to  resolution  pre 
viously  passed  by  both  Houses,  in  order  to  receive  the 
Hon.  D.  R.  Russell,  Commissioner  from  the  State  of 
Mississippi."  A  committee  appointed  to  escort  Mr.  Rus 
sell  within  the  bar  of  the  joint  session  retired  for  that 
purpose,  and  Reynolds  issued  his  instructions.  The 
members  were  requested  to  arise  when  Mr.  Russell  en 
tered,  and  when  the  latter  should  be  introduced  by  the 
President  of  the  joint  session,  members  should  exhibit 
their  breeding  by  a  courteous  bow.  Up  sprang  Steven 
son,  of  St.  Louis  (Republican)  : 

"  Mr.  President ,  are  we  the  slaves  of  some  foreign 
potentate  ?  " 

Reynolds  replied  that  he  intended  his  suggestions 
merely  as  an  act  of  courtesy ;  but  Stevenson,  interrupting 
him,  exclaimed  : 


24  GEN. 

"  He  is  no  American  who  will  bow  his  head  in  homage 
to  a  traitor." 

Some  little  sensation  was  produced  by  this  episode, 
but  it  had  little  influence  upon  the  majority.  With  very 
few  exceptions  the  members  did  rise,  and  bowed  their 
heads  at  the  given  signal.  Russell  then  proceeded  with 
a  lengthy  speech,  full  of  the  blackest  treason. 

MEASURES   TO    SUBVERT   LOYALTY. 

The  Legislature  was  no  sooner  organized  and  the  com 
mittees  arranged  than  the  conspirators  set  to  work  to  carry 
out  their  schemes.  A  meeting,  for  consultation,  of  leading 
secessionists,  was  held  in  a  basement  room  of  the  capitol, 
and  it  was  decided  that  St.  Louis  should  be  placed  com 
pletely  under  the  control  of  the  State  authorities.  In 
talking  of  the  comparative  fighting  strength  of  parties 
in  St.  Louis,  it  was  decided  that  "  Frank  Blair  could  easily 
be  cleaned  out"  by  the  chivalry,  as  he  had  nothing  but 
"  blue-bellied  Yankees  and  beer-drinking  Dutch "  to 
assist  him  in  case  of  a  fight.  But  they  could  not  conceal 
their  fears  over  a  remark  made  by  Mr.  Blair  in  St.  Louis, 
at  a  serenade,  to  the  effect  that  "  every  traitor  should  be 
taught  the  strength  of  Missouri  hemp,"  and  that  "  St. 
Louis  should  secede  from  Missouri  if  the  latter  should 
secede  from  the  Union."  The  course  of  the  conspirators 
showed  very  plainly  they  did  not  regard  these  as  idle 
words. 

The  process  of  prostrating  Missouri  at  the  feet  of  the 
disunionists  was  begun  in  the  Missouri  Senate  by 
Monroe  Parsons,  who  introduced  the  celebrated  military 
bill  on  the  5th  of  January.  This  bill  contained  a  clause 
appropriating  $150,000  to  enable  the  Governor  to  enforce 
its  provisions.  It  placed  the  entire  control  of  the  popu 
lation  of  the  State  in  the  hands  of  the  Governor,  and 
prescribed  penalties,  including  death,  to  be  inflicted  by 


AND    MISSOURI   IX    1861.  25 

sentence  of  drum-head  courts-martial,  for  even  the  utter 
ance  of  disrespectful  words  toward  the  Governor  or  the 
Legislature.  It  prohibited  the  freedom  of  utterance  as 
well  as  the  freedom  of  action,  and  relieved  the  people  of 
their  superior  allegiance  to  the  national  Government. 
By  obstinate  parliamentary  fighting,  the  session  ad 
journed  without  adopting  this  iniquity.  The  bill  was 
more  devilish  than  Wentwbrth's  "THOROUGH." 

On  the  5th,  also,  T.  C.  Johnson,  of  St.  Louis,  introduced 
in  the  Senate  "  An  Act  to  amend  an  Act  for  the  Suppres 
sion  of  Riot  in  St.  Louis  City  and  County."  This  bill 
took  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Mayor  and  Sheriff  the  power 
to  suppress  mobs,  and  placed  it  in  the  hands  of  the 
Governor  and  the  agents  he  was  authorized  to  appoint. 

In  the  "  House,"  on  the  7th,  Mr.  Ballou  moved  to  sus 
pend  the  rules  in  order  to  take  up  the  St.  Louis  Police 
bill,  which  had  already  passed  the  Senate.  The  motion 
was  sustained  by  a  vote  of  52  ayes  to  19  noes.  The 
bill  became  a  law,  after  having  been  returned  to  the 
Senate  with  some  slight  amendments,  by  the  signature 
of  the  Governor  on  the  night  of  the  14th  of  January, 
and  on  the  same  night,  such  was  the  haste  of  the  conspir 
ators,  Matthias  Steitz  and  James  George  were  appointed 
commissioners  under  its  provisions.  However,  these 
appointments  were  not  sent  to  the  Senate,  and  further 
action  was  delayed. 

On  the  9th,  Vest,  of  Cooper  county,  introduced  the 
Convention  bill,  which  was  intended  to  take  the  State 
out  of  the  Union,  but  which  was  amended  by  declaring 
that  any  decision  of  the  Convention,  determining  the 
relations  of  Missouri  toward  the  Union,  should  be  sub 
mitted  to  the  people  for  their  sanction,  and  thus  passed. 
The  timidity  of  some  of  the  Southern  party  led  them  to 
shrink  for  the  present  from  any  overt  act.  They  did 
not  fuel  altogether  secure,  and,  in  hopes  of  maintaining  a 


2G  GEN.    NATHANIEL  LYON, 

solid  front,  the  more  fiery  and  desperate  finally  yielded. 
The  next  scheme  was  to  secure  a  secession  organ  in 
St.  Louis,  and  for  this  purpose  a  bill  was  passed,  forcing 
into  the  office  of  M.  Neidner,  the  publisher  of  the  State 
Journal,  the  advertising  of  every  legal  notice  in  St. 
Louis  county.  When  a  St.  Louis  member  declared  that 
this  bill  made  loyal  men  pay  money  for  the  support  of  a 
disloyal  paper,  a  secesh  member  cried  out  in  reply, 
"  Damn  lucky  if  he  gets  off  that  cheap." 

A  bill  was  also  introduced  to  deprive  Carondelet  of 
its  city  charter,  and  substitute  therefor  a  "  Board  of 
Trustees,"  to  be  appointed  by  the  Governor.  This 
attempted  outrage  was  so  gross  that  the  more  reasonable 
and  politic  urged  its  withdrawal  These  and  other  kin 
dred  measures  were  resorted  to  to  force  Missouri  into 
line  with  the  rebellion. 

THE  SUB-COMMITTEE. 

As  iii  the  above  measures  the  majority  exhibited  their 
fears  of  St.  Louis  county,  so  in  the  following  they  exhib 
ited  their  hate  toward  its  people  individually.  By  an 
arrangement  with  prominent  St.  Louis  secessionists, 
twelve  members  of  the  House  and  six  of  the  Senate 
were  selected  as  a  special  sub-committee  upon  St.  Louis 
matters.  In  affairs  of  any  moment  bills  were  always 
referred  to  a  special  committee,  and  it  was  noticeable 
that  on  such  special  committees  only  one  certain  man  of 
the  entire  delegation  from  St.  Louis  county  was  ever 
placed.  As  that  man  had  deserted  the  party  which  elected 
him,  and  was  in  full  communion  with  the  conspira 
tors,  this  method  of  dealing  with  St.  Louis  measures 
awoke  the  suspicion  of  the  writer  (who  was  a  member 
from  St  Louis),  and  caused  him  to  ferret  out  the  secret, 
which  resulted  in  a  discovery  of  the  above.  In  a  session 
of  the  House,  on  a  motion  to  refer  the  Carondelet  bill  to 


AND    MISSOURI- IN    1861.  27 

a  special  committee,  he  exposed  the  trick,  and  a  terrible 
excitement  ensued.  Several  of  the  "  sub-committee " 
denied  any  knowledge  of,  and  all  belief  in,  such  a  thing  ; 
but  Vest,  more  truthful  and  with  admirable  candor, 
acknowledged  the  whole  arrangement  and  his  own 
membership  on  that  committee,  and  earnestly  expressed 
the  hope  it  would  continue  until  St.  Louis  was  purged 
of  Black  Republicanism.  Results  very  serious  threatened 
to  follow — a  dozen  seeking  the  floor  at  once — when 
Riley,  of  Wright  county,  being  recognized  by  the 
Speaker,  made  a  lengthy  and  exceedingly  humorous 
speech,  purposely  void  of  any  sense,  which  all  enjoyed, 
and  at  its  conclusion  the  Carondelet  bill  and  "  sub-com 
mittee  "  were  willingly  ignored. 

THE    CHIEF    CONSPIRATOR. 

The  leading  spirit  of  the  secession  cause  in  Missouri,  in 
1861,  was  the  Lieut.-Governor,  Thomas  C.  Reynolds,*  a 
short,  chubby  fellow  of  forty,  with  black  hair  and  beard 
and  eyes,  and  black  moustache  and  dark  skin.  Gan 
grened  with  conceit,  he  seemed  to  take  especial  pleasure 
in  boasting  of  South  Carolina  origin  and  the  aristocracy 
of  Palmettodom.  He  was  a  cultivated  scholar  and  a 
fluent  speaker,  and  had  for  years  been  Clerk  of  the  United 
States  Court  at  St.  Louis.  Reynolds  had  canvassed  the 
whole  question  at  issue  between  the  traitors  and  the 
Government,  and  he  was  frank  enough  to  confess  that  at 
one  time,  in  the  event  of  civil  war,  he  had  thought  the 
odds  were  in  favor  of  the  North.  But  lo  !  presto ! 
Searching  through  some  old,  worn-out  tomes,  he  had 
reached  the  treaty  of  cession  of  the  Louisiana  Territory, 

*  Thomas  C.  Reinhold  (or  Reynolds),  the  present  Lieut.-Governor  of  Missouri, 
is  a  German  by  birth.  He  was  born  in  Prague  ;  his  parents  emigrated  early 
to  this  country.  He  is  a  Jew.  [Wash.  Cor  Phila.  Press,  February,  1861  ] 

In  his  speech  on  the  8th  of  January,  18G1,  Reynolds  declared  himself  South 
Carolina  born. 


28  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

and  there,  as  lie  read  it,  the  whole  question  lay  in  a  nut 
shell.  "  The  Louisiana  Territory  belonged  to  the  United 
States  only  so  long  as  the  United  States  should  continue 
to  hold  it  ( ! ) ;  when  the  United  States  should  part  with 
it,  the  treaty  became  null  and  void.  An  act  of  secession 
by  the  people  of  Missouri  would  authorize  France  to 
step  in  and  claim  her  own.  France  thus  identified  with 
the  rebellion,  the  rebellion  was  sure  of  success." 

Happy  Reynolds  !  All  of  half  an  hour  did  he  consume, 
on  the  afternoon  of  January  8,  18G1,  exclusively  ex 
plaining  this  new  feature  of  the  secession  case  to  his 
delighted  and  deluded  followers.  Visions  of  French 
knighthood,  and  himself  gyrating  as  a  French  nobleman 
around  Versailles  or  the  Tuileries,  must  have  been 
dazzling  his  imagination  at  the  time.  But  Mr.  Reynolds 
is  no  French  nabob,  probably  because  France  did  not 
interfere  in  his  behalf. 

Really,  the  energy  of  this  man  was  wonderful.  Under 
his  inspiring  counsel,  the  work  of  secesh  organization 
was  pushed  rapidly  forward.  Committees  were  organ 
ized  and  kept  constantly  at  work,  carrying  on  extensive 
correspondence,  selecting  reliable  agents  in  every  county, 
devising  expedients  to  advance  his  purposes,  drafting 
bills  subsidiary  to  his  plans.  By  means  of  the  Military 
bill,  he  anticipated  such  a  complete  organization  of  the 
State  as  would  make  it  a  powerful  auxiliary  to  the 
Southern  cause.  He  carried  on  a  complete  system  of 
signals  with  the  Southern  leaders,  and  received  with  the 
most  extreme  pomposity  the  rebel  emissaries  whom  the 
Gulf  States  forwarded  to  Missouri,  to  seduce  her  from  her 
allegiance  to  the  Union. 

SECESSION    IX   THE    INTERIOR. 

Throughout  the  State  everything  encouraged  the  con 
spirators.  The  secessionists  were  everywhere  noisy,  in- 


AND    MISSOURI    IX    1861.  29 

tolerant,  and  undisturbed.  In  towns  of  any  size,  meet 
ings  favorable  to  the  Union  cause  were  disturbed,  and 
in  the  country  outrages,  robberies,  and  murders  were 
perpetrated  with  impunity,  on  political  grounds,  upon 
suspected  or  known  Union  men.  The  borders  along 
the  Kansas  and  Iowa  lines  were  being  daily  crossed  by 
Union  refugees,  fleeing  to  escape  persecution.  Rebel 
flags  were  thrown  to  the  breeze  in  Rolla,  St.  Louis,  Kan 
sas  City,  Platte  county,  and  elsewhere.  So  strong 
seemed  the  disloyal  tide  that  Jackson,  Reynolds,  Par 
sons,  Conrow,  Peyton,  Dougherty,  Dorris,  Freeman, 
Heyer,  and  others  of  the  malcontents  really  thought 
they  could  safely  trust  their  cause  to  the  decision  of  the 
people,  and  the  elections  ordered  for  the  1 8th  of  Febru 
ary  by  the  Convention  bill  were  confidently  looked  to 
for  secession  vindication. 

SECESSION   IN   ST.   LOUIS. 

The  conspirators  argued  that  in  St.  Louis  they  were 
sufficiently  strong  to  maintain  their  power  there  against 
all  local  opposition.  They  based  their  reasoning  upon  the 
vote  for  Barrett  and  Blair  for  the  short  term,  and  asserted 
the  Blair  vote  to  be  made  up  mostly  of  Germans.  For 
this  latter  class  they  affected  to  entertain  the  most 
supreme  contempt,  and  freely  expressed  their  belief  that 
the  Ninth  Ward  alone  could  whip  the  balance  of  St. 
Louis.  It  is  true  that  the  conduct  of  people  theretofore 
identified  with  each  of  the  contending  parties  in  the 
political  struggles  which  had  taken  place  was  such  as  to 
encourage  hopes  of  a  secession  majority,  even  in  St.  Louis 
itself.  The  Bell-Everetts  seemed  more  with  the  Democ 
racy  than  with  the  Republicans,  and  nothing  but  the 
finest  management  and  the  purest  patriotism  on  the  part 
of  Republican  leaders  prevented  the  Bell-Everetts, 
en  masse,  from  siding  with  the  rebellion.  There  were  a 


30  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

large  number  of  the  Democrats  who  were  open  and 
undisguised  in  their  fidelity  to  the  rebellion,  and  they 
were  everywhere  unreserved  in  their  expressions,  and 
declared  for  the  South  with  perfect  impunity.  This  ele 
ment  Reynolds  determined  to  consolidate  into  an  organ 
ization  which  was  intended  to  be  the  nucleus  of  the 
military  arm  of  the  Missouri  secessionists. 

The  only  real  friends — those  who  were  known  as 
unconditionally  such — of  the  Union,  in  St.  Louis,  in  Jan 
uary,  1801,  were  the  Republicans.  They  were  called 
Blair-men,  and  the  party-hate  of  years  was  stillcherishcd 
for  their  leader.  It  required  the  utmost  prudence  and 
skillful  management  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Blair  to  break 
down  this  prejudice  in  the  minds  of  many  and  induce 
them  to  co-operate  with  him  in  patriotic  effort.  This  he 
succeeded  in  doing  to  quite  an  extent,  and  prepared  the 
way  for  success  at  the  February  polls. 

THE    MINUTE-MEN. 

By  the  advice  of  the  Jefferson  City  junta,  the  head 
quarters  of  the  Democracy — the  Berthold  mansion,  on  the 
northwest  corner  of  Fiftli  and  Pine  streets — was  retained 
as  the  headquarters  of  a  new  organization,  called  "Minute 
Men,"  which  was  mustered  under  military  law,  and 
incorporated  into  the  militia  of  the  district.  These 
minute-men  entered  into  solemn  engagements  to  stand 
by  the  South  in  the  impending  conflict,  and  they  at  once 
threw  into  public  view  the  object  of  their  devotion,  the 
emblem  of  the  "Southern  Confederacy."  The  minute- 
men  had  this  advantage  over  their  opponents:  they  were 
the  servants  of  the  State  authorities,  acting  under  the 
sanction  of  State  law,  and  backed  by  the  "old  pub. 
func."  at  Washington. 

THE     UNION     GUARD. 

Mr.    Blair  had  counseled  the  reorganization   of  the 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    18G1.  31 

Wide  Awakes,  and,  in  the  latter  part  of  December,  calls 
were  made,  in  the  different  wards,  for  meetings  for  that 
purpose.  These  calls  were  promptly  and  enthusiastically 
responded  to ;  but,  after  an  organization  was  perfected 
and  matters  put  in  working  order,  the  developments  of 
the  conspirators  at  Jefferson  City  and  in  the  Berthold 
mansion  led  to  an  abandonment  of  the  Wide  Awakes, 
and  the  organization  of  Union  clubs  in  their  stead.  It 
was  hoped  by  this  means  to  bring  in  all  who,  though 
not  Republicans,  were  yet  sincere  Union  men.  A  meet 
ing  was  accordingly  held  at  Washington  Hall,  on  the 
night  of  January  11,  of  all  those  in  favor  of  the  Union 
under  any  and  all  circumstances,  at  which  the  Wide 
AwaJces  were  formally  disbanded,  and  a  Union  club 
organized,  into  which  all  Union  men  were  invited.  Out 
side  of  the  Republican  party,  however,  the  movement 
did  not  generally  obtain,  very  few  but  the  Republicans 
seeming  to  take  any  interest  in  it. 

It  was  very  evident  that,  if  the  Republicans  desired 
to  retain  a  foothold  as  Union  men  in  Missouri,  there 
must  be  preparations  made  to  meet  force  with  force.  It 
seemed  very  possible,  and  more  than  probable,  that  the 
great  majority  of  the  other  parties  would  stand  idly  by 
in  case  of  conflict,  or,  if  lending  any  aid,  furnish  it  to  the 
Southern  cause.  A  series  of  meetings  was  consequently 
held,  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  as  to  the  best  meas 
ures  to  adopt  in  the  pending  crisis.  At  these  meetings, 
which  were  always  held  in  secret,  the  men  whose  names 
have  heretofore,  or  may  hereafter  appear  as  prominent 
Republicans  in  1861  were  generally  in  attendance.  In 
nearly  every  instance,  those  who  made  up  the  Union 
Safety  Committee  were  on  hand  at  every  consultation. 

I  have  notes  of  one  meeting  in  particular,  which  was 
held  in  a  lawyer's  office,  and  which  was  attended  by  O. 
D.  Filley,  Giles  F.  Filley,  James  O.  Broadhead,  F.  A. 


32  GEN.   NATHANIEL   LYON, 

Dick,  Barton  Able,  Charles  M.  Elleard,  William  McKee, 
B.  Gratz  Brown,  S.  T.  Glover,  Ben.  Farrar,  Samuel 
Simmons,  P.  L.  Foy,  and  F.  P.  Blair,  as  also  by  others 
whose  names  I  cannot  learn. 

As  I  have  said,  the  meeting  was  for  the  purpose  of 
conversing  upon  public  affairs.  Mr.  Glover  sustained 
Mr.  Blair  in  his  view  of  the  situation,  and  was  the  prin 
cipal  speaker  of  the  evening.  Absolutely  prophetic  in 
his  anticipation  of  coming  evils,  he  argued  that  the  atti 
tude  of  Southern  politicians  in  Congress  seemed  to 
determine  civil  war  as  inevitable.  He  declared  that  talk 
was  useless,  that  nothing  could  be  done  to  avert  war, 
and  that,  if  the  Union  men  were  wise,  they  would  not 
hesitate  to  follow  Mr.  Blair's  advice  and  arm,  that  being 
their  only  recourse.  There  were  some  of  those  present 
who  did  not  deem  such  a  course  expedient,  for  with 
many  it  was  impossible  to  contemplate  that  there  was 
any  real  danger  of  actual  armed  conflict.  The  meeting 
broke  up  without  coming  to  any  definite  understanding. 

APPOINTMENT    OP   TUB    UNION    SAFETY    COMMITTEE. 

But  the  seed  sown  at  that  meeting  was  not  without 
good  fruit.  Following  it  was  a  meeting  which  took 
place  in  Washington  Hall,  very  near  the  first  of  February, 
a  military  organization  was  adopted,  and  a  company  of 
Union  guards  enrolled  for  secret  drill.  There  should  of 
necessity  be  some  recognized  head,  and  it  was  proposed 
to  make  Mr.  Blair  Colonel  of  the  new  military  organiza 
tion,  and  that  gentleman,  anticipating  his  own  absence 
in  Washington  City,  advised  the  appointment,  also,  of 
O.  D.  Filley,  John  How,  Samuel  T.  Glover,  James  O. 
Broadhead,  and  J.  J.  \Vitzig,  to  be  a  Committee  of  Safety, 
to  whom  should  be  confided  the  interests  of  the  Union 
men  in  St.  Louis.  The  proposition  was  accepted,  and 
throughout  those  trying  days  each  member  of  that  com- 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  33 

mitt.ee,  in  season  and  out  of  season,  labored  with  energy 
and  fidelity,  and  with  fruitful  results,  in  the  fulfillment 
of  their  mission.  The  organization  at  Washington  Hall, 
and  the  proposed  arming  and  drilling  of  Union  men, 
which  grew  out  of  the  meeting  previously  mentioned, 
was  necessarily  prosecuted  with  the  utmost  secrecy.  It 
was  fully  known  that,  if  the  conspirators  should  learn  of 
the  proposed  movement,  they  would  at  once  seize  upon 
the  arsenal,  and  call  to  their  aid  the  Democracy  of  the 
State,  by  representing  the  "  Black  Republicans "  as 
inaugurating  revolution.  Therefore,  the  plans  of  the 
Safety  Committee  were  prosecuted  with  the  utmost  se 
crecy.  Now  came  into  use  the  splendid  organization 
of  the  just  disbanded  Wl de  Awakes,  the  recent  members 
of  which  were  soon  enrolled  into  military  companies. 
These  companies  drilled  at  night  in  the  foundry  of  Giles 
F.  Filley;  in  a  house  on  Seventh  street,  east  side,  near 
St.  Charles,  owned  by  the  Farrars ;  in  the  brewery  of 
Mr.  Winkelmeyer,  on  Market  street  ;  in  Washington 
Hall ;  in  Lafayette  Hall ;  in  Yaeger's  Garden ;  and  else 
where.  These  meeting-places  were  always  approached 
with  caution,  and  guards  were  stationed  outside  to  pre 
vent  surprise. 

Previous  to  the  meeting  at  Washington  Hall,  there 
had  been  held  in  the  counting-room  of  O.  D.  Filley,  on 
Main  street,  a  meeting  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  a 
body  of  men  who  should  serve  in  the  work  of  mutual 
protection  in  case  of  rebel  attack  or  proscription.  Those 
present  signed  the  roll,  and  others  joined  at  subsequent 
meetings,  which  were  held  for  some  time  in  the  third 
story  of  a  house  on  Olive  street,  above  Twelfth,  and  in 
a  house  owned  by  Ben.  Farrar,  on  Seventh  street,  near 
St.  Charles.  The  floors  of  both  these  houses  were 
thickly  strewn  with  saw-dust  to  avoid  noise  in  drill 
ing. 

2* 


34 


GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 


From  the  roll  *  of  the  parent  company,  of  which  F.  P. 
Blair  was  Captain,Charles  A.  Anderson,  First  Lieutenant, 
and  Fred.  I.  Dean,  Second  Lieutenant,  there  were  formed, 
in  less  than  a  fortnight,  several  full  companies,  in  different 
parts  of  the  city,  of  reliable  and  earnest  Unionists .  For 
the  following  roster  of  officers  of  these  companies  I  am 
indebted  to  E.  M.  Joel.  There  were  an  "  inside  organ- 


*  The  following  is  the  roster  of  the  company  thus  formed : 


F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  Captain. 
Henry  Hitchcock, 
Silas  Reed, 
Thomas  Cuddy, 
B.  M.  Joel, 
William  McKee, 
Fred.  I.  Dean,  2</  Lieutenant. 
3.  H.  Lightner, 
William  S.  Hillycr, 
Frank  G.  Porter, 
James  Pcckham, 
T.  P.  Loesch, 
J.  D.  Leonard, 
Joseph  M.  Hallenbeck, 
H.  L.  Pinney, 
J.  McCormack, 
Joseph  R.  Boggs, 
William  P.  Hollister, 
William  Z.  Clark, 
Lucien  Eaton, 
Jacob  Buhr, 
H.  A.  Conant, 
H.  Sand, 

Henry  Haltcrlien, 
John  Service, 
John  McFall, 
Alexis  Mudd, 
R.  J.  Healy, 
W.  D.  Bowen, 
Henry  Kuntz, 
Willian  H.  Mills, 
John  Popp, 
William  Gadmon, 
Theodore  C.  M.  Tracie, 
James  J.  Wishart. 
—  Ripply, 

Charles  Osburg. 
[For  the  other  companies  in  full,  eee  Appendix.] 


F.  H.  Mauter, 
John  P.  McGrath, 
William  Cuddy, 

E.  M.  Joel, 

Charles  W.  Branscome, 

A.  S.  Thurneck, 

W.  C.  Smith, 

D.  M.  Houser, 

Jacob  S.  Merrill, 

Mike  Summers, 

C.  W.  Anderson,  \st  Lieutenant. 

William  C.  Mahew, 

Samuel  Knox, 

N.  M.  Christian, 

John  E.  Walker, 

L.  Marsow, 

Henry  McKec, 

Charles  Castcllo, 

F.  Van  Braemer, 
Thomas  Woody, 
Fred.  Broomerfaf, 
George  Casper, 
Charles  Wappiel, 
J).  Kcrr, 

C.  H  Lippman, 

Gordon, 

George  Pope, 
R.  B.  Beck, 
Thomas  Mennott, 
Henry  Gurth, 
N.  B.  McPherson, 
Patrick  Costiggan, 
J.  Peter  Nee, 
John  J.  Russell, 
James  Oats, 
S.  T.  Glover, 


AND   MISSOURI    IN   18G1.  35 

ization  "  and  an  "  outside  organization ; "  the  latter  were 
the  companies  themselves,  and  the  "  inside,"  the  power 
or  authority  which  controlled  them.  Mr.  Blair  was  Pre 
sident  of  the  inside  organization,  and  E.  M.  Joel,  Secre 
tary.  All  acted  in  harmony  with  the  Safety  Committee, 
of  which  O.  D.  Filley  was  President,  and  James  O. 
Broadhead,  Secretary.  I  now  give  the  roster  of  the 
companies  spoken  of  above  : 

Grand  Drill  Master, •  Larned. 

East  Division,  Union  Club — President,  Chester  Har 
ding,  Jr.  ;  two  hundred  men. 

West  Division,  Union  Club — President, Fecklen- 

burg ;  two  hundred  men. 

Fourth  Ward,  Union  Black  Rifles — Captain,  George 
Daliimy  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Gus.  Boernstein  ;  Second 
Lieutenant,  A.  Boernstein  ;  eighty  men. 

Fifth  Ward,  Union  Club— S.  T.  Glover,  President ; 
George  A.  Schaeffer,  Secretary  ;  one  hundred  and  five 
men. 

Seventh  Ward,  Union  Guard — Captain,  Julius  Wag 
ner  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Frank  Golde ;  Second  Lieutenant, 
Charles  Nager  ;  fifty-eight  men. 

Tenth  Ward,  Union  Guard  —  Captain,  Linkerman  ; 
First  Lieutenant,  Wingar ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Sieger- 
mann ;  sixty-five  men. 

Second  Ward,  Black  Rifles  (Company  A) — Captain, 
Chris.  Goerisch  ;  First  Lieutenant,  George  Geigler ; 
Second  Lieutenant,  Philip  Frank ;  one  hundred  and 
thirty- six  men. 

Second  Ward,  Black  Rifles  (Company  B) — Captain, 
Bernard  Klein  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Ferd.  Schuddig  ;  Sec 
ond  Lieutenant,  John  A.  Lippard ;  ninety-six  men. 

Company  No.  5,  Union  Guard — Captain,  Geo.  Smith ; 
First  Lieutenant,  Joe  Gerwina  ;  Second  Lieutenant, 
John  Nolte,  fifty-three  men. 


36  GEN.  NATHANIEL   LYON, 

Citizen  Guard — Captain,  C.  E.  Solomon  ;  First  Lieu 
tenant,  F.  W.  Noel  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  A.  Albert  ; 
eighty-three  men. 

Citizen  Guard — Captain,  C.  D.  Wolf;  sixty  men. 

Black  Rifles — Captain,  Ott  ;  First  Lieutenant,  Hru- 
dicka ;  Second  Lieutenant,  Nickerle ;  forty-six  men. 

Mounted  Citizens'  Guard — Captain,  Henry  Almstedt ; 
forty  men. 

Black  Rifles — Captain,  Fred.  Niegermann  ;  First 
Lieutenant,  Wm.  Rotterrnan ;  Second  Lieutenant,  D. 
Gronemeier  ;  one  hundred  and  twenty  men. 

Third  Ward,  Union  Guard — X.  Schuttuer,  Major  ; 
forty  men. 

Black  Yaegers — Captain,  Michael  Praester  ;  First 
Lieutenant,  P.  Muller  ;  Second  Lieutenant,  C.  Weiss ; 
sixty  men. 

ARMING    OF   THE    UNION    GUARD. 

There  were  men  enough,  but  no  guns.  It  would  have 
been  folly  to  have  applied  to  the  authorities  at  the 
arsenal,  or  to  even  intimate  to  them  that  arms  were 
wanted.  What  should  be  done  must  be  done  secretly, 
as  there  were  secesh  detectives  following,  like  shadows, 
every  movement  of  the  leading  Republicans.  But  Mr. 
Blair  had  no  idea  that  his  company  should  remain 
without  arms  a  moment  longer  than  was  necessary,  and 
proceeding  to  the  store  of  E.  A.  &  S.  R.  Filley,  he 
made  known  to  those  gentlemen  his  determination. 
They  fully  agreed  with  him,  and  Mr.  Samuel  R.  Filley 
engaged  to  raise  the  money.  It  was  thought  three 
hundred  dollars  would  be  sufficient  to  purchase  what 
could  be  privately  disposed  of  at  once,  and  this  amount 
was  raised  by  Mr.  Filley  in  a  very  few  minutes — his  own 
firm  subscribing  one  hundred  dollars,  and  O.  D.  Filley 
and  Giles  F.  Filley  each  one  hundred  dollars.  Mr.  Blair 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  37 

then  procured  seventy  muskets,  as  the  following  bill 
will  show,  himself  adding  twenty-five  dollars  to  the 
amount  handed  him  by  the  Filleys : 

[COPY.] 

ST.  Louis,  Feb.  14,  1861. 
F.  P.  BLAIR,  Jr. 

To  T.  J.  ALBRIGHT,  Dr. 

To    50  U.  S.  muskets,  at  $5  50 $275  00 

"      20       "           "            "      6  00 120  00 

"        3  boxes  for  same 4  50 

"    400  ball  cartridges 8  00 

"    caps 40 

$407  90 
Cr.,  by  cash 325  00 


Received  due  bill  for  balance $82  9(3 

(Signed)         T.   J.  ALBRIGHT. 

Governor  Yates,  of  Illinois,  also  forwarded  some  two 
hundred  muskets  for  the  use  of  the  St.  Louis  Union  men. 
These  guns  were  shipped  to  Mr.  Giles  F.  Filley,  to  the 
care  of  Woodward  &  Co.,  hardware  dealers,  on  Main 
street,  St.  Louis.  They  were  immediately  upon  their 
arrival  taken  to  Turner  Hall  in  a  beer  wagon,  under 
cover  of  a  lot  of  beer  barrels,  and  distributed  to  reliable 
men  of  the  Union  Guard.  Woodward  &  Co.  had  also 
sixty  Sharpe's  rifles,  which  Mr.  Giles  F.  Filley  pur 
chased  to  prevent  them  from  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  secesh.  He  reserved  these  rifles  for  the  company 
that  drilled  in  his  own  foundry.  About  fifty  other  guns 
Mr.  Woodward  handed  over  to  the  Union  Guard  for 
safe  keeping,  the  pay  for  which,  I  am  told,  he  never 
claimed.  In  addition  to  all  these  I  have  enumerated, 


38  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

several  Union  citizens  also  procured  weapons  of  some 
description,  and  thus  silently  and  secretly  there  were 
enough  muskets  and  rifles  reported  to  Mr.  Blair  to  arm 
a  regiment. 

UNION    CONTRIBUTIONS. 

It  was  very  evident  to  the  Messrs.  Filley  and  Mr. 
Blair  that  necessity  would  speedily  arise  for  the  use  of 
money.  The  Safety  Committee  could  not  carry  on  their 
plans  efficiently  and  energetically  without  money,  and 
each  member  of  that  committee  was  already  employed 
night  and  day  in  discovering  the  designs  of  the  secesh. 
After  a  full  consultation  in  Mr.  O.  D.  Filley's  store,  Mr. 
Samuel  R.  Filley  and  Mr.  E.  W.  Fox  undertook  to  act 
as  a  private  committee  for  the  purpose  of  soliciting  sub 
scriptions,  in  order  to  raise  a  fund  for  the  support  of  the 
cause,  as  well  as  for  the  assistance  of  those  guards  upon 
•whom  the  Union  men  relied  for  the  defense  of  the 
arsenal.  At  first  a  thousand  dollars  was  thought  suffi 
cient,  but  as  time  advanced,  and  the  wants  of  the  Union 
ists  increased,  this  committee  acted  in  conjunction  with  a 
regularly  appointed  committee  of  the  Safety  Committee, 
and  the  Colonels  of  the  first  four  regiments  of  volunteers. 

WHERE    THE    MONEY    CAME    FROM. 

Messrs.  Samuel  R.  Filley  and  E.  W.  Fox  called  first 
upon  the  following-named  gentlemen,  and  each  firm  or 
individual  subscribed  one  hundred  dollars : 
Henning  &  Woodruff,  Giles  F.  Filley, 

Child,  Pratt  &  Fox,  Oliver  D.  Filley, 

Cash  (H.  Weil  &  Bro.),        Greeley  &  Gale, 
J.  B.  Sickles,  Samuel  C.  Davis  &  Co., 

Wolfe  &  Hoppe,  Pike  &  Kellogg, 

Robert  Holmes,  Ben.  Farrar, 

Cash,  Pomroy  &  Benton, 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    18G1.  39 

Lee  Claflin,  N".  P.  Coburn, 

Thomas  Mellen  (Phila.),          Goodrich,  Willard  &  Co., 
E.  A.  &  S.  R.  Filley,  '  H.  Crevelin, 

Partridge  &  Co.,  •  '    Bridge,  Beach  &  Co., 
Isaac  V.  Brown,  Thomas  T   Gantt, 

Ubsdell,  Peirson  &  Co.,  Dr.  M.  L.  Linton. 

The  committee  called  upon  quite  a  number  who  re 
fused  to  give,  among  whom  were  some  unsuspected 
secessionists,  and  it  may  be  imagined  their  replies  were 
neither  polite  nor  complimentary.  But  if  it  be  true 
(and  I  do  not  doubt  it)  that  "  the  Lord  km  th  the  cheer 
ful  giver,"  each  of  the  above-named  have  claims  upon 
His  special  affections. 

In  continuing  these  collections,  the  following  gentle 
men  subscribed  fifty  dollars  each  :  Christopher  & 
Richards,  Eben  Richards,  D.  Durkee,  Chauncey  I. 
Filley,  H.  Ames  &  Co.,  H.  J.  Loring  &  Co.,  John 
Tilden,  Archer,  Whitesides  &  Co'.,  A.  S.  Roberts,  Jr., 
J.  F.  Comstock  &  Co.,  T.  B.  Edgar,  Henry  Whitmore, 
Morris  Collins,  James  Brown,  O.  B.  Filley,  Cutter  & 
Tirrill,  Cash. 

The  following  subscribed  twenty-five  dollars  each  : 
Sol.  Smith,  Plant  &  Bro.,  Cash,  H.  Whitmore,  Morris 
Collins,  Mr.  Richardson,  P.  L.  Foy,  E.  B.  Hubbell,  Jr., 
L.  &  C.  Speck  &  Co.,  J.  H.  Lightner,  Samuel  G.  Reed, 
R.  J.  Howard,  H.  C.  Creveling,  James  Harkness,  Claflin, 
Allen  &  Co.,  Stranger  from  "Western  Missouri,  Reed  & 
Co. 

Twenty  dollar  subscriptions :  G.  B.  Smith,  Captain  J. 
B.  Phillips,  Henry  Martin,  J.  H.  Andrews. 

Ten  dollar  subscriptions :  J.  M.  Brown,  L.  W. 
Patchin  &  Co.,  Thomas  Taylor,  J.  H.  Simpson,  C.  F. 
Eggers,  Henry  Pe'ttis,  George  D.  English,  Stephen 
Hoyt,  H.  Bakewell,  W.  H.  Tasker,  R.  P.  Studley, 


40  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

E.  Greenleaf,  S.  Bonncr,  William  Rumbold,  Cash,  Wood- 
bury  &  Scott. 

Five  dollar  subscriptions  :  E.  Crawshaw,  J.  Craw- 
sha\v,  Jr.,  J.  Crawshaw,  S.  Gardner,  M.  J.  Lippman, 
W.  T.-  Dickson,  Mr.  Dodge,  Cash,  T.  J.  Albright, 
Cash,  E.  G.  Brooks,  J.  J.  Flippen. 

Miscellaneous  subscriptions :  T.  II.  &  St.  Louis  R.  R., 
$3  95  ;  Testimonial  Fund,  $48  ;  John  Clark,  65  cents  ; 
Cash,  $62  ;  S.  C.  Mansur,  $15. 

MONEY  SUBSCRIPTIONS  FROM  THE  EAST. 

Check  on  Barlow  &  Taylor $10  00 

Gilmer,  Dunlap  &  Co.,  Cin.,  O 44000 

Certificate  of  Deposit,  Atlas  Bank,  Boston  .     .        50  00 

Draft  on  Field  &  Co.,  Phila 50  00 

Received  through  George  Partridge  .     .     .     .  1,140  00 

"  "         F.  P.  Blair 150  00 

"  Governor  Koerner,  111.     .     .      215  00 

"  "         F.  P.  Blair,  draft  on  Boston 

Bank    ...          500  00 
"  "  "          draft    on    Seventh 

WardBank,N.Y.,  50  00 

«              "                  "           currency     .     .     .       115  00 
"             "         Governor  Koerner,  111.  .     .         240  70 
"             "         Isaac  Sherman,  N.  Y.  .     .     .  2,000  00 
"         J.  W.  Forney,  Pa.     ...         100  00 
"             "         Rindskoff  Bros.  &  Co.,  Cin.,  O.,  150  00 
"             "         Isaac  Sherman,  N.  Y. .     .     .    3,000  00 
«             «         John  How  from  Cash,  N".  Y.,     100  00 
"             "         George  Partridge,  collections,  1,657  00 
"             "         Governor      Koerner,      from 
Roosevelt  &  Son  and  J.  D. 
Wolf,   draft  on  Chemical 
Bank,  N.  Y 200  00 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  41 

Received  through  "W.  &  S.,  St.  Louis      .     .     .       $10  00 
"         F.  P.  Blair,  draft    on    Isaac 

Sherman,  N.Y.,  4,000  00 
"  "  draft    on    Isaac 

Sherman,  N.Y.,  4,000  00 
"                 "            from  Isaac  Sher 
man,  N".  Y.      .        20  00 
"             "         Morris  Collins,   from   Hart 
ford,  Conn 1 ,500  00 

J.  II.  Filley,  Bloomfield,  Ct.,      110  00 
"  "         Isaac  Sherman,  N.  Y.       .     .       575  00 

"         A.  C.  Barstow,  Providence, 

R.  I 10  00 

"  "         Meyer  &  Braun,  from  N.  Y. 

merchants 85  00 

George  Partridge,  donation 

from  Boston        ....    1,498  00 
"                       Morris  Collins,  from   Hart 
ford,  Ct 102  00 

F.  P.  Blair,  per  E.  W.  Fox, 

when  at  Washington  City,  200  00 
— including  sundry  small  cash  donations,  the 
whole  amount  reaching  very  nearly  .  .  .  30,000  00 
Besides  the  above,  there  were  vast  quantities  of  goods 
received  from  the  East,  which  were  fairly  distributed, 
as  the  books  of  the  Safety  Committee  will  show. 

PLANS  OF  THE  SECESSIONISTS THE  ST.  LOUIS  ARSENAL. 

The  minute-men,  under  the  lead  of  McLaren,  James 
George,  Thornton  Grimsley,  Win.  Wade,  and  others, 
were  depending  upon  Claib  Jackson  for  orders  to  take 
the  arsenal.  Grimsley  wrote  a  letter  to  Jackson,  which 
was  afterward  captured  among  Jackson's  papers  at  Jef 
ferson  City,  in  which  he  urged  Claib  Jackson  to  allow  him 
(Grimsley)  to  attempt  the  capture  of  the  arsenal,  which  he 


42  GE>f.    NATANIEL   LYON, 

said  he  could  safely  do,  as  he  had  over  one  thousand  men, 
drilled,  armed,  and  ready  for  any  work.  Besides,  hcclaimed 
the  co-operation  of  General  D.  M.  Frost,  in  command  of 
the  State  militia,  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  an  officer 
thoroughly  in  the  interest  of  the  rebellion,  and  reputed 
a  brave  and  skillful  tactician.  Frost  knew  the  value  of 
prompt  and  decisive  action,  and  had  Jackson  been  as 
bold  St.  Louis  streets  would  have  run  with  blood  as 
early  as  January.  To  obtain  possession  of  St.  Louis  in 
advance  of  any  Federal  attempts  to  re-enforce  it ;  to  call 
upon  the  people  of  the  State  to  rush  to  the  defense  of 
State  rights  and  of  their  own  elect ;  to  fortify  and  gar 
rison  the  prominent  points  on  the  river  to  some  place 
south  of  Cairo ;  to  seduce  Southern  Illinois  into  the 
scheme  of  the  rebellion ;  to  disarm  every  doubtful 
man,  and  enforce  a  vigorous  conscription — such  was  the 
outline  of  the  St.  Louis- Jefferson  City  juntas;  but  Jackson 
wanted  backbone  to  take  this  initiative,  and  preferred 
to  follow  in  the  wake  of  the  Southern  States. 

There  was  no  place  in  possession  of  the  national 
authorities  in  1861,  which  the  conspirators  so  much  de 
sired,  as  the  arsenal  at  St.  Louis.  It  is  situated  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  city,  and  covers  an  area  of  fifty-six 
acres  of  ground,  bordering  the  Mississippi  river.  It  is 
located  on  rather  low  ground,  and  is  hemmed  in  by 
a  high  stone  wall  on  all  sides  except  the  water  front. 
Within  these  walls,  independent  of  the  workshops,  there 
are  four  very  large  stone  buildings,  forming  a  rectangle. 
The  main  arsenal  is  one  of  these,  flanked  on  either  side 
by  buildings  of  equally  solid  masonry.  The  fourth 
building  is  larger  than  the  main  arsenal,  and  was  used  in 
January,  1801,  for  the  several  offices  then  established  in 
the  arsenal.  Within  these  buildings  there  were  stored, 
at  the  time  last  mentioned,  00,000  stand  of  arms  (mostly 
Enfield  and  Springfield),  1,500,000  ball  cartridges,  sev- 


AND      MISSOURI   IN    1861.  43 

eral  field  pieces  and  siege  guns,  together  with  a  large 
amount  of  machinery  in  the  several  shops,  and  munitions 
of  war  in  abundance.  In  the  main  magazine  there  were 
90,000  pounds  of  powder. 

In  early  January,  1861,  the  only  protection  afforded 
this  invaluable  property  was  a  force  consisting  of  a  few 
staff  officers,  three  or  four  men  detailed  from  Jefferson 
Barracks  to  serve  them,  and  the  mechanics  (unarmed)  in 
the  workshops.  There  were  no  precautions  adopted  to 
prevent  mischievous  persons  from  entering  the  place,  and 
a  half-dozen  John  Browns  could  have  taken  the  arsenal. 

This  property,  in  the  hands  of  the  national  Govern 
ment,  was  cause  of  much  grief  to  the  conspirators, 
and  there  is  no  doubt  that,  had  they  realized  the  fact  of  a 
probable  change  in  the  commandancy  of  the  arsenal,  they 
would  have  attempted  its  seizure  early  in  the  month  of 
January ;  but  Major  Bell,  the  officer  in  charge,  was  in 
alliance  with  the  conspirators,  and  the  plan  was  adopted 
to  leave  the  arsenal  in  his  hands  until  such  time  as  it  was 
necessary  to  take  it,  and  then,  by  means  of  some  excite 
ment  studiously  to  be  caused  in  the  city,  the  Governor, 
under  the  plea  of  "  protecting  Government  property" 
would  march  his  minute-men  to  the  "  assistance  of  Major 
Bell."  The  following  letter,  captured  in  1864,  explains 
the  complicity  of  Major  Bell  and  General  Frost  in  this 
design : 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  January  24,  1861. 
His  Excellency  C.  F.  JacJcson,  Governor  of  Missouri  : 

DEAR  SIR — I  have  just  returned  from  the  arsenal,  where 
I  have  had  an  interview  with  Major  Bell,  the  command 
ing  officer  of  that  place.  I  found  the  Major  everything 
that  you  or  I  could  desire.  He  assured  me  that  he  con 
sidered  that  Missouri  had,  whenever  the  time  came,  a  right 
to  claim  it  as  being  on  her  soil.  He  asserted  his  determ 
ination  to  defend  it  against  any  and  all  irresponsible  mobs, 
come  from  whence  they  might.,  but  at  the  same  time  gave 


44  GEN.    NATHAXIEL   LYON, 

me  to  understand  that  he  would  not  attempt  any  defense 
against  the  proper  State  authorities. 

He  promised  me,  upon  the  honor  of  an  officer  and  a 
gentleman,  that  he  would  not  suffer  any  arms  to  be  re 
moved  from  the  place  without  first  giving  me  timely 
information,  and  I,  in  return,  promised  him  that  I  would 
use  all  the  force  at  my  command  to  prevent  him  being 
annoyed  by  irresponsible  persons. 

I  at  the  same  time  gave  him  notice  that  if  affairs  as 
sumed  so  threatening  a  character  as  to  render  it  unsafe 
to  leave  the  place  in  its  comparatively  unprotected  con 
dition,  that  I  might  come  down  and  quarter  a  proper 
force  there  to  protect  it  from  the  assaults  of  any  persons 
whatsoever,  to  which  he  assented.  In  a  word,  the  Major 
is  with  us,  where  he  ought  to  be,  for  all  his  worldly 
wealth  lies  here  in  St.  Louis  (and  it  is  very  large) ;  and 
then,  again,  his  sympathies  are  with  us. 

I  shall  therefore  rest  perfectly  easy,  and  use  all  my 
influence  to  stop  the  sensationists  from  attracting  the 
particular  attention  of  the  Government  to  this  particular 
spot.  The  telegrams  you  received  were  the  sheerest 
"  canards  "  of  persons  who,  without  discretion,  are  ex 
tremely  anxious  to  show  their  zeal  I  shall  be  thoroughly 
prepared  with  the  proper  force  to  act  as  emergency  may 
require.  The  use  of  force  will  only  be  resorted  to  when 
nothing  else  will  avail  to  prevent  the  shipment  or  re 
moval  of  the  arms. 

The  Major  informed  me  that  lie  had  arms  for  forty 
thousand  men,  with  all  the  appliances  to  manufacture 
munitions  of  almost  every  kind. 

This  arsenal,  if  properly  looked  after,  will  be  every 
thing  to  our  State,  and  I  intend  to  look  after  it ;  very 
quietly,  however.  I  have  every  confidence  in  the  word 
of  honor  pledged  to  me  by  the  Major,  and  would  as  soon 
think  of  doubting  the  oath  of  the  best  man  in  the  com 
munity. 

His  idea  is  that  it  would  be  disgraceful  to  him  as  a 
military  man  to  surrender  to  a  mob,  whilst  he  could  do 
so,  without  compromising  his  dignity,  to  the  State  au 
thorities.  Of  course  I  did  not  show  him  your  order,  but 
I  informed  him  that  you  had  authorized  me  to  act  as  I 
might  think  proper  to  protect  the  public  property. 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  45 

He  desired  that  I  would  not  divulge  his  peculiar  views, 
which  I  promised  not  to  do,  except  to  yourself.  I  beg, 
therefore,  that  you  will  say  nothing  that  might  com 
promise  him  eventually  with  the  General  Government, 
for  thereby  I  would  be  placed  in  an  awkward  position, 
whilst  he  probably  would  be  removed,  which  would  be 
unpleasant  to  our  interests. 

Grimsley,  as  you  doubtless  know,  is  an  unconscionable 
jackass,  and  only  desires  to  make  himself  notorious.  It 
was  through  him  that  McLaren  and  George  made  the 
mistake  of  telegraphing  a  falsehood  to  you. 

I  should  be  pleased  to  hear  whether  you  approve  of 
the  course  I  have  adopted,  and  if  nut,  I  am  ready  to  take 
any  other  that  you,  as  my  commander,  may  suggest. 
I  am,  sir,  most  truly, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

D.  M.  FROST. 

THE    CATIIOLIC    BELLS. 

GENERAL  ORDERS,  No.  4. 
HEADQUARTERS  FIRST  MILITARY  DISTRICT,  ) 
ST.  Louis,  January  8,  1861.  j 

I.  With  a  view  to  facilitate  a  prompt  assemblage  of 
the  troops  in  this  district,  whenever  it  may  be  necessary 
so  to  do,  it  is  hereby  ordered  that  all  officers  and  soldiers 
in  the  command  shall  assemble  at  their  armories  and 
headquarters,  in  full  dress  uniform,  as  soon  as  they  may 
hear  the  bells  of  the  churches  sounding  a  continual  peal, 
interrupted  by  pauses  of  five  minutes.     The  troops,  hav 
ing  thus  assembled,  will  await  in  their  quarters  orders 
from  their  commanding  officers. 

II.  Commanding  officers  of  corps  will  be  held  respon 
sible  that  this  order  is  communicated  and  explained  to 
their  commands. 

By  order, 

BRIG.-GENL.  FROST,  Commanding. 
WM.  D.  WOOD,  A.  A.  G. 

The  Safety  Committee,  through  their  secret  agents, 
obtained  information  that  the  bells  which  General  Frost 
expected  to  use  were  none  other  than  the  bells  of  the 


46  GEN.   NATHANIEL  LYON, 

Catholic  churches  throughout  the  city.  Archbishop 
Kendrick  having  been  absent  from  the  city,  the  con 
spirators  had  arranged  with  the  person  acting  for  the 
Archbishop  in  his  absence,  for  the  use  of  the  bells  of  the 
Catholic  churches,  for  the  purpose  of  signaling  the  de 
signs  of  the  traitors.  Mr.  O.  D.  Filley  and  Mr.  Peter  L. 
Foy  called  upon  the  Archbishop  immediately  upon  his 
return  to  the  city,  and  asked  him  if  the  information  in  the 
possession  of  the  Safety  Committee  was  correct.  The 
Archbishop  replied  that  it  was,  and  assured  his  visitors 
that  he  had  already  interfered  in  the  matter,  and  had 
strictly  prohibited  the  use  of  the  bells  for  any  such  pur 
pose.  So  the  Catholic  church  bells  were  no  longer  re 
lied  upon  by  Frost,  and  his  secret  circular  was  a  failure. 

But  this  circular,  secretly  distributed,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  a  good  Unionist,  who  at  once  handed  it  over  to 
Mr.  Blair.  That  gentleman  made  it  the  ground  of  an 
urgent  demand  upon  General  Scott  to  re-enforce  the  ar 
sonal,  and  to  place  in  command  at  that  valuable  depot 
some  reliable  person  who  would  be  true  to  the  Union 
cause.  Mr.  Blair  was  aided  in  this  movement  by  Mr. 
Lincoln,  Gov.  Yates,  and  his  brother,  Montgomery  Blair. 
In  the  latter  part  of  January,  General  Scott  ordered 
Lieutenant  T.  "W.  Sweeney,  of  the  Second  Infantry,  then 
in  New  York,  to  report  to  Major  McRae,  at  Jefferson 
Barracks,  and  also  ordered  Major  Bell  to  the  Eastern 
Department.  The  reason  for  this  last  may  be  .discovered 
in  the  following  telegram  to  the  New  York  Evening 
Post: 

WASHINGTON,  January  24,  1861. 

Detailed  information  has  to-day  been  communicated 
to  General  Scott,  to  the  effect  that  a  plot  is  laid  for  the 
seizure  of  the  U.  S.  Arsenal  at  St.  Louis. 

Major  Bell  declined  obeying  the  order  for  his  transfer^ 
and  tendered  his  resignation  on  the  ground  of  his  large 


AND   MISSOURI    IN    1861.  47 

property  interests  in  St.  Louis,  which  would  not  permit 
of  his  absence.  His  resignation  was  at  once  accepted, 
and  Major  Hagner  assumed  command  of  the  arsenal. 

REMOVAL  OF  GOVERNMENT  FUNDS. 

At  six,  P.  M.,  January  0,  a  small  body  of  troops  ar 
rived  in  the  city  from  Newport  Barracks,  and  proceeded 
at  once  to  Jefferson  Barracks.  The  secesh  were  indis:- 

O 

nant  at  this  slight  manifestation  of  vigor  in  the  Govern 
ment,  and  talked  angrily  about  Federal  attempts  to  over 
awe  them,  and  "  Black  Republican  "  designs  to  overthrow 
liberty.  But  their  indignation  increased  to  fever  heat 
when  they  found,  on  the  morning  of  the  1 1th,  that  a  Feder. 
al  Lieutenant  (Thompson),  with  a  squad  of  U.  S.  soldiers 
was  in  charge  of  the  Custom  House  and  Sub-Treasury. 
Throughout  the  day  a  crowd  collected  in  the  streets  ad 
joining  (composed  of  men  of  all  shades  of  opinion),  and 
secesh  passion  found  vent  in  the  most  ludicrous  remarks. 
The  object  of  the  martial  visit  was  to  secure  the  safe  re 
moval  of  the  U.  S.  funds,  which  having  been  effected 
during  the  day,  Lieut.  Thompson  and  his  men,  at  about 
five,  P.  M.,  retired  to  the  arsenal.  So  threatening  did 
affairs  appear  throughout  the  city,  that  Mayor  Filley 
saw  proper  to  send  to  the  Common  Council  that  after 
noon  the  following: 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,      ) 
January  11,  1861.  j 

GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  BOARD  OF  COMMON  COUNCIL. — A 
very  general  and  unusual  excitement  prevails  in  our  com 
munity,  and  although  I  do  not  apprehend  that  any  actual 
disturbance  or  interference  with  the  rights  of  our  citizens 
will  ensue,  yet  I  deem  it  best  that  all  proper  precaution 
ary  measures  should  be  taken  to  fully  prepare  for  any 
event.  I  would  hence  recommend  that  the  members  of 
the  Council  from  each  ward  select  from  among  their  best 
citizens  such  a  number  of  men  as  the  exigencies  of  the 


48  GEX.    NATHANIEL    LYOX, 

case  may  seem  to  require,  and  to  organize  them  to  be 
ready  for  any  emergency.       Our  citizens  are  entitled  to 
the  full  protection  of  the  laws,  and  must  have  it. 
Respectfully, 

O.  D.  FILLEY. 

Fortunately,  however,  no  collision  occurred,  owing 
to  the  prudence  of  the  Unionists.  It  was  about  this  time 
the  minute-men  were  organizing. 

POLITICAL  PARTIES  IX  JANUARY,  1861. 

The  vote  for  Breckenridge,  in  November,  1860,  did  not 
indicate  the  full  strength  of  the  secessionists  in  St.  Louis- 
Many  of  them  voted  for  Claib  Jackson,  not  only  because 
of  fears  that  the  "  abolitionists  "  would  triumph  in  the 
defeat  of  the  Democracy,  but  because  they  had  entire 
confidence  in  Jackson  himself.  Many  of  the  most  active 
Douglasites  became  earnest  leaders  among  the  minute- 
men,  and  thus  the  secession  element  was  immensely 
stronger  in  January,  1861,  than  at  the  previous  Novem 
ber  polls. 

The  Douglas  wing  of  the  Democracy  became  extinct 
with  the  canvass  which  had  called  it  into  existence,  and 
those  who  had  made  up  that  party,  if  now  not  avowed 
secessionists,  were  at  least  playing  into  their  hands  by 
clamoring  for  conditions  and  compromises. 

The  Bell-Everetts  subsided  into  obscurity,  some  of  their 
leaders  siding  with  the  rebellion,  all  demanding  com 
promise.  The  Crittenden  resolutions,  though  bitterly 
denounced  by  the  secessionists  themselves,  were  yet 
clung  to  by  both  Democrat  and  Know  Nothing  as  a 
means  of  expressing  the  amount  of  their  attachment  to 
the  Union,  without  incurring  the  much  feared  charge  of 
fusing  with  the  Republicans.  Both  Democracy  and 
Know  Nothings  were  in  a  condition  to  accept  any  alter 
native  which  might  be  presented  upon  the  first  exhibi- 


AND   MISSOURI    IX    1861.  49 

tion  of  military  strength  on  the  part  of  either  "  Fed 
eral  "    or    "Confederate," 

The  Republicans,  as  a  matter  of  course,  were  the  sin 
cere  friends  of  the  Union.  Wherever  a  Republican  was 
seen,  there  was  known  to  be  a  decided,  unconditional 
Union  man.  He  was  the  jest  of  both  the  other  factions 
— alike  hated  and  feared  by  both.  At  a  later  period, 
moderate  Democrats  and  moderate  Bell-Everetts  acqui 
esced  in  the  Union  by  refraining  to  take  part  with  the 
rebellion,  but  both  desired  to  serve  the  Union  in  their 
own  way  and  under  their  own  leaders.  They  began  to 
profess  a  willingness  to  remain  in  the  Union,  but  they 
had  fought  against  Frank  Blair  so  long,  they  did  not 
now  aspire  to  assist  in  saving  the  Union  by  standing 
shoulder  to  shoulder  with  him.  They  began  to  want 
the  Union  saved,  but  did  not  want  Frank  Blair  to  help 
save  it ;  they  loved  the  country,  but  they  did  not  want  to 
fight  for  it ;  they  had  no  sympathy  with  secession,  but 
they  did  not  want  secessionists  interfered  with ;  they  were 
"  Union  men,  but  by  no  means  abolitionists." 

Mr.  Blair  and  the  Republicans  were  confident  of  supe 
rior  strength,  with  the  assistance  of  Iowa,  Kansas,  Indi 
ana,  and  Illinois,  to  whip  out  secession  from  Missouri  and 
Arkansas,  yet  they  were  anxious  to  ignore  everything 
like  partyism,  and  invited  all  friends  of  the  Union  to 
engage  in  its  preservation  under  the  national  banner. 
They  proposed  to  drop  the  word  "Republican"  and 
engage  in  the  work  of  forming  a  great  Union  party, 
where  all  would  be  on  a  political  equality,  and  that 
future  action  should  determine  the  political  status  of  the 
individual.  But  people  were  very  slow  to  see,  and  still 
slower  to  move.  It  required  the  utmost  of  that  political 
tact  and  management  for  which  Mr.  Blair  was  so  justly 
celebrated,  and  the  most  careful  and  prudent  kind  of 
argument,  to  effect  such  a  coalition  between  hitherto 
3 


50  GTCN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

opposing   elements   as   should    serve  the   cause   of  the 
nation  in  the  State  of  Missouri. 

But  the  most  admirable  of  all  the  personal  incidents  of 
that  time  was  the  perfect  confidence  and  trust  reposed 
in  eacli  other  by  individual  Republicans,  and  the  supreme 
reliance  placed  in  their  leader.  Between  Mr.  Blair  and 
others  of  prominence  in  the  party  (men  of  great  abilities 
and  solid  judgment  as  well)  there  existed  the  most 
thorough  personal  sympathy  and  harmony.  Indeed  it 
was  no  time  to  cater  to  ambition.  The  positive  charac 
ter,  untiring  energy,  and  undaunted  courage  of  Mr.  Blair 
capacitated  him  for  leadership  in  such  a  crisis.  His  fer 
tile  brain  devised  every  expedient,  his  indomitable  will 
carried  out  every  plan.  While  the  rebels  threatened 
they  found  the  work  of  a  master  on  every  hand.  In 
activity  and  vigilance  he  was  more  than  a  match  for  the 
whole  batch  of  conspirators.  In  council  with  his  co-la 
borers  he  accepted  their  suggestions,  strengthened  their 
plans,  discouraged  contentious  debate,  when  indulged  in 
by  some  young  and  unthinking  friend,  by  mild  remark 
or  gentle  reproof,  and  rendered  strict  homage  to  age  and 
ability.  No  spirit  of  jealousy,  no  desire  for  notoriety, 
interfered  with  his  authority,  and  no  personal  ambition 
prompted  him  to  encounter  popular  prejudice. 

Those  Republicans  of  1861!  with  what  noble  self- 
reliance  they  maintained  their  indifference  to  opprobri 
ous  epithets,  with  what  religious  inspiration  they  tena 
ciously  grasped  the  starry  emblem  of  the  Republic !  No 
Dissenter,  seeking  solitude  to  avoid  the  persecution  of 
the  Established  Church,  no  Puritan,  kneeling  in  prayer 
in  ocean-tossed  "  May-Flower,"  had  more  the  spirit  of  the 
true  faith  than  had  those  Republicans  of  1 S61  who,  under 
such  grand  "  ffafety  Committee"  leadership,  resolved  to 
sustain,  to  the  bitter  end,  the  cause  of  humanity  and  of 
God. 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  51 

POLITICAL    MOVEMENTS. 

On  the  night  of  January  8,  the  Democracy  held  a 
mass  meeting  at  Washington  Hall  for  the  purpose  of 
organization.  The  active  members  of  that  meeting  were 
notorious  secessionists,  and  in  order  to  seduce  the  timid 
into  their  ranks,  and  maintain  their  own  natural  strength, 
it  was  made  the  policy  to  throw  the  onus  of  the  impend 
ing  conflict  upon  the  Republicans.  The  resolutions 
adopted  were  satisfactory  to  the  secessionists,  but  the 
latter  could  scarcely  see  the  propriety  of  adopting  that 
one  which  called  for  "  a  committee  of  twenty  to  act  Avith 
a  committee  of  the  'Union  party,'  for  the  purpose  of 
opposing  Black  Republicanism."  It  was  explained  that 
there  was  a  large  body  of  the  people  who  were  not  dis- 
unionists,  but  yet  were  not  Black  Republicans,  and  as  the 
Congress  had  not  rejected  every  scheme  for  pacification, 
and  as  it  was  very  likely  some  basis  of  settlement  would 
be  agreed  upon,  it  behooved  the  opponents  of  "  Black 
Republicanism  "  to  show  a  solid  front  and  assist  in  secur 
ing  the  South  her  rights.  It  was  not  without  consider 
able  discussion,  however,  that  the  resolution  prevailed. 

About  the  same  time  the  leading  Republicans  agreed 
with  certain  leaders  of  the  opposition  (not  secesh)  for  a 
grand  mass  Union  meeting,  to  be  held  on  Saturday, 
January  12 ;  but  on  the  morning  of  that  day  it  was  pub 
lished  in  the  opposition  "  dailies,"  that  the  meeting  was 
expected  to  adopt  the  Crittenden  compromise  resolutions 
as  the  basis  for  a  settlement  of  the  pending  difficulties. 

This  course  met  with  objection  from  th<?  Republicans, 
because  of  the  implied  sanction  it  gave  to  Southern  con 
tumacy.  The  Republicans  desired  to  affirm  their  uncon 
ditional  devotion  to  the  Union,  but  the  proposed  meet 
ing  threatened  to  restrict  them.  Mr.  Blair,  after  con 
sultation  with  prominent  men  of  his  own  party,  decided 


52  GEN.    NATHANIEL  LYON, 

that  the  only  legitimate  course  to  pursue  would  be  to 
declare  unalterable  fidelity  to  the  Union  under  any  and 
all  circumstances ;  and  as  this  could  not  be  done,  under 
the  arrangements  for  the  proposed  meeting,  without  pro 
ducing  angry  debate  and  probable  serious  consequences, 
determined  to  advise  Republicans,  as  such,  to  decline 
participation  in  it.  Consequently,  on  the  morning  of 
the  meeting-day  a  placard  was  posted  around  the  city, 
advising  the  Republicans  to  take  no  part  in  the  meeting, 
which  was  signed  by  several  members  of  the  party. 
The  meeting,  however,  was  numerously  attended,  and 
the  Crittenden  resolutions  were  passed. 

CLAIB    JACKSON    LOSES    MUCH    POWDER. 

One  of  the  measures  of  the  Jackson-Reynolds  clique 
was  to  deposit  large  quantities  of  powder  in  the  hands 
of  trusted  friends  throughout  the  State.  Large  quan 
tities  of  powder  were  purchased  in  the  East ;  and  on  the 
15th  of  January,  while  in  course  of  transit  to  St.  Louis, 
4,500  kegs  of  this  powder  were  seized  by  the  secessionists 
in  New  Orleans.  This  was  a  severe  loss  to  the  junta, 
and  messengers  were  dispatched  to  recover  it  if  possible. 

PREPARATION  TO  CAPTURE  THE  ARSENAL. 

The  removal  of  Bell  and  the  appointment  of  Major 
Hagner  to  command  the  arsenal  somewhat  disconcerted 
the  conspirators;  not  that  they  had  no  confidence  in 
Hagner,  but  they  were  annoyed  at  the  idea  of  General 
Scott  having  an  eye  upon  the  place.  The  arrival  of 
Sweeney  was  further  displeasing  to  them,  and  they  be 
gan  to  consider  it  best  to  have  possession  of  the  arsenal. 
The  secessionists  in  the  interior  were  constantly  looking 
for  the  capture  of  the  place,  and  were  clamorous  for  its 
guns.  Jackson  was  urged  to  act,  but  he  withheld  his 
sanction  on  the  ground  that  the  time  had  not  yet  arrived, 


AND    MISSOURI   IX    1861.  53 

and  that  it  would  not  do  for  Missouri  to  take  the  initia 
tive  in  the  rebellion.  The  rebel  leaders  at  St.  Louis, 
however,  alarmed  at  the  growing  interest  of  the  Govern 
ment  in  the  St.  Louis  arsenal,  began  to  plan  its  capture. 
Their  confidence  in  Hagner  was  supreme ;  but  what  of 
Sweeney,  who  by  the  latter  part  of  January  had  reported 
to  Major  McRae,  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  and  had  by  that 
officer  been  ordered  to  relieve  Lieutenant  Thompson,  in 
the  command  of  the  troops  at  the  arsenal  ?  They  sent 
to  ascertain.  Sweeney  had  issued  orders  that  no  one 
unconnected  with  the  arsenal  should  be  admitted  within 
the  place,  except  by  his  own  special  permission.  One 
day  early  in  February,  a  man  named  Croghan  presented 
himself  at  the  west  gate  and  demanded  to  see  Captain 
Sweeney.  (Sweeney  had  been  made  a  Captain  to  fill  a 
vacancy  in  his  own  regiment,  caused  by  the  defection 
and  resignation  of  Captain  "Wm.  Montgomery  Gardiner.) 
Captain  Sweeney  soon  appeared  at  the  gate,  and  recog 
nized  in  Croghan  a  former  acquaintance,  and  the  son  of 
that  Colonel  Croghan  who  was  Inspector-General  of  the 
U.  S.  Army,  and  who  is  known  in  history  as  the  man 
who,  with  a  small  band,  successfully  held  Fort  San- 
dusky  against  an  overwhelming  force  of  British  and  In 
dians,  in  the  old  War  of  1812.  Sweeney,  not  thinking 
that  the  son  of  such  a  man  could  be  a  rebel  against  the 
Government,  with  the  history  of  which  his  father's 
name  was  so  imperishably  interwoven,  greeted  him  with 
the  warmth  of  true  soldierly  friendship,  and  invited  him 
to  his  quarters.  It  was  a  cold  day,  and  Croghan  wore  a 
citizen's  overcoat.  On  their  way  to  quarters,  the  guards 
properly  saluted  Sweeney  as  they  passed.  Said  Croghan : 
"  Sweeney,  don't  you  think  these  sentinels  ought  to 
salute  me — my  rank  is  higher  than  yours  ?  "  at  the  same 
time  throwing  open  his  overcoat,  and  revealing  the  uni 
form  of  a  rebel  field  officer. 


54  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

"  N"ot  to  sucli  as  that,by  heavens ! "  responded  Sweeney ; 
and  added :  "  If  that  is  your  business,  you  can  have 
nothing  to  do  with  me.  You  had  better  not  let  my  men 
see  you  with  that  tiling  on." 

Croghan  assured  him  his  business  in  calling  was  one 
of  sincere  friendship ;  but  he  would  remark,  while  on  that 
subject,  that  Sweeney  had  better  find  it  convenient  to 
get  out  of  there,  and  very  soon,  too. 

"  Why  ?  "   asked  Sweeney. 

Replied  Croghan :  "  Because  we  intend  to  take  it." 

Sweeney  in  great  excitement  exclaimed :  "  Never !  As 
sure  as  my  name  is  Sweeney,  the  property  in  this  place 
shall  never  fall  into  your  hands.  I'll  blow  it  to  hell  first, 
and  you  know  I  am  the  man  to  do  it." 

Yea !  Croghan  did  know  it.  Returning  to  the  city, 
he  related  the  conversation  to  the  rebel  junta,  and  they 
gave  the  sober  second  thought.  Croghan  had  been  sent 
out  as  a  spy,  and  had  discovered  more  than  he  had 
desired.  Some  of  the  conspirators  called  on  Ethan 
Allen  Hitchcock,  and  interrogated  him  as  to  the  charac 
ter  of  Sweeney.  Hitchcock  gave  them,  no  comfort. 

It  was  confidently  believed  that  a  certain  night  was 
fixed  upon  for  an  attack,  and  the  Safety  Committee  pre 
pared  to  assist  Sweeney.  On  the  night  of  the  expected 
attack,  Sweeney  had  his  men  (forty  unassigned  recruits 
in  all)  prepared  for  valiant  fight  and  resistance ;  and 
beyond  the  walls  of  his  garrison  there  were  over  five 
hundred  Union  Guards  keeping  holy  vigil  over  the  pass 
ing  hours.  The  night  passed  away,  however,  without 
any  disturbance,  although  unusual  activity  prevailed 
until  a  late  hour  in  the  headquarters  of  the  minute- 
men.  The  threatened  attack  was  postponed,  and  the 
favorable  hour  was  forever  gone. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  55 


THOROUGH    UNION"    ORGANIZATION. 

In  the  meantime  the  organization  of  Black  Rifles, 
Union  Guards,  Lafayette  Guards,  Mounted  Rangers,  and 
others  of  the  Union  host  proceeded  quietly,  and  with 
great  rapidity  and  enthusiasm.  The  hopes  and  anticipa 
tions  of  the  leading  loyalists  were  more  than  realized. 
It  was  felt,  shortly  after  the  arrival  of  Lyoii,  that  in  St. 
Louis  the  Wide  Awakes  were  more  than  a  match  for  the 
minute-men,  and  the  Safety  Committee  were  in  constant 
communication  with  prominent  men  of  the  Western 
States,  who  were  prepared  to  render  efficient  service  at 
a  moment's  notice.  The  Committee  also  had  engaged 
the  services  of  -a  corps  of  experienced  detectives,  and 
paid  them  from  its  own  private  funds.  By  this  means 
many  of  the  movements  of  the  conspirators  were  instant 
ly  communicated,  and  their  plans  frustrated.  Whenever 
there  was  any  activity  at  the  Berthold  mansion,  or 
around  the  offices  and  residences  of  prominent  or  known 
secessionists,  there  was  corresponding  activity  in  the 
drill-rooms  of  the  Union  Guards.  The  first  indications  of 
real  cause  for  serious  alarm  would  have  prompted  ener 
getic  action,  and  the  several  railroads  leading  into  the 
city  from  the  East  would  have  been  speedily  thronged 
by  patriot  Northmen,  rushing  to  the  field  in  defense  of 
their  brother  freemen,  who  were  endeavoring  in  Missouri 
to  uphold  the  national  Union. 

The  spies  of  the  minute-men  were  also  always  on  the 
alert,  and  such  men  as  Messrs.  How,  Glover,  Broadhead, 
Blair,  Able,  the  Filleys,  Simmons,  Brown,  and  others 
were  tracked  in  their  every  movement.  The  houses  of 
Mr.  How  and  Mr.  G.  F.  Filley,  on  Lucas  Place,  were 
always  watched,  as  were  also  the  residences  of  Broad- 
head,  O.  D.  Filley,  and  Blair.  All  these  were  noticed,  and 
probably  others  were  equally  as  closely  spied.  The  arse- 


56  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

nal  was  watched  by  regular  guards,  officially  detailed 
and  relieved. 

DARK   DAYS. 

From  all  parts  of  the  State  letters  reached  Mr.  Blair, 
asking  for  advice,  and  begging  aid  and  comfort.  I  have 
a  great  number  of  these  letters  before  me  as  I  write. 
Any  one  of  them  is  an  index  to  the  contents  of  all. 
Secession  was  rampant  everywhere.  Families  were 
removing  to  more  congenial  sections.  Union  men  dared 
not  utter  their  convictions.  In  all  places  the  secesh  were 
noisy  and  undisturbed.  The  enemies  of  the  Government 
were  rapidly  providing  themselves  with  arms  and  ammu 
nition,  and  preparing  for  organization  under  the  new 
military  bill,  which  they  confidently  expected  would 
speedily  pass  the  Legislature.  Dreading  the  intolerance 
and  the  oppression  of  the  oligarchy,  the  opponents  of 
secession  (other  than  the  Republicans)  clung  to  the  Crit- 
tenden  compromise  as  the  only  safe  method  of  explain 
ing  their  position  against  the  secession  furore.  It  is  dif 
ficult  to  obtain  the  records  of  any  meeting,  outside  of  the 
city  of  St.  Louis,  where  a  stand  for  unconditional  Union 
ism  was  taken,  where  the  genuine  Union  feeling  was 
expressed ;  and  I  am  confident  no  such  meeting  was  ever 
held.  To  those  not  in  the  secret,  it  seemed  as  if  secession 
in  Missouri  was  an  accomplished  fact;  and  so  certain 
were  Jackson,  Reynolds  &  Co.  that  the  people  would 
decide  in  their  favor,  that  they  willingly  submitted  the 
question  of  a  convention  to  a  vote  of  the  State. 

ARRIVAL    OF   CAPTAIN   LYON   AT   THE    ARSENAL. 

On  the  Cth  of  February,  1861,  there  arrived  at  the 
St.  Louis  arsenal  a  company  of  regulars  from  Fort  Riley, 
all  old  soldiers,  and  superbly  disciplined.  This  company 
(eighty  enlisted  men)  added  materially  to  the  force  to 


THE    BRANT   MANSION FREMONT'S    HEADQUARTERS. 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  57 

whose  charge  was  committed  the  safety  of  the  arsenal. 
But  the  great  demand  and  expectation  of  the  Unionists 
were  not  to  be  so  much  gratified  by  the  numerical 
strength  Government  was  crowding  into  that  valuable 
place  as  in  the  calibre  of  the  officer  whose  commands 
those  men  obeyed.  His  arrival,  announced  to  the  Union 
clubs,  was  greeted  with  an  enthusiasm  that  welled  forth 
from  the  deepest  recesses  of  the  loyalist's  soul ;  and  the 
secessionists,  in  Berthold  mansion  and  State  capitol, 
learned  to  fear  and  appreciate  NATHANIEL  LYON. 

EARLY  LIFE  AND  CAREER  OF  LYON. 

Nathaniel  Lyon  was  born  in  Ashford,  Windham 
county,  Connecticut,  July  14,  1819.  He  was  the  son 
of  Amasa  Lyon,  a  man  of  some  prominence  in  his  county, 
and  for  many  years  a  magistrate.  The  mother  of 
Nathaniel  belonged  to  the  Knowlton  family,  and  ances 
tors  and  relatives  on  either  side  had  been  distinguished 
in  earlier  days  by  their  fidelity  to  freedom,  and  valuable 
service  to  the  Federal  cause  in  the  council  and  the 
field. 

The  youth  of  Nathaniel  was  passed  at  his  home  in  Ash- 
ford,  until,  in  his  eighteenth  year,  he  entered  the  Military 
Academy  at  We-st  Point,  from  which  he  emerged  a  grad 
uate  in  1841,  being  the  eleventh  in  his  class.  He  was 
appointed  to  be  a  Lieutenant  in  the  Second  United  States 
Infantry,  and  ordered  to  Florida,  where  he  was  engaged 
in  the  latter  part  of  the  Seminole  War.  At  the  close  of 
that  war  he  was  for  a  short  season  in  Oregon  ;  but  some 
time  after  the  commencement  of  the  Mexican  War  he 
reported  to  General  Taylor,  arid  was  afterward  transfer 
red  to  the  column  headed  by  General  Scott.  His  gallant 
conduct  along  the  line  of  Scott's  approach  to  the  city  of 
Mexico,  and  in  the  very  streets  of  that  city,  won  for  him 
self  the  applause  of  his  comrades,  and  from  a  grateful 
3* 


58  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

Government  the  increased  rank  of  a  Captain  by  brevet. 
In  1851  this  brevet  title  gave  way  to  a  full  commission, 
and  Captain  Lyon  was  ordered  to  California,  where  was 
committed  to  him  the  charge,  with  two  small  compa 
nies,  of  protecting  an  exposed  frontier  against  marauding 
bands  of  Indians.*  Afterward  removed  to  the  western 
border  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  we  find  him,  in  the  fall 
of  1860,  sustaining  the  Republican  party  by  contribu 
tions  to  the  Republican  press. 

He  was  at  Fort  Riley  when  the  order  reached  him  to 
move  with  his  company,  with  the  greatest  dispatch,  to 
the  St.  Louis  arsenal. 

LYON   AND    BLAIR. 

Upon  his  arrival  in  St.  Louis,  Captain  Lyon  at  once 
called  upon  Mr.  Blair,  and  from  him  learned  the  exact 
conditioji  of  affairs,  both  in  the  city  and  throughout  the 
State.  Thus  between  these  two  men  was  formed  an 
intimacy,  which  speedily  ripened  into  the  warmest 
friendship  and  the  most  profound  mutual  respect  and 
confidence.  As  the  plot  thickened,  and  the  changing 
days  developed  new  conditions,  Blair  was  the  trusted, 
confidential  adviser,  sought  for  in  every  instance,  and  in 
every  instance  upholding  and  sustaining.  This  confi 
dence,  this  reliance,  this  friendship  was  never  weakened 
by  the  clashing  of  opposing  opinions,  or  by  the  selfish 
ness  which  generally  obtains  in  men  flattered  by  official 
position  and  power. 

LYON   AND   THE    SAFETY    COMMITTEE. 

Captain  Lyon  also  sought  acquaintance  with  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Safety  Committee,  and  with  them  frequently 
visited  the  several  armories  where  the  Union  Guard  were 

•  Sec  Appendix,  (ieueral  Sherman's  speech. 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  59 

secretly  drilling,  or  awaiting  orders  to  disperse.  On 
many  occasions  lie  acted  as  drill-master,  and  took  great 
interest  in  the  establishment  of  proper  discipline.  He 
met  quite  often,  in  their  secret  meetings,  with  the  prom 
inent  Republicans  of  the  city,  and  was  a  source  of  great 
comfort  and  hope  to  many  of  the  timid,  by  his  thorough 
comprehension  of  the  situation,  and  his  cheerful  declara 
tion  of  ability  to  remain  its  master. 

REVIEW    OF    LYON'S    CHARACTER. 

When  Lyon  entered  the  St.  Louis  arsenal,  his  character 
was  already  formed.  He  had  learned  the  business  of  a 
soldier  by  hard  service  in  the  Seminole  and  Mexican 
wars,  and  in  fighting  Indians  in  California  and  on  the 
Plains. 

In  his  profession  he  had  sustained  himself  as  an  officer 
of  skill  and  energy,  and  of  undaunted  bravery.  He  was 
reputed  a  man  of  great  force  of  character,  and  of  active 
thought.  He  was  bold,  yet  cautious ;  his  boldness  avoid 
ing  temerity,  as  his  caution  gave  no  savor  of  cowardice. 
His  courage  was  not,  as  it  is  in  some,  mere  brute  force  ; 
it  was  more  the  result  of  pride  and  active  self-conscious 
ness.  At  Contreras  (where  he  attempted  by  a  bold  dash 
to  capture  a  battery),  and  at  the  Belen  Gate  (where  he 
was  wounded),  he  acted  upon  deliberation.  He  recog 
nized  the  mandates  of  duty  and  exulted  in  obedience, 
yet  he  held  there  were  instances  in  history  where  obe 
dience  was  criminal.  Devoted  to  his  calling,  he  was 
jealous  of  its  reputation,  as  well  as  of  his  own,  and  in 
his  exercise  of  command  he  never  forgot  to  be  a  gentle 
man. 

During  the  years  which  intervened  from.  1841  to  1860, 
there  were  many  hours  in  which  he  had  availed  himself 
of  the  opportunity  to  improve  in  intellectual  attainments. 
His  writings  (or  rather  "  squibs  "  for  a  country  news- 


60  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

paper)  do  not  display  his  mental  possibilities;  and 
yet  there  is  a  vigor  and  a  consciousness  of  reasoning 
about  them  which  betray  the  characteristics  of  consider 
able  genius.  His  letters,  his  official  orders  and  instruc 
tions,  all  evince  a  desire  to  avoid  display.  His  anxiety 
was  to  secure  your  understanding  by  straight  marches  to 
your  reason ;  and  so  he  accomplished  that,  others  were 
left  to  excite  the  emotional  nature,  if  they  chose  to  do  so, 
by  reaches  into  the  realms  of  poetry  and  romance. 

This  latter  is  apparent  in  his  manifest  scorn  to  adopt 
any  device  to  accomplish  even  the  best  object.  For  a 
paper  published  in  1860,  called  the  "  Manhattan  Express," 
he  wrote  an  article  in  favor  of  the  Republican  cause,  in 
which  I  find  the  following :  "  We  prefer  to  advocate  our 
principles,  and  win  support  for  them  by  their  own  com 
mendable  features,  rather  than  expose  and  denounce  the 
detestable  iniquities  of  our  opponents,  for  the  purpose 
of  creating  an  aversion  toward  them."  This  is  the  lan 
guage  of  a  generous  nature,  free  from  guile. 

As  they  came  to  understand  Lyon  better,  the  Union 
ists  became  jubilant  and  more  confident.  He  was,  what 
was  wanted  at  the  time,  a  man  of  unquestionable  loyalty 
and  patriotism.  Such  was  his  exhibition  of  zeal  and 
energy,  so  completely  did  he  enter  into  the  very  spirit 
and  work  of  the  real  Unionists,  so  thoroughly  did  he 
seem  to  grasp  the  question  at  issue  and  understand  the 
necessities  of  the  case,  that  he  left  no  room  for  doubt  or 
equivocation.  His  soldierly  bearing  and  scholarly  cul 
ture  were  not  the  only  incentives  to  the  respect  and 
esteem  he  so  absolutely  commanded.  He  had  a  clear 
perception  of  what  was  required.  He  saw  the  chivalry 
in  arms,  arrogant  and  presumptuous,  determined  on 
victory;  if  not  to  be  achieved  by  threats,  then  by  force. 
He  despised  their  threats,  as  he  sought  the  means  to 
resist  and  overcome  their  force.  He  knew  them  to  be  as 


AXD      MISSOURI    IN    1861.  61 

self-confident  as  they  were  insolent.  In  Kansas  he  had 
seen  their  disregard  of  laic,  and  their  contempt  for  order. 
He  had  ever  before  him  the  reply  of  Brooks  to  the  argu 
ment  of  Simmer,  and  the  apotheosis  of  the  ruffian.  He 
knew  that  the  time  had  come  for  fight,  and  that  every 
delay  but  prolonged  the  struggle.  It  was  a  good  thing 
for  Charleston  that  Moultrie  and  Sumter  were  not  com 
manded  by  Nathaniel  Lyon  ;  not,  perhaps,  that  he 
would  certainly  have  prevented  the  capture  of  those 
forts,  but  they  would  have  been  defended  with  more 
dignity  ;  and  if  South  Carolina  rebels  had  prevented 
him  from  provisioning  his  posts,  there  would  have  been 
another  Camp  Jackson  or  a  desolated  Charleston.  What 
was  his  own  life  to  the  lesson  such  conduct  would  fur 
nish  to  future  times  ! 

Short  in  stature,  of  slender  build,  face  long  and  nar 
row,  but  full,  high  forehead,  spreading  out  from  the  base, 
with  every  phrenological  organ  well  defined  ;  coarse 
sandy  hair,  and  whiskers  almost  red ;  keen,  deep-set 
blue  eyes  ;  an  expression  of  countenance  now  thought 
ful,  now  luminous,  never  troubled  ;  in  manner  quick, 
nervous,  yet  always  with  seeming  consideration — such 
was  the  outer  man.  In  his  social  intercourse  with  men, 
he  was  genial  and  obliging;  his  conversation  at  times 
sparkled  with  originality  and  genuine  wit.  In  the  com 
pany  of  any  capable  of  talking  with  him  intelligently, 
he  spoke  with  great  earnestness  and  enthusiasm.  There 
was  no  craft  or  guile  about  him.  You  knew  at  once 
exactly  what  he  wanted  and  what  he  meant  ;  and  yet, 
to  serve  any  great  purpose,  he  could  be  reticent  enough. 
No  man  more  than  he  loved  good  company.  In  his 
habits  he  was  perfectly  plain ;  he  never  troubled  himself 
about  his  mess  ;  a  bed,  a  cot,  the  floor,  the  ground,  all 
the  same,  as,  when  sleep  came,  he  found  either. 

Among  the  authors,  his  great  favorite  was  Shakespeare. 


62  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

lie  could  quote  it  from  memory  by  the  hour.  lie  sought 
with  avidity  what  arc  called  "  standard  works,"  and 
read  history  as  if  in  the  personal  presence  of  its  actors. 
He  betrayed  deep  emotion  when  suggestions  occasioned 
the  review  of  some  noble  acts,  performed  by  earth's 
heroes  in  the  past ;  and  under  the  inspiring  influence  of 
their  sufferings  and  persecutions,  he  himself  resolved  to 
dare  and  do.  One,  to  hear  him,  when  thus  excited  by 
the  noblest  instincts  of  human  nature,  would  almost 
imagine  he  was  in  the  cell  when  Socrates  drank  the 
hemlock  ;  with  Luther  when,  in  obedience  to  conviction, 
he  defied  the  power  of  the  Roman  Church  ;  with  Hamp- 
den  when  he  repudiated  the  assumptions  of  the  Crown 
and  fell,  fighting  for  the  right,  at  Chalgrove.  This  self- 
identification  with  historic  characters  moved  him  to 
loftier  effort  in  his  own  sphere  of  action.  He  felt,  indeed, 
as  if  "  forty  generations  were  looking  down  upon  him." 
So  he  performed  his  duty,  he  cared  very  little  for  human 
notice ;  and  when  he  felt  called  upon,  in  the  interest  of 
truth,  to  do  a  certain  thing,  he  never  hesitated  to  assume 
any  responsibility.  We  shall  learn  this  as  this  narrative 
progresses. 

I  have  heard  it  said  that  Lyon  was  an  atheist.  They 
arc  ignorant  of  the  man  who  assert  this  of  him.  He  had 
profound  reverence  for  the  Bible ;  and  when,  at  Boon- 
ville,  he  was  called  upon  to  decide  the  fate  of  some 
youths  whom  he  had  taken  prisoners,  he  dismissed 
them,  after  presenting  most  of  them  with  copies  of  the 
Bible,  which  had  been  forwarded  by  some  religious  asso 
ciation.  Atheist  !  why  his  whole  life  was  a  recognition 
of  the  Divine  ! 

No  man  cared  less  for  the  applause  of  men ;  no  man 
sought  more  the  approval  of  his  own  conscience. 
But  he  was  no  theologian,  and  cared  very  little  for  the 
Churches.  He  felt  there  was  a  Supreme  Being,  omnipres- 


AND   MISSOURI   IN   1861.  G3 

ent  and  omniscient,  who  cared  for  him,  and  who  upheld 
him,  and  whose  divino  purpose  moves  with  myste 
rious  power  through  human  history.  The  flower  blos 
soming  by  the  wayside,  the  busy  crowds  along  the  city 
thoroughfare,  all  served  some  great  purpose  of  the  Divine. 
But  he  cared  very  little  for  philosophical  interpretations. 
He  would  not  quarrel  with  you  as  to  names ;  you  might 
call  that  divinity  Brahma,  or  Vishnu,  or  God.  He 
would  not  assert  nor  deny,  and  confessed  bewilderment 
whenever  he  engaged  in  religious  argument.  Therefore 
he  declined  to  argue.  He  agreed  with  you  as  to  the 
"  Great  First  Cause  ; "  why  force  him  to  recognize  human 
utterances  ?  He  felt  the  DIVINE  within  him,  moving  him 
to  stand  by  the  right;  and  around  him,  in  every  demon 
stration  of  nature,  in  day  and  night,  the  changing  seasons 
and  the  rolling  years.  He  surrendered  himself  to  an 
impenetrable  mystery,  confident  of  his  own  helplessness, 
and  that  all  would  come  right  if  he  did  right.  He  stud 
ied  abstract  philosophy  only  to  become  more  undecided 
as  to  form  ;  but  he  never  failed  to  hear  the  "beatings 
of  the  Great  Heart  of  the  universe."  Lyon  was  not  dis 
posed  to  look  upon  the  dark  side  of  current  events.  The 
past  was  productive,  to  be  sure,  of  much  evil,  but  out  of 
that  very  evil  there  has  been  evolved  much  good.  Star- 
chamber  sentences  of  persecution  and  death  had  caused 
the  embarkation  at  Delft  Haven,  and  the  struggle  which 
followed  it,  in  New  England,  between  civilization  and  bar 
barism.  The  encroachments  of  monarchy  gave  Hampden 
and  Washington  to  history,  and  to  ourselves  nationality. 
He  saw  the  inordinate  ambition  of  the  slaveholder,  invok 
ing  the  agency  of  civil  war;  and,  anticipating  Sumter,  he 
prophesied  immediate  universal  freedom.  As  in  the 
natural  world,  by  an  eternal  law,black  clouds  must  altern 
ate  with  golden  sunshine,  so  in  the  moral,  oppressive 
tendencies  must  pass  away  before  the  sublimities  of 


64  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

great  popular  reactions.  Gocd  out  of  everything 
"What  a  beautiful  faith !  In  what  a  glorious  light  to 
move  and  act !  Good,  working  in  a  ceaseless  current 
through  every  time  !  Good !  even  out  of  that  desolation 
which  sat  in  triumph  over  Calvary;  out  of  dark  and 
bloody  ages ;  out  of  this  stupendous  rebellion,  with  its 
cost  of  blood  and  tears ! 

LYOX,    AND    THE    STARS    AND    STRIPES. 

When  he  arrived  at  the  arsenal,  the  flag  of  the  rebel 
lion  was  flying  from  the  roof  of  the  Berthold  mansion. 
He  had  no  force  at  his  command  to  tear  it  down. 
Nothing  grieved  him  so  much,  for  there  was  nothing  on 
earth  that  he  loved  so  much  as  the  insignia  of  the  Re 
public.  Maintaining  the  honor  of  that  flag,  he  had 
"  many  times  and  oft  "  risked  his  life  in  the  heat  of  awful 
battle.  The  utter  contempt  exhibited  by  the  traitors 
for  the  "  Stars  and  Stripes,"  their  efforts  to  humiliate  and 
trample  upon  them,  was  one  of  the  most  singular  anom 
alies  of  that  causeless  rebellion. 

A    HUNGARIAN    LEGEND. 

There  is  a  Hungarian  legend  which  runs  somewhat  in 
this  wise :  In  a  village  near  the  Turkish  frontier  of 
Hungary,  there  was  a  cathedral,  which  of  itself  pos 
sessed  no  peculiar  merit  attractive  to  the  stranger,  but 
which  was  noted  far  and  wide  for  its  possession  of  an 
organ,  of  peculiar  sweetness  and  volume.  Pilgrims  from 
every  section  delighted  in  its  wonderful  melody  and  ex 
quisite  workmanship.  Some  saint,  it  was  thought,  pre 
sided  at  the  keys,  some  holy  atmosphere  glided  through 
the  pipes.  News  came  that  the  Turks  were  advancing 
upon  Hungary,  and  the  villagers  were  flying  in  every 
direction.  But  some  faithful  few,  more  devoted  than  the 
rest,  sought  to  preserve  the  beloved  organ  from  the  sac- 


AND   MISSOURI    IN    1861.  65 

rilegious  hands  of  the  infidel.  And  so  at  night,  when 
the  storm-king  reigned,  and  the  tempest  drove  its  char 
iots  fiercely  through  the  Hungarian  forest,  they  took  the 
organ  out  into  the  neighboring  swamp  and  buried  it 
there.  Time  passed  on ;  war  gave  way  to  peace  ;  the 
Turks  retired  to  their  own  dominions,  and,  the  wander 
ing  villagers  returned  to  their  homes  ;  but  upon  search 
ing  for  the  organ  it  could  nowhere  be  found.  Those  who 
had  consigned  it  to  the  swamp  were  dead,  and  no  living 
hand  could  point  out  its  secret  resting-place.  The  le 
gend  goes  on  to  say  that  at  night,  when  the  storm  rages 
with  fearful  violence,  and  the  lightning  and  the  thunder 
strike  terror  to  the  heart  of  the  weary  and  wayworn 
traveler  journeying  through  that  dismal  forest,  an  organ 
of  indescribable  elegance,  and  blazing  with  light,  arises 
out  of  the  adjacent  swamp,  and  discourses  to  the  startled 
ear  music  of  the  most  bewitching  sweetness.  So  this 
old  starry  banner  of  ours,  rich  with  the  recollection  of 
Revolutionary  times,  trampled  and  spat  upon  by  insolent 
traitors,  echoed  the  eloquence  of  ancient  valor  along  the 
ranks  of  our  own  volunteers,  and  inspired  the  children 
of  the  North  to  the  performance  of  deeds  of  imperish 
able  glory. 

LYON   AT   THE    ARSENAL. 

Captain  Lyon  was  soon  re-enforced  by  some  forty  men 
under  Lieut.  Lothrop,  and  an  additional  squad  of  un as 
signed  recruits,  from  Newport  and  Jefferson  Barracks. 
Also,  Captain  Saxton  soon  arrived  with  more  men,  and 
Captain  Totten,  who  had  surrendered  Little  Rock. 
Sweeney  (promoted  to  a  captaincy  in  February),  Saxton, 
Lothrop,  and  Lyon  himself  engaged  earnestly  in  the 
work  of  organizing  the  force  at  hand,  and  subjecting 
them  to  proper  drill  and  discipline.  Upon  the  Safety 
Committee  devolved  the  work  of  watching  the  con 
spirators  in  the  city,  while  Lyon  engaged  himself  to 


CO 

protect  the  arsenal.  He  soon  saw  that  he  was  powerless 
in  case  of  the  anticipated  attack,  and  met  with  no  sym 
pathy  from  Major  Hagner,  who  commanded  the  post. 
To  remedy  this,  Mr.  Blair,  failing  to  get  prompt  re 
sponses  to  his  important  letters  to  "Washington,  con 
cluded  to  visit  the  national  Capital  in  person,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  securing  for  Captain  Lyon  the  necessary  authority 
to  act  in  any  emergency  as  circumstances  might  demand. 
Previous  to  visiting  Washington,  Mr.  Blair  saw  Mr. 
Lincoln  at  Springfield,  and  made  him  fully  to  understand 
not  only  the  conduct  and  the  designs  of  the  secessionists, 
but  also  the  firm  determination  of  the  Union  men  and 
their  intended  action.  The  following  letter,  written  by 
Captain  Lyon  shortly  after  Mr.  Blair's  departure,  will 
explain  affairs  in  the  arsenal  at  that  time  : 

[COPY.] 

ST.  Louis  ARSEXAL,  Feb.  25,  18G1 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR,  Jr.,  Washington,  D.  C. : 

DEAR  SIR — I  have  recently  written  to  Major  Hunter, 
who,  you  must  know,  accompanied  Mr.  Lincoln  to 
Washington,  upon  the  wants  of  the  service  here,  and 
with  the  hope  that  through  his  energy  and  zeal  the 
proper  measures  might  be  adopted  to  meet  existing 
emergencies  here.  The  subject-matter,  and  which  I 
stated  to  you  verbally,  I  will  here  repeat,  for  such  con 
sideration  and  action  as  you  may  think  it  deserves. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  fine  stone  wall  inclosing  our 
grounds  affords  us  an  excellent  defense  against  attack, 
if  we  will  take  advantage  of  it;  and  for  this  purpose  plat 
forms  should  be  erected  for  our  men  to  stand  on  and  fire 
over ;  and  that  artillery  should  be  ready  at  the  gates,  to 
be  run  out  and  sweep  down  a  hostile  force  ;  and  sand-bags 
should  be  prepared  and  at  hand  to  throw  up  a  parapet 
to  protect  the  parties  at  these  pieces  of  artillery  ;  inside, 
pieces  should  be  placed  to  rake  the  whole  length,  and 
sweep  down  on  eaclf  side  a  party  that  should  get  over  the 
walls,  traverses  being  erected  to  protect  parties  at  these 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  G7 

pieces  ;  a  pretty  strong  field-work,  with  three  heavy 
pieces,  should  be  erected  on  the  side  toward  the  river, 
to  oppose  either  a  floating  battery  or  one  that  might  be 
established  on  the  island  ;  and  finally,  besides  works 
about  our  houses,  every  building  should  be  mined,  with 
a  train  arranged  so  as  to  blow  them  up  successively  as 
occupied  by  the  enemy.  Major  Hagner  refuses,  as  I 
mentioned  to  you,  to  do  any  of  these  things,  and  has 
given  his  orders  not  to  fly  to  the  walls  to  repel  an 
approach,  but  to  let  the  enemy  have  all  the  advantages 
of  the  wall  to  lodge  himself  behind  it,  and  get  possession 
of  all  outside  buildings  overlooking  us,  and  to  get  inside 
and  under  shelter  of  our  outbuildings,  which  we  are  not 
to  occupy  before  we  make  resistance.  This  is  either 

imbecility  or  d d  villainy;  and  in  contemplating  the 

risks  we  run,  and  the  sacrifices  we  must  make  in  case  of 
an  attack,  in  contrast  to  the  vigorous  and  effective 
defense  we  are  capable  of,  and  which,  in  view  of  the 
cause  of  our  country  and  humanity,  the  disgrace  and 
degradation  to  which  the  Government  has  been  subject 
by  pusillanimity  and  treachery,  we  are  now  called  upon 
to  make,  I  get  myself  into  a  most  unhappy  state  of  solic 
itude  and  irritability.  With  even  less  force  and  proper 
disposition,  I  am  confident  we  can  resist  any  force  which 
can  be  brought  against  us ;  by  which  I  mean  such  force  as 
would  not  be  overcome  by  our  sympathizing  friends  out 
side.  These  needful  dispositions,  with  proper  industry, 
can  be  made  in  twenty-four  hours.  There  cannot  be,  as 
you  know,  a  more  important  occasion,  nor  a  better 
opportunity  to  strike  an  effective  blow  at  this  arrogant 
and  domineering  infatuation  of  secessionism,  than  here ; 
and  must  this  all  be  lost,  by  either  false  notions  of  duty 
or  covert  disloyalty  ?  As  I  have  said,  Major  Hagner  has 
no  right  to  the  command,  and,  under  the  sixty-second  arti 
cle  of  war,  can  only  have  it  by  a  special  assignment  of  the 
President,  which  I  do  not  believe  has  been  made ;  but  that 
the  announcement  of  Gen.  Scott  that  the  command  be 
longs  to  Major  Hagner  is  his  own  decision,  and  done  in  his 
usual  sordid  spirit  of  partisanship  and  favoritism  to  pets, 
and  personal  associates,  and  toadies  ;  nor  can  he,  even  in 
the  present  straits  of  the  country,  rise  above  this,  in 
earnest  devotion  to  justice  and  the  wants  of  his  country. 


68  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYOW, 

If  Mr.  Lincoln  chooses  to  be  deceived  in  this  respect,  as 
I  fear  he  will  be,  he  will  yet  repent  of  it  in  misfortune 
and  sorrow  ;  for  neither  supercilious  conceit  nor  unscru 
pulous  tyranny  was  ever  a  vail  for  patriotism  or  ability. 
Major  Hagner  is  not  accustomed  to  troops,  and  manages 
them  here  awkwardly ;  but  this  is  nothing  compared  to 
the  great  matter  in  hand,  and,  as  I  have  plainly  told  him, 
this  is  of  much  more  importance  than  that  either  he  or  I 
should  conduct  it.  You  may  see  in  the  Missouri  Demo 
crat  of  the  23d  an  account  of  our  defenses,  which  sets 
forth  what  ought  to  be  our  state,  but  not  what  it  is,  and 
was  given  to  frighten  the  secessionists.  A  simple  order, 
countermanding  that  assigning  Major  Hagner  to  duty 
according  to  brevet  rank;  would  give  me  command. 
With  a  view  to  defense  here,  it  would  be  well  to  add 
that  I  should  assume  control,  and  avail  myself  of  all 
means  available  for  the  purpose.  With  respect  to  those 
men  discharged,  either  an  investigation  should  be 
ordered,  or  all  who  remain  be  discharged;  this  latter 
would  be  the  better  plan,  and  save  Government  an 
expense  for  which  they  are  rendering  no  necessary  or 
compensating  service. 

If  I  should  have  command,  I  would  have  no  trouble  to 
arm  any  assisting  party,  and  perhaps,  by  becoming  re 
sponsible  for  the  arms,  &c.,  I  might  fit  out  the  regiment 
we  saw  at  the  garden  the  other  day  ;  but  most,  I 
concern  myself  with  a  view  to  sustain  the  Government 
here,  and  trust  to  such  measures  as  may  be  found  avail 
able. 

Yours  truly, 

N.  LYON. 

LYON   IN   COMMAND    OF   THE    ARSENAL   DEFENSES. 

Mr.  Blair,  in  Washington,  did  not  succeed  with  the 
Buchanan  administration  in  effecting  the  objects  of  his 
journey ;  but  as  soon  as  Mr.  Lincoln  got  the  machinery 
of  his  own  administration  started,  he  ordered  that  Cap 
tain  Lyon  1be  placed  in  charge  of  the  defenses  of  tiie 
arsenal.  The  order  reached  General  Harney  about  the 
middle  of  March,  and  was  construed  by  that  officer  in 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  69 

its  literal  sense,  viz.  •  that  Captain  Lyon's  command 
included  only  the  troops  in  the  arsenal  and  that  par 
ticular  post.  By  instructions  of  General  Harney,  there 
fore,  Major  Hagner  issued  the  following  : 

[COPY.] 

ST.  Louis  ARSENA.L,  March  19,  1861. 
Post   Order  No.  58. 

In  compliance  with  Special  Order  No.  74,  War  De 
partment,  Adjutant-General's  Office,  dated  Washington, 
March  13,  1861,  assigning  to  Captain  N.  Lyon,  Second 
Infantry,  the  command  of  the  troops  and  defenses  of 
this  post,  the  undersigned  turns  over  to  Captain  Lyon 
all  command  and  responsibility,  not  appertaining  to  the 
commanding  officer  of  the  arsenal  and  his  duties  as  an 
officer  of  ordnance. 

By  order  of  MAJOR  HAGNER, 

M.  H.  WRIGHT, 
Lieutenant  and  Post  Adjutant. 

IIE    IS    THWARTED    BY    HAGNER. 

Captain  Lyon  assumed  command,  in  accordance  with 
the  above,  but,  in  his  endeavors  to  prepare  suitable 
defenses,  found  himself  thwarted.  This  occasioned  the 
following  letter,  written  on  the  morning  of  April  6  : 

[COPY.] 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  April  6, 1861. 
DEAR  SIR — I  am  aware  that  I  am  indebted  to  you  for 
changing  the  command  of  the  troops  at  this  post ;  and 
though  anxious  for  it,  in  view  of  what  I  regarded  the  in 
terest  of  the  service,  I  was  so  upon  the  ground  of  being 
untrammeled  in  the  use  of  the  means  available  for  the 
purpose.  But  with  the  orders  of  General  Harney,  a  copy 
of  which  I  inclose,  I  fear  little  has  been  gained,  while  I 
am  in  the  awkward  position  of  being  held  responsible 
for  the  defense  of  the  place,  without  having  the  means 
for  it.  As  you  will  see,  I  have  no  control  of  the  ord 
nance  department,  and  therefore  cannot  take  a  single 
round  of  ammunition,  nor  a  piece  of  artillery,  or  any  other 


70  (JEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

firearm,  without  the  direction  of  General  Ilarney;  and  in 
case  of  an  attack  various  means  not  foreseen  might  sug 
gest  themselves,  but  which  I  could  not  obtain  without 
taking  them  forcibly,  which  would  place  us  here  in  a 
state  of  antagonism  toward  one  another,  at  a  time  when 
harmony  would  be  most  needed  and  expected.  In  an 
ticipating  an  attack,  I  would  distribute  troops  for  the 
night  in  buildings  most  needed  for  defense,  and  where 
position  would  be  most  important ;  but  Major  Hagner 
has  charge  of  all  the  buildings,  and  occupies  most  of 
them  with  his  ordnance  stores  and  business,  which,  how 
ever,  need  not  be  materially  disturbed  by  my  wants  ; 
but  I  cannot  get  these  buildings  for  even  the  most  im 
portant  interests  of  the  service,  without  a  struggle  before 
General  Harney,  who  seems  to  think  there  is  no  danger 
of  an  attack,  and  would,  as  lie  has  already  done,  advise 
me  not  to  urge  these  measures  of  defense.  I  cannot  get 
a  hammer,  spade,  ax,  or  any  needful  tool,  but  upon 
Major  Hagner's  concession,  or  by  making  requisition 
upon  General  Harney  and  getting  his  orders,  and  then 
getting  issues  made  in  conformity  thereto.  I  had  hoped 
to  have  entire  control  of  the  means  available  here  for  the 
defense  of  the  post,  and  for  sustaining  the  Government 
authority  here;  but  with  Major  Hagner  in  control  of 
these  means,  and  controlled  only  through  General  Ilar 
ney  upon  my  requisitions,  and,  furthermore,  liable  to 
oppose  me  with  his  men  and  means  in  our  greatest  ex 
tremities.  I  feel  embarrassed,  and  would  be  glad  of  any 
relief  from  this  anomaly,  even  if  the  service  cannot  be 
bettered.  But  I  fear  the  monopoly  of  the  ordnance  de 
partment  is  somewhat  a  power  above  the  Government, 
with  which  the  Government  is  afraid  to  deal,  so  as  to 
secure  its  own  interests  irrespective  of  individual  clamor. 
Or,  if,  indeed,  in  giving  me  authority,  such  precautions 
must  be  taken  against  my  abusing  it  that  I  can  make 
no  good  use  of  it,  let  it  revert  to  some  one  more  com 
petent.  I  have  felt  disposed  to  remonstrate  officially 
against  this  awkwardness,  but  have  been  restrained  by 
the  idea  that,  as  matters  have  heretofore  been,  there  was 
no  great  need  of  troubling  myself  with  defenses  here, 
and  that  I  laid  myself  liable  to  rebuke  for  gratuitous 
concern  for  Government  interests  which  those  of  higher 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  71 

rank  and  responsibility  do  not  feel.  And,  in  fact,  being 
under  orders  to  go  up  to  Fort  Leavenworth,  before  a 
Court  of  Inquiry  there  on  the  15th  instant,  I  supposed 
whatever  I  might  wish  and  do  in  the  meantime  might, 
in  other  hands,  be  perverted,  or  fall  short  of  an  efficient 
application,  and  my  ardor  has  been  somewhat  abated. 
But  the  new  organization  of  the  Metropolitan  Police 
system  seems  to  embolden  the  secessionists  so  much  as 
to  fill  me  with  deep  concern  to  be  prepared  for  them, 
and  I  am  on  this  account  prompted  to  write  you.  Of 
course,  in  all  military  matters  there  should  be  one  com 
mander,  and  no  such  absurd  thing  as  a  division  that  shall 
render  it  liable  to  an  entire  perversion  of  its  purposes. 
If  I  am  to  command,  I  should  have  entire  control  for 
my  purposes,  as  I  should,  on  the  other  hand,  render  entire 
obedience  to  any  proper  and  legal  authority  exercised 
over  me.  If  you  think  this  matter  worthy  of  attention, 
I  would  like  you  to  make  such  suggestions  to  the  W ar 
Department  as  the  subject  requires. 

As  the  matter  now  stands,  would  it  not  be  well  for  the 
Secretary  of  War  to  order  that  his  Special  Order  No.  74, 
giving  me  command  of  the  troops  and  defenses  at  this 
post,  should  have  no  exception  in  men  and  means  neces 
sary  for  this  purpose  ?  I  regret  I  have  been  obliged  to 
obtrude  so  much  upon  your  attention,  and  with  many 
thanks  for  your  personal  kindness,  believe  me, 
Yours  truly, 

N.  LYON. 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR,  Jr.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  following  letter  will  also  explain  the  condition  of 
affairs  at  the  arsenal  and  in  the  city  : 

ST.  Louis,  April  6,  1861. 

FRIEND  FRANK — Foy  and  myself  have  just  returned 
from  the  arsenal.  We  found  there  two  commanders  in 
charge.  General  Harney  has  placed  a  construction  on 
the  order  giving  command  to  Captain  Lyon,  whereby  he 
has  no  command  over  the  artillery  and  ordnance  stores. 
THERE  is  SOMETHING  WRONG.  General  Scott  has  made 
an  order  that  Lyon  shall  appear  at  Fort  Leavenworth  in 
a  few  days.  THINGS  ARE  IN  SUCH  A  FIX  HERE  THAT  AVE 


72 

CANNOT  SPARE  HIM  AT  PRESENT.  You  will  see  the  necessity 
of  having  the  court  postponed.  We  do  not  think  that 
Major  Hagner,  who  is  in  command  of  the  ordnance, 
can  be  relied  on,  as  he  says  lie  does  not  consider  it  his 
duty  to  act  until  an  assaulting  party  gets  inside  the  walls. 
What  *  *  *  *  are  the  walls  for,  if  not  to  protect  the 
arsenal  ?  There  is  less  than  400  troops,  all  told,  at  the  arse 
nal,  with  plenty  of  room  for-500  more.  But  Captain  Lyon 
has  no  control  over  the  buildings  where  he  would  like 
to  place  his  men  in  case  of  necessity.  The  ****** 
secessionists  are  in  great  glee.  A  friend  told  me  this 
morning  there  was  a  talk  at  Jacoby's  that  they  would 
not  allow  Foy  to  take  charge  of  the  Post  Office.  I  did 
not  tell  Foy,  but  we  want  force  enough  to  give  them  a 
lively  time.  You  certainly  will  see  the  necessity  of 
seeing  that  Lyon  has  full  command  of  the  arsenal,  with 
privilege  of  furnishing  arms  to  those  friendly  to  the 
cause.  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  *** 

Truly  and  sincerely  yours, 

CHARLES  M.  ELLEARD. 

Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR,  Jr.,  Washington  City. 


LYON     TO      BLAIR HE     HAS      NO      CONFIDENCE      IN     ARMY 

OFFICERS     WHO      SURRENDER,     WITHOUT    RESISTANCE, 
TO  UNDISCIPLINED  MOBS. 

ST.  Louis,  April  6,  1861. 

DEAR  SIR — Since  writing  you  to-day  I  have  seen  Gen 
eral  Harney,  and  had  a  long"  free  talk  with  him,  and  he 
seems  alive  to  the  present  state  of  things,  and  has 
ordered  Hagner  to  issue  me  and  provide  such  items  as  I 
have  specified,  and  which  I  could  foresee  nqw  as  neces 
sary,  and  seems  to  regret  that  I  am  under  any  trammels 
in  respect  to  him ;  by  which  I  am  led  to  think  that  his 
order,  or  letter  of  instructions  of  March  9,  a  copy  of 
which  I  inclose,  was  founded  on  instructions  from 
Washington.  He  expressed  very  strongly  a  wish  that 
Hagner  was  out  of  the  way,  so  as  to  put  me  free  from 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  73 

his  incumbrance.     He  is  to  come  down  to-morrow  and 
confer  upon  measures  of  defense. 

Yours  truly, 

BT.  LYON. 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR,  Jr.,  Washington,  D.C. 

P.S. — I  would  advise  our  new  War  Department  to 
suspend  from  official  authority  all  those  officers  who  have 
given  up  arsenals,  forts,  troops,  &c.,  to  the  enemy,  till 
an  official  investigation  shall  acquit  them  of  blame.  This 
is  necessary  to  show  that  the  Government  has  some  reso 
lution,  and  would  have  a  wholesome  effect  upon  the 
rest  of  the  army,  and  would  likely  subdue  the  semi- 
secession  spirit  of  the  officers  from  Southern  States,  still 
remaining  in  the  army,  who  by  the  examples  given  of 
yielding  up  Government  property,  see  that  they  can  with 
impunity  hold  their  places  in  the  army,  only  to  subserve 
this  secession  work.  The  new  administration  will  have 
much  on  its  hands,  but  as  the  wrongs  of  Kansas  have 
been  the  foundation  and  main  capital  of  the  Republican 
party,  her  condition  should  be  attended  to ;  and  I  refer 
now  to  this  matter  because  I  have  so  lately  seen  some 
thing  there  of  the  action  of  the  corrupt  officials  of  the 
Buchanan  administration.  The  Indian  agents,  Clover 
and  Cowert,  should  at  once  be  dismissed ;  as  also  the  Com 
missioner,  Greenwood.  He  and  Cowert,  as  you  may 
remember,  perpetrated  that  inhumanity  of  turning  peo 
ple  out  of  doors  and  burning  their  houses,  under  pre 
tense  of  their  having  violated  Indian  treaties,  but  yet 
pro-slavery  men  were  undisturbed.  Two  men,  notorious 
for  their  border-ruffian  outrages  upon  Kansas  people, 
were  rewarded  by  an  appointment  each,  as  a  sutler ;  one, 
whose  name  is  Gordon,  for  Fort  Earned,  and  the  other, 
Miller,  for  Fort  Wise  ;  these  appointments  were  both 
made  by  Secretary  Floyd,  and  in  violation  of  the  army 
regulations  ;  both  should  be  promptly  removed. 

Yours,  &c., 

N.  LYOK 

Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR. 
4 


74  GEX.  NATHANIEL  LYON, 


THE  LBAVENWpBTH  ORDER  REVOKED. 

Through  influences  brought  to  bear  upon  him  at  Wash 
ington,  General  Scott  revoked  the  order  sending  Lyon  to 
Fort  Leaven  worth.  When  the  seccsh  heard  of  the  revo 
cation,  they  were  almost  disheartened.  By  some  means 
or  other,  it  is  supposed,  they  had  heard  of  the  order,  and 
the  more  garrulous  boasted  of  their  influence  in  having 
Lyon  removed.  But  such  a  calamity  was  fortunately 
averted,  and  Lyon  remained,  to  give  encouragement, 
advice,  and  aid  to  Union  men,  and  a  means  of  safety  to 
the  arsenal  itself.  A  system  of  signals  was  established, 
by  which  the  Union  men  of  the  city  and  the  Captain  at 
the  arsenal  could  instantly  acquaint  each  other  with  the 
movements  of  the  enemy.  The  arsenal  buildings  were 
undermined ;  bags  of  sand  procured ;  banquettes  ar 
ranged  ;  batteries  put  into  position ;  holes  made  in  the 
v/all,  through  which  to  point  cannon  ;  guards  established 
at  the  gates,  and  a  strict  surveillance  instituted  over  all 
l>ersons  desiring  admission. 

THE    ARSENAL   TO    IJE    SAVED,  WITH  OR   WITHOUT    GOVERN 
MENT    ORDERS. 

During  the  interval  between  Hagner's  refusal  to  com 
ply  with  the  desires  of  Lyon,  and  the  issuance  of  instruc 
tions  by  Harney  for  Ly oil's  requisitions  to  be  filled,  the 
Union  leaders  were  quite  uneasy  as  to  the  safety  of  the 
arsenal.  Several  gentlemen,  among  whom  were  Messrs. 
Broadhead,  O.  D.  Filley,  Witzig,  Cavender,  and  Har 
ding,  visited  Captain  Lyon,  and  conversed  with  him  con 
cerning  Major  Hagner.  Rumors  were  rife  at  the  time 
of  an  intended  attack  upon  the  arsenal  by  the  minute-men, 
backed  by  companies  from  North  Missouri,  and  along 
the  Iron  Mountain  Railroad.  Lyon  expressed  his  doubts 
as  to  Hagner's  loyalty,  and  Ins  own  determination  todis- 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  75 

regard  everything  necessary  to  save  the  arsenal.  Mr. 
Broadhead  remarked  that,  as  Hagner  controlled  the  ord 
nance  then  in  the  arsenal,  he  held  a  very  dangerous 
power,  and  might  play  into  the  hands  of  the  secessionists. 
Lyon  replied,  that  if  he  caught  him  endeavoring  to  aid 
Jackson  in  his  treason,  by  surrendering  the  arsenal,  under 
any  pretense  whatever,  he  would  throw  him  into  the  river. 
Mr.  Cavender%'emarked  that  what  was  necessary  was  the 
arming  of  the  Union  men,  then  thoroughly  organized,  in 
case  of  attack,  but  that  could  not  be  done  while  Hag 
ner  held  control.  To  this  Lyon  replied  :  "  Major  Hag 
ner  has  control  of  the  stores  in  this  arsenal,  but  he  treats 
me  and  my  men  like  dogs,  hardly  giving  us  what  is  indis 
pensably  necessary.  However,  those  men  yonder  (point 
ing  to  his  company  then  on  parade)  are  under  my  com 
mand,  and  if  the  necessity  arises^  you  shall  have  the 
guns."  Thus  assured,  the  Union  men  rejoicingly  pursued 
the  even  tenor  of  their  way. 

SECESH    SIGNALS    UNDERSTOOD. 

Lyon,  through  the  Safety  Committee,  was  thoroughly 
apprised  of  the  current  facts  and  rumors  of  the  city. 
Whether  it  were  correct  or  not,  they  received  a  report  of 
the  proceedings  of  every  meeting  held  by  the  conspira 
tors,  unless  they  were  meetings  of  some  small  clique 
held  impromptu.  The  following  is  a  specimen  of  the 
communications  frequently  received  by  their  secret 
agents : 

ST.  Louis,  February  28,  1861. 

MR.  O.  D.  FILLEY — Form  of  oath  and  secret  signals  of 
the  secessionists  agreed  upon  last  night,  in  their  secret 
session : 

"  You  solemnly  swear  that  you  will  obey  the  rules  of 


76 

this  organization,  and  that  you  will  not  divulge  any  of 
its  secrets,  so  help  you  God." 

Red  pieces  of  paper  of  this  form  (diamond),  scat 
tered  or  posted  up  simultaneously  over  the  city, 
means  to  convene  (day-time)  immediately. 

Red  pieces  of  this  form,  as  above,  to  convene  at 

H;  A.  M. 

Red  pieces  of  this  form,  as  above,  to  convene  at 

12,  M. 
White  pieces  of  this  form,  as  above,  to  convene  at 

^10,  P.M. 
"White  pieces  of  this  form,  as  above,  to  convene  at 

7i,  P.  M. 

A  blue  rocket,  and  one  gun  fired  (at  night),  means  to 
convene  immediately. 

Yours,  *  *  *    . 

Whether  the  above  be  the  genuine  signals  agreed  upon 
or  not,  it  is  quite  certain  that  something  of  the  kind  was 
adopted  by  the  conspirators.  Reports  also  came  in  of 
anns  and  cannon  being  stored  in  various  parts  of  the 
city.  It  was  not  yet  time  to  institute  a  search  alter 
munitions  of  war  and  Lyon  was  not  so  rash  as  to  under 
take  such  a  movement  without  authority  from  the  Gen 
eral  Government  or  his  more  immediate  commander, 
General  Harney,  and  from  neither  was  it  at  all  likely 
such  orders  would  emanate. 

TRICK    OF    THE    SECESII    TO    SPY    INTO    AFFAIRS    AT    THE 
ARSENAL. 

On  the  10th  of  April,  James  L.  Jones,  United  States 
Marshal  for  the  Western  District  of  Missouri,  accompa 
nied  by  W.  F.  McBride,  M.  II.  McFarland,  Boyd  M. 
McCrary,  J.  W.  Murray,  'James  S.  Rains,  Jeremiah 
Philips,  and  D.  F.  Martin,  presented  themselves  at  the 
western  gate  of  the  arsenal,  and  demanded  entrance  of 
the  guard,  as  Grand  Jurors  of  the  United  States  Circuit 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  77 

Court.  The  sergeant  of  the  guard  told  the  gentlemen  to 
wait  until  he  could  notify  Captain  Lyon.  Before  he 
returned  the  aforementioned  grand  jurors,  feeling  their 
dignity  soiled  by  being  obliged  to  wait  the  pleasure  of  a 
"  Yankee  Captain,"  retired  in  disgust,  and  Captain  Lyon 
visited  the  gate  to  find  no  one  in  waiting.  The  "grand 
jurors"  (aforementioned)  found  relief  for  the  "pent-up 
ITtica"  of  their  injured  feelings  by  publishing  to  the 
world  that  they  had,  in  the  effort  to  discharge  their 
duties,  called  upon  Captain  Lyon  to  inspect  the  arsenal, 
but  were  kept  waiting  so  long  at  the  gate  that  they 
withdrew.  They  also  intimated  that  the  delay  was  occa 
sioned  by  Captain  Lyon  remaining  to  get  his  men  under 
arms.  In  response  to  their  card,  Captain  Lyon  thought 
proper  to  publish  the  following : 

[From  the  Missouri  Democrat,  April  13,  1861.] 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  April  12,  1861. 
To  the  Editors  of  the  Missouri  Democrat : 

Concerning  the  delay,  at  the  gate,  of  the  United  States 
Marshal  and  several  members  of  the  Grand  Jury,  impan 
eled  for  the  April  term  of  the  United  States  Circuit 
Court,  on  presenting  themselves  for  admittance  to  the 
grounds  of  this  post,  as  referred  to  in  your  paper  of  to 
day  and  yesterday,  I  deem  it  proper  to  observe  that, 
under  the  present  extraordinary  circumstances  of  the 
country,  the  usual  free  ingress  permitted  at  military  sta 
tions  of  the  Government  is  stopped  here,  and  will  so 
remain  until  a  change  is  thought  proper.  Persons  wish 
ing  to  see  officers  here,  either  socially  or  on  business,  and 
appearing  in  usual  numbers  for  such  purposes,  are  admit 
ted.  Other  parties  wanting  admittance  will  be  governed 
by  special  orders,  to  be  given  to  the  sergeant  of  the 
guard  at  the  gate,  upon  his  report  concerning  applica 
tions.  Such  was  the  case  with  the  United  States  Mar 
shal  and  his  party,  and  which  could  not  have  been  fore 
seen  or  provided  for ;  and  the  sergeant  in  charge  at  the 
gate,  on  reporting,  was  directed  to  return  to  the  gate 
and  say  to  them  that  I  would  meet  them  at  the  gate 


78  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

immediately ;  but  before  the  sergeant  returned  they  had 
gone.  On  arriving  at  the  gate  soon  after,  the  sergeant 
so  reported  to  me,  and  gave  me  a  card  left  by  the  party. 
Soon  after  this  two  gentlemen,  named  Murray  and 
Monroe,  I  think,  called  at  my  quarters,  having  obtained 
admittance  without  difficulty,  and  stated  they  were  a 
part  of  the  United  States  Grand  Jury,  and  in  coming  a 
little  behind  the  other  party  expected  to  meet  them  here ; 
and  I  then  told  them  what  had  occurred,  as  above  stated, 
and  that  I  regretted  they  had  not  come  in.  I  then  vol 
untarily  and  gratuitously  stated  that  I  understood  the 
party  was  a  City  Marshal  and  Grand  Jury,  and  though 
this  did  not  delay  the  return  of  the  sergeant,  for  which 
they  did  not  Avait,  I  thought  proper,  under  existing  cir 
cumstances,  to  direct,  before  I  went  to  the  gate,  a  look 
out  for  any  emergency  this  seemingly  singular  arrival 
might  require.  No  order  was  issued  to  put  the  men 
under  arms,  nor  was  any  delay  to  answer  the  application 
for  admittance  occasioned  from  fear  of  spies  or  seces 
sionists. 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

N.  LYON, 
Captain  Second  Infantry, 

Commanding  troops. 

It  was  fortunate  that  the  guard  made  the  mis 
take  of  saying  the  City  Marshal  instead  of  the  United 
States  Marshal.  If  Lyon  had  known  personally  who 
the  individuals  were  who  thus  sought  to  make  an 
inspection  of  the  arsenal  grounds,  he  would  not  have 
allowed  them  in  that  place  while  he  held  the  power  to 
keep  them  out.  No  "Grand  Jury"  subterfuge  would 
have  availed  them.  The  mistake  caused  Lyon  to  ascer 
tain  the  political  character  of  those  "grand  jurors," 
and  he  learned  enough,  particularly  as  to  James  S.  Rains, 
to  satisfy  himself  that,  if  Mr.  Rains  ever  got  inside  the 
arsenal,  it  would  be  after  a  terrible  struggle,  or  as  a 
captive. 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  79 


KITMORS    OF     AX    ATTACK. 

And  now,  having  obtained,  after  much  anxiety  and 
patient,  earnest  effort,  the  necessary  means  and  author 
ity  to  defend  himself,  Lyon  increased  his  vigilance,  and 
completed  his  plans  for  better  self-protection.  The  seces 
sionists,  finding  that  with  the  arrival  of  Lyon  their  dar 
ling  scheme  of  taking  the  arsenal,  through  a  sly  trick 
upon  the  Government,  by  the  agency  of  a  traitorous 
ordnance  officer,  was  no  longer  practicable,  talked  boldly 
of  wresting  it  from  the  authorities  by  force  of  arms,  and 
Lyon  received  information  from  several  sources  that  the 
night  was  decided  upon  for  an  attack.  This  information 
came  in  such  shape  that  it  was  fully  believed,  and  Lyon 
had  his  men  under  arms  the  entire  night.  About  three 
thousand  of  the  Union  Guards  were  also  on  hand,  in 
quarters  near  the  arsenal,  ready,  at  a  given  signal,  to 
obey  well  understood  orders,  previously  arranged 
between  Lyon  and  the  Safety  Committee.  But  there 
was  no  attack ;  no  sign  even  of  an  intended  attack  ;  and 
the  "  Citizens'  Guard  "  passed  the  night  in  their  secret 
armories,  drinking  Staehlin's  lager,  and  singing  songs 
that  they  had  learned  in  the  "  Vater-land."  In  the  arsenal 
all  was  quiet,  save  when  the  stillness  of  the  night  was 
disturbed  by  the  tramp  of  the  relieving  guards. 

LYON   AMONG    UNION   MEN. 

After  his  arrival  Captain  Lyon  attended  the  sessions 
of  the  Safety  Committee,  and  many  of  the  conferences 
of  leading  Union  men,  at  their  several  places  of  meeting ; 
he  also  visited  the  several  military  companies,  and 
instructed  them  in  drill  or  exhorted  them  to  persevere  in 
the  line  of  duty.  He  was  always  ready  with  words  of 
hope  and  encouragement.  The  members  of  the  Safety 
Committee  were  continually  visiting  him  at  the  arsenal ; 


80  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

and  any  known  prudent  Unionist  was  always  welcome. 
Thus  there  was  established  among  the  Union  men  the 
most  perfect  confidence  and  trust  in  Lyon  ;  and  the  lat 
ter,  by  his  patriotism  and  enthusiastic  expression  of 
attachment  for  Republican  institutions,  inspired  all  who 
approached  him  with  a  firmer  determination  to  devote 
life  and  property,  if  need  be,  in  the  defense  of  the  nation. 
Lyon  himself  eagerly  sought  the  Safety  Committee  for 
advice  and  support,  and  took  no  step  not  sanctioned  by 
its  members.  He  entered  heartily  into  the  policy  of  the 
committee,  and  conducted  himself  to  the  entire  satisfac 
tion  of  every  loyal  man. 

THE   POLICY    OP   MR.  BLAIR   AND   THE    SAFETY   COMMITTEE. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  James  Buchanan  was 
yet  President ;  that  the  army  was  in  the  hands  of  dis 
loyal  men;  that  the  position  of  General  Scott  was  not 
fully  understood ;  that  Claib  Jackson  was  Governor  of 
Missouri ;  that  nearly  every  office-holder  of  the  State,  and 
a  large  majority  of  the  militia  officers,  were  either  disloyal 
or  in  strong  sympathy  with  the  disloyal.  The  popular 
belief  in  Missouri  was  that  there  would  be  no  war  unless 
the  "abolitionists"  took  the  initiative.  Even  while 
Southern  traitors  were  robbing  United  States  mints  and 
United  States  arsenals ;  while  State  after  State  was  se 
ceding,  and  Beauregard  was  piling  up  his  offensive 
works  against  Sumter ;  while  secessionists  were  driving 
Union  men  from  Arkansas  and  Missouri,  and  imprisoning 
Northern  people  in  Southern  jails  ;  while  rebel  flags  were 
being  raised  in  all  parts  of  the  State,  and  vast  quantities 
of  powder  were  being  secured  by  rebel  leaders — the 
popular  belief  remained  that  there  would  be  no  war  un 
less  the  abolitionists  initiated  it.  It  was  for  Sumter  to 
startle  them  from  this  dream. 

The  Union  men  had   all  this  to  consider.      Mr.  Blair 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  81 

knew  that  the  delay  in  attacking  the  arsenal  was  because 
of  the  confidence  Jackson  and  Reynolds  had  in  their 
ability  to  take  it  at  any  moment.  He  knew  that  the 
very  moment  the  time  should  come  secessionists  would 
inaugurate  riot,  and  Jackson,  with  the  consent  of  traitor 
officers  then  in  the  arsenal,  would  occupy  that  place 
with  State  troops,  under  the  plea  of  assisting  in  the  pres 
ervation  of  Government  property  from  "  irresponsible 
mobs."  Once  there,  the  State  troops  would  speedily 
make  way  with  the  Government  arms.  This  course 
seemed  the  most  feasible,  and  was  perfectly  safe  from 
the  charge  of  treason.  Under  the  color  of  law,  the  State 
would  be  put  in  a  position  of  hostility  to  the  Union,  and 
yet  remain  within  the  Union.  This  was  the  most  effect 
ive  way  to  aid  secession.  It  was  confidently  believed 
by  many  that  any  altercation  in  the  streets  would  ena 
ble  General  Harney  to  so  act  as  to  put  the  Union  men 
as  offenders  against  the  laio  ;  and  that  it  would  be  so  rep 
resented  at  Washington  that  the  Government  would  re 
cognize  the  claims  of  the  State  authorities  to  "  put  down 
mobs." 

Besides,  there  were  a  great  many  Union  men,  who, 
though  never  present  at  any  Union  council,  though 
never  known  to  say  a  word  in  favor  of  their  country, 
were  loud  in  crying  for  peace.  Such  men  dreaded  the 
noise  of  the  streets  as  much  as  the  clangor  of  arms. 
They  were  quiet,  good,  peaceable  citizens,  very  obedient 
to  law  (whether  Federal  or  Confederate),  upright  mem 
bers  of  society,  and  very  respectable,  and  frequently 
wealthy  men.  But  their  votes  told  at  the  polls  •  they 
gave  a  moral  influence  to  any  movement,  even  if  they 
refused  to  strengthen  its  physical  measures  for  defense. 
It  was  a  great  point  to  secure  this  class  of  men,  and  it 
took  much  time  and  considerable  political  adroitness. 
Mr.  Blair,  in  view  of  all  these  things,  counseled  pru- 
4* 


82  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

dence,  moderation,  and  quiet.  Let  insult  and  opprobrium 
be  borne  for  a  day  or  two ;  it  would  not  do  to  give 
Frost  a  chance  to  originate  riot.  Personal  injury  could 
well  be  borne  until  the  day  should  come  when  resent 
ment  would  be  prudence,  and  resistance  success.  When 
the  time  should  come  to  remove  the  rebel  flag,  when 
the  time  should  come  to  tear  rebel  devices  from  rebel 
breasts,  the  order  would  be  given  by  the  proper  author 
ity,  and  flag  and  device  would  disappear. 

EXCITEMENT  OVER  THE  REBEL  FLAG. 

But  an  opportunity  came  very  near  being  offered 
General  Frost  to  take  military  possession  of  the  city  and 
the  arsenal,  under  "  the  forms  of  State  law,"  and  the 
plea  of  "  protecting  Government  property  "  from  "  irre 
sponsible  mobs."  The  flag  flying  over  the  Berthold  man 
sion  gave  great  offense  to  the  zealous  Unionists,  and  the 
more  imprudent  contemplated  its  removal.  A  loyal 
lady,  from  her  residence  opposite  the  Berthold  mansion, 
one  day  displayed  the  national  flag ;  whereupon  some  two 
or  three  Union  men,  who  were  passing  at  the  time,  set 
up  a  lusty  cheer.  The  minute-men  on  the  opposite 
side  hissed  the  emblem  of  the  Republic,  and  cheered 
their  own  bunting.  In  this  way  a  crowd  was  gathered  ; 
and  within  an  hour's  time  the  streets,  for  a  couple  of 
squares  adjoining  the  Berthold  mansion  were  densely 
packed  with  human  beings,  loyal  and  disloyal.  Parti 
sans  of  each  were  loud  in  their  threats  and  denuncia 
tions,  the  loyal  men  demanding  that  the  rebel  flag  should 
be  withdrawn,  and  the  disloyal  determined  to  defend  it. 
Mayor  Filley,  the  members  generally  of  the  Safety  Com 
mittee,  Colonel  James  S.  Moody,  Chester  Harding,  Jr., 
and  other  prominent  citizens  exerted  their  utmost 
powers  of  argument,  persuasion,  and  locomotion  in  re 
straining  the  excited  Unionists  from  the  commission  of  an 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  83 

overt  act.  The  least  accident  would  have  fanned  the 
latent  spark  into  a  terrible  conflagration.  Lyon  was  but 
a  subordinate  at  the  arsenal.  After  many  entreaties  by 
the  thoughtful  and  intelligent  of  the  Unionists,  the  rank 
and  file  accorded  obedience.  The  crowd  finally  dis 
persed,  and  the  threatened  danger  was  averted. 

THE    FEBRUARY    CANVASS. 

The  Convention  bill  having  become  a  law,  parties  at 
once  set  to  work  to  control  the  elections. 

On  the  4th  day  of  February,  in  pursuance  of  a  call 
signed  by  men  of  known  secession  proclivities,  as  well 
as  men  of  known  Union  proclivities  favorable  to  "  giving 
the  South  all  her  constitutional  rights,"  a  "  Union  "  con 
vention  was  held  at  Washington  Hall,  and  the  following 
gentlemen,  under  their  auspices,  became  candidates  for 
the  convention  from  St.  Louis  county : 
John  D.  Coalter,  Uriel  Wright, 

Henry  Overstoltz,  D.  A.  January, 

Albert  Todd,  J.  W.  Willis, 

Wm  T.  Wood,  N.  J.  Eaton, 

H.  S.  Turner,  L.  V.  Bogy, 

George  Penn,  L.  M.  Kennett, 

H.  R.  Gamble,  P.  B.  Garesche. 

"  Deacon "  J.  W,  Tucker,  Tom  Snead,  and  others  of 
the  clique,  at  the  office  of  the  "  Daily  Bulletin,"  the 
secession  organ,  presented  a  ticket  upon  the  out-and-out 
secession  platform,  but  before  the  day  of  election  it  was 
quietly  withdrawn. 

The  unconditional  Union  men  acted  with  great  caution. 
The  Republicans,  as  a  general  thing,  were  decidedly  in 
favor  of  putting  up  a  straight-out  Republican  ticket,  upon 
an  unconditional  Union  platform  ;  but  Messrs.  Filley, 
How,  Broadhead,  Glover,  Blair,  and  others  of  the  leaders, 
in  view  of  the  magnitude  of  the  occasion,  advised  a  differ- 


84  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LTON, 

ent  course.  Mr.  Blair  explained  his  anxiety  to  secure 
the  aid  of  the  State  generally  in  behalf  of  the  Union ;  and 
it  was  to  be  feared  that  the  prejudice  against  the  Repub 
licans  was  so  powerful  that  the  masses,  as  well  as  the 
leaders,  who  were  favorable  to  the  Union,  would  refuse 
to  support  a  Republican  ticket,  no  matter  who  were  the 
candidates.  It  was  upon  this  idea  that  Mr.  Blair  had 
advised  the  abandonment  of  the  "  Wide  Awakes  "  in 
January,  and  that  he  now  advised  a  further  abandon 
ment  of  the  Republican  organization  in  the  pending  con 
test.  "I  don't  believe,"  said  a  Republican  partisan,  "in 
breaking  up  the  Republican  party,  just  to  please  these 
tender-footed  Unionists.  I  believe  in  sticking  to  the 
party." 

"  Let  us  have  a  COUNTRY  first,"  responded  Blair,  "  and 
then  we  can  talk  about  parties." 

A  meeting  of  unconditional  Union  men  was  held  in 
Mercantile  Library  Hall,  January  31,  at  which  Sol. 
Smith,  Esq.,  was  made  Chairman.  Resolutions  of  the 
genuine  Union  stamp  were  passed,  and  a  committee  of 
twenty  was  appointed  to  present  to  an  adjourned  meet 
ing  the  names  of  suitable  candidates  for  the  convention. 
This  committee  of  twenty  was  made  up  of  Bell-Everetts 
and  Douglasites.  Mr.  Blair  was  in  constant  consultation 
with  this  committee,  and  gave  the  movement  his  indorse 
ment.  By  the  call  of  the  Chairman  of  the  former  meeting, 
all  unconditional  Union  men  were  invited  to  meet  at 
Verandah  Hall,  on  the  6th  of  February,  for  the  purpose  of 
receiving  the  report  of  the  committee.  The  meeting  was 
largely  attended,  and  the  committee  of  twenty  reported 
the  following  names,  as  unconditional  Union  candidates 
for  the  convention :  Ferd.  Meyer,  George  R.  Taylor,  Dr. 
M,  L.  Linton,  H.  R.  Gamble,  Hudson  E.  Bridge,  John  F. 
Long,  Sol.  Smith,  J.  H.  Shackelford,  Uriel  Wright,  Tur 
ner  Maddox,  William  S.  Cuddy,  James  O.  Broadhead, 
Isadorc  Busch,  John  How,  and  Henry  Hitchcock. 


AND   MISSOURI    IN    1881.  85 

An  effort  was  made  to  consider  the  names  separately, 
which  might  have  resulted  in  discarding  several  names 
on  the  ticket,  had  it  not  been  for  the  argument  of  Messrs. 
James  S.  Knight,  A.  Mitchell,  and  Mr.  Blair.  From 
Messrs.  KNIGHT  and  MITCHELL  the  meeting  learned  that 
the  first  three  named  were  "  Douglasites,"  the  following 
seven  were  "  Bell-Everetts,"  and  the  last  four  "  Black 
Republicans."  At  this  last  designation  by  Mr.  Knight  a 
storm  arose,  and  cries  of  "  take  it  back"  resounded  from  all 
parts  of  the  hall.  Mr.  Knight  pleasantly  apologized,  and 
was  in  turn  cheered.  Mr.  BLAIR,  in  a  speech  of  great 
power,  said  he  did  not  care  what  parties  gentlemen  had 
belonged  to.  He  was  for  a  new  party — an  unconditional 
Union  party — for  a  party  that  would  stand  by  the  Union 
in  any  emergency,  and  he  was  satisfied  with  the  ticket  as 
it  was  presented.  He  was  for  remaining  in  the  Union,  and 
in  St.  Louis  too,  whether  the  State  went  out  or  not.  If 
Missouri  seceded,  he  was  for  St.  Louis  seceding  from  Mis 
souri;  and  he  wanted  all  the  help  he  could  get  to  keep 
her  in  the  Union.  In  the  crisis  that  was  upon  us,  men 
must  cease  to  belong  to  parties,  and  belong,  for  the 
time,  to  the  country.  It  was  not  a  season  to  talk  about 
individual  preferences.  What  was  wanted  he  felt  would 
be  cordially  granted,  and  that  was  a  perfect  forgetfulness 
of  party  organizations,  in  the  determination  to  save  the 
Union  ! 

The  motion  to  consider  the  names  separately  was  then 
withdrawn,  and  the  whole  ticket  was  nominated  amid 
great  enthusiasm.  Subsequently  George  R.  Taylor, 
William  S.  Cuddy,  and  Turner  Maddox  declined  being 
candidates,  and  T.  T.  Gantt,  Samuel  M.  Breckenridge, 
and  Robert  Holmes  were  selected  to  fill  the  ticket.  In 
their  letters  of  declination  both  Taylor  and  Maddox 
declared  their  fidelity  to  the  Union  cause.  This  uncon 
ditional  Union  ticket  was  elected  on  the  1 8th  of  Febru- 


86  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

ary,  in  St.  Louis  county,  by  nearly  six  thousand  majority. 
Although  on  the  conditional  Union  ticket,  also,  Messrs. 
Gamble  and  Wright  committed  themselves  to  the  Union 
under  all  circumstances.  Wright  afterwards  turned 
traitor,  and  went  South. 

Throughout  the  State  the  Union  ticket,  as  opposed  to 
the  Democratic  ticket,  was  generally  successful — the 
aggregate  majority  amounting  to  over  80,000. 

It  had  been  anticipated  in  St.  Louis  that  the  minute- 
men  and  secessionists  would  attempt  to  overawe  voters 
at  the  polls,  and  Major  Filley  had  provided  a  special 
police  force  to  preserve  the  peace.  This  special  force 
consisted  of  whole  companies  of  the  UNION  GUARD, 
which  Captain  Lyon  agreed  to  arm  if  necessity  should 
call  for  it.  But  the  election  passed  off  in  perfect  quiet. 

APPOINTMENT    OF    "  PEACE    COMMISSIONERS." 

On  the  4th  of  February,  the  Legislature,  by  joint  reso 
lution,  appointed  Waldo  P.  Johnson,  J.  D.  Coalter,  Fer 
dinand  Kennett,  Hugh  Buckner,  A.  W.  Doniphan,  and 
David  II.  Atchison,  commissioners,  on  the  part  of  Mis 
souri,  to  attend  the  Peace  Conference  to  be  held  in  Wash 
ington  City,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  "  terms  of  set 
tlement."  It  was  alleged  that  a  majority  of  this  delega 
tion  were  avowed  secessionists  ;  but  whether  they  were 
or  not,  it  is  certain  the  secessionists  in  Jefferson  City 
reposed  in  them  the  utmost  political  confidence. 

GOVERNOR    JACKSON     REFUSES    TO     COMMISSION   A   LOYAL 
OFFICER. 

A  new  militia  company  of  engineers  having  been 
formed,  to  be  called  the  Second  Company  of  National 
Guards,  the  members  proceeded  according  to  military 
law  to  elect  a  Captain;  which  they  did  in  the  person  of 
George  L.  Andrews,  a  member  for  some  past  time  of  the 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  87 

First  Company  of  National  Guards.  General  Frost  for 
warded  the  result  of  the  election  to  the  Adjutant-Gen 
eral,  but  Claib  Jackson  refused  to  issue  the  commission. 
The  following  will  explain  the  grounds  of  his  refusal : 

[EXTRACT.] 

OFFICE  ADJUTANT-GENERAL,  Mo.,    ) 
JEFFERSON  CITY,  February  4,  1861,  j 

GENERAL  D.  M.  FROST: 
*         *         *         *         *         *         *         *         *         * 

I  am  instructed  by  the  Governor  to  say  that  he  de 
clines  issuing  a  commission  to  George  L.  Andrews,  Cap 
tain  of  Company  B,  Battalion  of  Engineers,  believing 
the  qualifications  by  him  annexed  to  the  oath  prescribed 
by  law,  and  his  declaration  of  paramount  allegiance  to 
t/te  Government  of  the  United  States  in  case  of  conflict 
between  the  State  of  Missouri  and  said  Government, 
to  amount  to  military  insubordination  in  advance,  and 
to  be  inconsistent  with  the  requirements  of  the  law. 
WARWICK  HOUGH, 
Adjutant- Genera  I  of  Mo. 

(A  true  copy.) 
WM.  D.  WOOD,  Major  &  A.  A.  G. 

SCENES    IN    JEFFERSON    CITY     IN    FEBRUARY. 

The  conspirators  had  a  "  hard  road  to  hoe "  in  the 
Legislature.  There  were  but  fifteen  members  of  that 
body  who  were,  reliably,  unconditionally  Union.  They 
were  Stevenson,  Hanna,  Moore,  Coste,  Doyle,  Cavender, 
Miller,  Doehn,  Friede,  Partridge,  and  Peckham  (Repub 
licans),  from  St.  Louis,  Owens  of  Franklin,  Lawson 
of  Washington,  and  Lawson  of  Platte,  in  the  House,  and 
Dr.  Morris  in  the  Senate.  There  were  fifty-three  straight- 
out  secessionists,  and  the  balance  were  timid  time-servers, 
influenced  by  surrounding  circumstances.  Whenever 
the  conspirators  desired  to  force  through  a  favored 
measure,  they  adopted  some  plan  of  producing  excite- 


GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

men t,  and  brought  all  their  "  whippers-in "  to  bear  at 
the  given  signal.  I  will  relate  an  incident  of  this  kind. 

Until  within  a  day  or  two  of  the  February  election 
(18th),  the  secessionists  confidently  believed  they  would 
carry  St.  Louis;  but  they  became  convinced  their  cause 
was  desperate,  and  the  leaders  adopted  the  plan  of  over 
awing  the  people  by  means  of  executive  interference. 
They,  therefore,  on  the  day  before  the  election,  tele 
graphed  the  Governor  that,  unless  he  interfered,  the 
abolitionists  would  subvert  and  capture  everything. 
Jackson,  rushing  with  the  dispatch  to  the  Senate  Cham 
ber,  submitted  a  special  message,  asking  for  authority  to 
call  out  the  militia,  in  view  of  the  threatening  condition 
of  affairs,  for  the  purpose  of  "  keeping  the  peace  "  and 
subduing  "  irresponsible  mobs."  Churchill,  in  great 
haste,  pushed  a  bill  through  the  Senate,  and  had  it  imme 
diately  introduced  into  the  "  lower  branch,"  where  Vest 
undertook  to  act  as  engineer.  An  effort  was  made  to 
suspend  all  business  until  this  "  measure  of  stupendous 
importance  "  could  be  disposed  of.  It  was  disposed  of. 
Thomas  L.  Price  (of  Cole  county),  and  John  D.  Steven 
son  (of  St.  Louis),  so  ridiculed  the  thing  that,  on  the 
motion  to  "  suspend  the  rules,"  the  vote  stood  fifty-four 
ayes  to  thirty-four  nays,  and  the  motion  was  lost,  the 
necessary  two-thirds  not  having  been  recorded  in  its 
favor.  When  it  could  be  regularly  brought  up,  the 
election  was  over.  In  the  Senate,  the  only  opponents  to 
the  bill  were  Senators  Morris,  Wilson,  and  Neidand ; 
eighteen  senators  voted  for  it. 

The  secessionists  in  the  Legislature,  mortified  at  the 
results  of  the  election  and  fearing  the  power  of  the  con 
vention,  introduced  resolutions  defining  the  duties  of  the 
convention  under  the  act  calling  them  together,  and 
restricting  them  from  transacting  any  general  business. 
Upon  this  measure  the  discussion  was  so  prolonged 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  89 

that  the  matter  was  dropped.  When  the  convention  met 
in  Jefferson  City,  on  the  28th  of  February,  it  adjourned 
to  meet  in  St.  Louis,  after  three  days'  session. 

During  this  time  the  emblem  of  the  rebellion  was  sus 
pended  from  the  window  of  a  building  opposite  the 
Post  Office.  Several  members  of  the  Legislature  made  it 
a  point  to  always  take  off  their  hats  and  bow  when  they 
passed  beneath  this  bunting.  I  remember  Dougherty, 
of  Cape  Girardeau,  as  being  the  most  formal,  but  there 
were  others  as  enthusiastic  as  himself;  none  more  so 

than  Munroe  Parsons  and Freeman  (of  Polk  county). 

These  men  are  no  longer  living. 

The  Legislature  in  joint  convention,  after  quite  a 
number  ol  ballotings,  elected  Waldo  P.  Johnson,  a 
secessionist,  in  place  of  James  S.  Green,  whom  the  timid 
would  not  vote  for.  An  effort  was  made  to  secure 
Senator  Thomas  B.  English  to  the  secession  side ;  but 
that  gentleman  addressed  the  joint  session,  declaring  his 
fidelity  to  the  Union  and  his  opposition  to  secession. 
He  was  supported  by  the  moderates. 

On  the  1st  of  March,  Mr.  Luther  N.  Glenn  presented 
himself  in  Jefferson  City,  and  at  the  Executive  Mansion, 
as  the  "  Commissioner  from  the  State  of  Georgia,"  then 
in  rebellion.  He  was  received  by  Jackson  and  Reynolds 
with  open  arms,  and  promised  distinguished  considera 
tion.  That  night  he  was  honored  with  a  serenade  at 
the  Virginia  Hotel,  and  in  response  to  the  call  of  the 
assembled  crowd,  appeared  upon  the  balcony,  escorted 
by  Governor  Jackson.  The  Governor  introduced  this 
man  as  "  the  Hon.  Mr.  Glenn,  from  our  Southern  sister 
State  of  Georgia,  with  whose  interests  Missouri  is  eter- 

O         * 

nally  identified."  Glenn  then  spoke  at  considerable 
length,  declaring  himself  a  rebel,  and  arguing  that 
Missouri  was  in  honor  bound  to  sustain  the  seceded 
States.  He  was  followed  by  the  Governor,  who  also 


90  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

spoke  at  considerable  length.  The  burden  of  the  Gov 
ernor's  speech  was  to  the  effect  that  the  day  for  com 
promises  had  passed  ;  the  Southern  States  Avere  obliged, 
in  self-defense,  to  sever  their  connection  with  the  abo 
lition  North,  and  Missouri  was  certain  to  go  with  her 
Southern  sisters.  He  could  imagine  no  compromise  he 
would  accept ;  and  the  most  favorable  conditions  which 
the  North  could  possibly  offer  would  only  increase  his 
hostility  to  the  Union. 

Both  speeches  were  enthusiastically  cheered  by  the 
crowd,  which  was  largely  attended  by  members  both  of 
the  Legislature  and  the  convention.  The  next  day  the 
Senate  hurried  through  a  joint  resolution,  which  was  at 
once  whirled  through  the  House,  providing  for  a  joint 
Cession  of  the  Legislature,  to  receive  in  state  the  Hon 
orable  Commissioner  from  Georgia. 

CAPTAIN  LYON  ON  THE  ALERT. 

The  proceedings  at  Jefferson  City,  and  the  conduct  of 
secessionists  everywhere  in  the  State,  were  fully  commu 
nicated  to  Captain  Lyon,  and  awakened  within  him  the 
most  serious  apprehensions.  He  conversed  freely  with 
his  friends  as  to  the  best  policy  to  pursue.  Of  one  thing 
he  expressed  himself  as  fully  determined — the  arsenal 
property  should  never  be  surrendered  or  taken  while  lie 
remained  in  a  position  to  prevent  it.  The  force  at  the 
arsenal  had  been  further  increased  by  the  arrival  of 
more  recruits  from  Newport  Barracks,  and  other  troops, 
under  Capt.  Saxton  and  Lieut.  Lothrop.  Lyon,  Sweeney, 
Saxton,  and  Lothrop  were  assiduous  in  their  duties  of 
drilling  and  disciplining  their  commands,  and  in  their 
efforts  to  counteract  threatened  dangers.  The  arsenal 
was  put  in  a  state  of  complete  defense.  Around  the 
inside  of  the  wall  banquettes  were  arranged,  and  at 
proper  places  field  and  siege  pieces  placed  in  position, 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  91 

and  protected  by  earthworks  and  sand-bags.  The  build 
ing  known  as  the  main  arsenal  was  undermined,  and 
powder  enough  placed  under  it  to  effectually  destroy 
building  and  contents  when  necessary  to  ignite  it. 
Lyoii  determined  the  arsenal  and  himself  should  be  a 
ruin  before  the  secessionists  should  have  it. 

HE  IS  PRUDENT  AND  POLITIC. 

It  was  extremely  fortunate  that  the  defenses  of  the 
arsenal  at  that  time  were  in  the  hands  of  an  officer  who 
was  conscious  of  the  exact  nature  of  the  ground  over 
which  he  was  treading.  Harney  was  his  superior  com 
mander,  and  he  felt  Harney  would  not  sustain  him  in 
any  step  to  avert  peril,  by  anticipating  its  dangers.  He 
knew  the  conspirators  to  be  plotting  for  the  seizure  of 
his  command,  and  he  knew  them  also  to  be  in  constant 
conference  with  his  General.  While  he  could  scarcely 
doubt  the  loyalty  of  General  Harney,  he  felt  that  he 
knew  him  to  be  in  no  fellowship  or  sympathy  with  the 
real  lovers  of  the  Union.  Any  action  he  might  take  to 
oust  the  secession  element  from  St.  Louis,  or  to  prohibit 
their  treasonable  demonstrations,  would  (in  his  mind)  be 
counteracted  by  the  imperative  orders  of  General  Har 
ney,  if  it  did  not  culminate  in  his  own  arrest.  He  was 
not  rash  enough  to  suppose  he  could  suppress  seces 
sion  in  St.  Louis,  unless  he  had  the  countenance  of  the 
Government,  and  it  was  his  study  to  avoid  the  responsi 
bility  of  assuming  the  onus  of  initiating  civil  war. 

THE    POWDER    PURCHASE    BY    JACKSON. 

There  was,  in  April,  1861,  a  large  quantity  of  powder 
in  the  hands  of  certain  parties  in  St.  Louis,  which  Jack 
son  desired  to  purchase,  and  which  the  Safety  Committee 
desired  he  should  not  purchase.  These  parties,  when 
spoken  to  concerning  the  proposed  sale,  were  earnestly 


92  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

urged  not  to  sell  to  the  rebels ;  and  when  they  pretended  to 
fear  that  it  would  be  seized  if  not  sold,  they  were  assured 
of  the  protection  of  the  Government  and  of  the  troops 
at  the  arsenal.  They  declined,  however,  to  do  else  than 
sell  the  powder  to  the  Governor  on  account  of  the  State, 
and  Mr.  Oliver  D.  Filley  counseled  Captain  Lyon  to  seize 
it.  Although  the  new  administration  was  now  in  power, 
its  very  conduct  induced  Lyon  to  adhere  to  his  policy  of 
caution.  He  doubted  the  propriety  of  seizing  the  pow 
der  at  the  time,  fearing  that  Harney  would  order  its 
return,  and  the  timid  Government  would  remove  him 
from  a  place  where  he  was  so  useful  to  the  cause,  in  obe 
dience  to  the  clamorings  of  disguised  conspirators.  It 
was  after  consulting  at  length  with  Mr.  Filley  that  he 
decided  not  to  interfere  with  the  powder. 

While  Camp  Jackson  was  in  existence  this  powder 
was  bought  by  the  rebels  from  its  owners  and  agents, 
and  transferred  on  a  steamer  to  Jefferson  City,  where  it 
arrived  on  the  Thursday  preceding  the  capture  of  the 
camp.  Captain  Joseph  Kelly,  with  his  company  (the 
Washington  Blues),  was  detailed  to  accompany  the 
steamer. 

IIAGXER    SHALL   NOT   SURRENDER. 

It  will  be  understood  that  Captain  Lyon  was  in  com 
mand  only  of  the  defenses  of  the  arsenal ;  Major  Hagner 
controlled  the  vast  stores  in  its  buildings.  Whatever  he 
wanted  had  to  be  drawn  by  Lyon  upon  a  requisition  on 
Hagner,  approved  by  Harney.  Mr.  James  O.  Broadhead 
called  upon  Lyon  one  day,  and  told  him  that  he  feared 
Major  Hagner  might  be  induced  to  play  into  the  hands 
of  the  rebels,  and  under  some  pretext  or  other  place 
arms  in  the  hands  of  the  Governor,  under  the  same  pre 
text  that  Major  Bell  had  loaned  artillery  and  muskets  to 
Governor  Stewart  for  the  Southwest  expedition.  Lyon 


AND   MISSOURI    IX    1861.  93 

assured  Mr.  Broadhead  that  lie  would  keep  an  eye  on 
the  movements  of  Major  Ilagner  and  stop  all  such  pro 
ceedings. 

"  How  will  you  proceed  to  stop  it  ?  "  inquired  Broad- 
head  ;  "  he  has  control  of  the  guns  and  stores." 

"  If  he  attempts"  responded  Lyon,  and  his  clear,  blue 
eyes  shone  with  unwonted  lustre,  "  to  throw  these  guns 
into  Jackson's  hands,  I'll  shoot  him  down  like  a  dog" 

THE    MUNICIPAL    ELECTION    OF    APRIL,  1861. 

Next  to  the  arsenal,  the  conspirators  desired  most 
the  possession  of  the  municipal  government  of  the  city 
of  St.  Louis.  In  order  to  accomplish  this,  they  selected 
from  the  ranks  of  the  old  Bell-Everett  party,  a  gentle 
man  of  great  popularity,  whose  position,  though  not  in 
known  accord  with  the  secessionists,  was  yet  reliably 
hostile  to  the  Republicans.  The  Republicans  endeavored 
by  placing  upon  their  tickets  representatives  of  all  the 
parties  who  adhered  unconditionally  to  the  Union,  to 
effect  the  same  results  as  in  the  February  election,  but 
so  confident  were  they  of  success  that  they  were  less 
active  than  the  occasion  required,  and  Mr.  Daniel  G. 
Taylor,  the  opposition  candidate,  was  successful  at  the 
polls.  The  secessionists  supported  Mr.  Taylor  upon  the 
supposition  that  he  would  -be  led  into  the  rebellion 
through  his  hostility  to  the  Republicans ;  but  Mr.  Taylor, 
while  demanding  for  the  South  conditions  and  guaran 
tees,  refused  to  identify  himself  with  the  active  partisans 
of  the  rebellion. 

At  their  success  in  the  canvass  the  Democracy  were 
overjoyed,  and  a  grand  public  demonstration  followed,  in 
the  nature  of  a  procession  and  magnificent  serenade  to 
Mr.  Taylor,  at  his  residence.  It  happened  that  at  the 
time  the  steamer  "  H.  R.  W.  Hill,"  engaged  in  the  New 
Orleans  trade,  was  lying  at  the  levee.  She  had,  on  her 


94  GKN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

voyage  up,  claimed  to  belong  to  the  Southern  Confed 
eracy,  and  had  had  a  Confederate  flag  flying  in  place  of 
the  stars  and  stripes.  The  officers  and  employees  of  the 
boat  determined  to  take  part  in  the  procession,  in  com 
pliment  to  Mr.  Taylor,  whom  they  all  knew  and  admired ; 
and  consequently  placed  their  yawl  upon  trucks,  rigged 
it  up  in  ship  fashion,  and  placed  upon  its  foremast  the 
rebel  flag.  The  appearance  of  this  rebel  emblem  in  the 
procession  excited  the  indignation  of  the  loyalists.  Col 
onel  J.  N.  Pritchard,  who  was  standing  with  General 
Frost  and  Major  McKinstry,  on  the  corner  of  Second 
and  Chestnut  streets,  became  quite  agitated,  but  was 
restrained  by  Frost  from  making  any  violent  demonstra 
tions.  The  telegraph  wires  interfered  with  the  continual 
remaining  of  the  boat  in  the  procession,  and  its  driver 
took  a  direct  road  for  the  meeting-place,  at  the  Seventh 
Street  Market.  At  this  place  Colonel  Pritchard  overtook 
the  boat  and  demanded  it  should  pull  down  the  rebel 
flag.  The  man  in  charge,  a  pilot,  refused,  and  the  Col 
onel  sought  for  and  found  N.  Wall,  Esq.,  the  Marshal  of 
the  procession.  Mr.  Wall  complied  with  the  demand  of 
Colonel  Pritchard,  and  ordered  the  flag  down,  but  the 
boatmen  refused,  and  withdrew  from  the  procession. 

The  candidate  for  the  mayoralty,  of  the  unconditional 
Union  party,  was  the  Honorable  John  How,  an  old  and 
esteemed  citizen,  who  had  previously  been  honored  by 
his  fellow-citizens  by  election  to  that  responsible  office, 
and  had  attained  popularity  and  an  absolute  degree  of 
public  confidence  by  his  faithful  performance  of  duty  and 
unflinching  personal  integrity.  The  Unionists  could 
have  selected  no  man  as  their  candidate  who  could  have 
commanded,  to  a  greater  degree,  the  confidence  of  the 
public,  aside  from  his  position  of  unqualified  loyalty, 
which  even  in  that  troubled  time  was  tempered  with 
moderation,  forbearance,  and  thought.  Mr.  How  was  a 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  95 

member  of  the  Safety  Committee,  and  in  continual  con 
ference  and  sympathy  with  Captain  Lyon. 

THE    POLICE    COMMISSION. 

A  few  days  after  the  election  of  Mayor  Taylor,  Claib 
Jackson,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  new 
police  law,  appointed  as  Police  Commissioners  Charles 
McLaren,  Basil  W.  Duke,  James  H.  Carlysle,  and  John 
A.  Brownlee.  The  Mayor,  by  virtue  of  his  office,  was 
President  of  the  board.  By  these  appointments  the 
Governor  secured  a  majority  of  the  board  in  his  own 
interest,  and  considered  the  city  of  St.  Louis,  even  against 
a  possibly  obnoxious  Mayor,  as  completely  in  his  hands. 

The  Board  of  Police  Commissioners  was  no  sooner 
organized  than  a  number  of  merchants,  of  secession  pro 
clivities,  conceived  the  idea  of  an  organization  to  aid  the 
board  in  the  performance  of  their  required  duties.  Con 
sequently  a  meeting  was  called,  which  convened  in  the 
office  of  the  American  Insurance  Company,  over  the 
Boatmen's  Savings  Institution.  The  prime  mover  in  this 
matter  was  Dr.  S.  R.  Clark.  The  movement  threatened 
to  become  a  success  by  the  infusion  of  a  loyal  element, 
and  the  prevalence  of  ideas  favorable  to  the  Union.  In 
order  to  counteract  this,  a  motion  was  made,  in  one  of 
the  early  meetings,  to  prohibit  the  admission  of  any 
"  Black  Republican."  This  created  intense  feeling,  and 
withdrew  the  mask  which  the  conspirators  had  fixed 
upon  the  face  of  the  society.  Upon  this  rock  they  split, 
and  the  organization  was  a  failure.  The  young  men, 
however,  who  had  been  seduced  into  its  ranks  by  repre 
sentations  of  necessity  to  stand  by  the  State,  against 
Yankee  abolitionists,  who  designed  to  tyrannize  over 
freemen,  were  encouraged  by  their  secession  employers 
to  join  the  ranks  of  the  minute-men.  Many  of  them 
did  so. 


96  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

ELECTION      OF     CHIEF THE      COMMISSION      AND      THE 

"  NIGGER." 

The  Police  Board  elected  as  Chief  of  Police  Mr.  James 
McDonough,  a  prominent  politician  of  the  city,  formerly 
State  and  County  Collector  for  the  county,  and  a  straight- 
out  Democrat.  No  matter  what  may  have  been  Mr. 
McDonough's  personal  feelings  in  the  "  impending 
crisis,"  certainly  did  he  perform  the  duties  of  his  office 
in  maintaining  the  peace  with  great  success,  regardless 
of  consequences  to  personal  friend  or  foe. 

Almost  the  first  act  of  the  new  commission  was  to 
legislate  for  the  "  nigger."  It  was  resolved  at  once 
that  the  inoffensive  "  darkeys  "  should  not  be  permitted 
to  meet  in  a  body  in  any  place  of  public  worship,  nor 
elsewhere,  without  first  notifying  the  Chief  of  Police, 
and  having  a  policeman  detailed  to  be  constantly  in 
attendance  until  the  meeting  should  disperse.  The  con 
spirators  must  have  feared  what  the  Republicans  had 
entirely  overlooked.  No  one  of  the  Unionists  thought 
at  that  time  of  relying  upon  the  three  or  four  thousand 
negroes  in  the  city  for  assistance  in  case  of  armed  con 
flict.  The  idea  of  allowing  Sambo  to  fight  was  a  later 
development  of  the  war.  If  this  thought  had  been 
seized  upon  in  1861,  what  a  wonderful  difference  there 
might  have  been  in  results ;  the  most  violent  radicals 
of  to-day,  in  Missouri,  would  then  more  probably  have 
openly  opposed  the  Government  that  adopted  it ;  but 
Sambo  would  have  protected  the  Federal  rear,  while  the 
"  Federals  "  were  pushing  the  "  Confederates "  to  the 
Gulf. 

THE    COMMISSION    FIND    OUT   LYON. 

Captain  Lyon,  in  order  for  the  better  security  of  his 
little  command,  established  sentinels  at  posts  outside  the 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  97 

arsenal,  with  orders  to  give  an  arranged  signal  at  the 
approach  of  any  body  of  men  in  unusual  numbers.  Mr. 
Brownlee,  in  behalf  of  the  Board  of  Police,  informed 
Captain  Lyon  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  board  he 
should  withdraw  his  sentinels  to  within  the  arsenal,  as 
he  was 'encroaching  upon  the  domain  of  the  city  author 
ities.  Captain  Lyon  indignantly  returned  answer  that 
he  should  not  withdraw  his  sentinels  ;  on  the  contrary, 
that  he  should  strengthen  them ;  and  if  the  police  inter 
fered  with  them,  they  would  do  so  at  their  peril.  The 
police  did  not  interfere. 

THE    CATASTROPHE. 

The  conspirators  being  in  readiness,  rebel  cannon 
began  their  murderous  work  upon  the  little  garrison  at 
Fort  Sumter.  The  "  North  "  was  aroused  to  the  hio-h- 

O 

est  pitch  of  martial  enthusiasm.  The  traitors  had  been 
carrying  on  "war"  for  some  time,  as  Mr.  Blair  said  in 
his  Verandah  Hall  speech  on  the  7th  of  February,  "  by 
stealing  empty  forts  and  full  treasuries."  In  this  FORT 
SUMTER  there  were  men  who  did  not  see  fit  to  yield 
without  a  struggle.  As  that  parricidal  blow  fired  the 
Northern  heart,  it  also  fired  the  Southern.  In  St.  Louis 
the  traitors  received  the  news  with  every  manifestation 
of  delight.  They  were  more  than  usually  noisy,  and 
pursued  their  way  undisturbed.  Republicans,  frequently 
insulted,  thought  it  best  to  avoid  difficulties,  knowing 
very  well  that,  in  any  attempt  to  resent,  others  would 
become  involved,  and  the  cause  suffer  thereby.  The  city 
authorities  were  mistrusted  ;  the  State  authorities  were 
known  to  be  traitors  ;  there  were  officers  at  the  arsenal 
whom  even  Lyon  mistrusted,  and  the  rebels  went  about 
in  groups ;  so  there  was  but  little  chance  for  self-defense, 
unless  involving  chances  of  riot.  The  great  injunction 
was :  "  Avoid  trouble.  Suppose  they  do  brag,  and  blow, 
5 


98  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

and  blaspheme,  and  hurrah  for  Jeff.  Davis:  let  them  go  on 
until  we  know  where  we  stand,  and  then  we  can  have 
redress."  This  injunction  was  faithfully  kept ;  known 
Republicans  avoided  public  places;  the  expressions  of 
belligerent  youths  were  passed  by  unnoticed,  and  pre 
texts  for  calling  out  State  troops  to  suppress  "  mobs  " 
were  thereby  rendered  impossible. 


GEN.   NATHANIEL  LYON, 

AND 

MISSOURI      IN      1861. 
BOOK    II. 

CAMP      JACKSON. 

CONTENTS—  THE  RESPONSE  OF  CLAIB  JACKSON—  RETURN  OF  MR.  BLAIR- 
RESIGNATION  OF  MILITIA  OFFICERS  —  SATURDAY  AND  SUNDAY,  APRIL  20 
AND  21  —  THE  ARSENAL  RE-ENFORCED  BY  VOLUNTEERS  —  PROJECT  TO  BRIBE 
THE  COMMANDER  AT  LEAVENAVORTH  —  THE  FIRST  REMOVAL  OF  GENERAL 
HARNEY  —  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  FIRST  FOUR  REGIMENTS  —  GOVERNOR 
JACKSON'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  ORDER—  JACKSON  ASKS  MONEY  OF  THE 
BANKS  —  EXCITEMENT  OVER  THE  REMOVAL  OF  ARMS  —  ATTACK  UPON  THE 
STREET  CARS  —  SUPPRESSION  OF  A  CIRCUIT  COURT  —  ORGANIZATION  OF 
HOME  GUARDS  —  TRANSFER  OF  GUNS  TO  ILLINOIS  —  ROLL  OF  HONOR  —  LYON 
BUSILY  EMPLOYED  —  LlNDELL  GROVE  —  ORGANIZATION  OF  CAMP  JACKSON 
TROOPS—  STOLEN  ARMS  FROM  BATON  ROUGE—  LYON  PRIVATELY  DECLARES 
HIS  PURPOSE—  LYON  VISITS  CAMP  JACKSON—  THE  SAFETY  COMMITTEE  IN 
SESSION  —  THE  ORDER  FOR  HORSES  —  EXCITING  RUMORS  —  TENTH  OF  MAY, 
1861—  LETTER  FROM  GENERAL  FROST—  CAPTURE  OF  CAMP  JACKSON—  THE 
CATASTROPHE  AFTER  THE  SURRENDER  —  OFFICIAL  STATEMENT  OF  LYON 
CONCERNING  THE  FIRING  AT  CAMP  JACKSON  —  LIST  OF  THE  DEAD  —  SECESSION 
MOB  —  CHIEF  OF  POLICE  McDoNouon  —  THE  STATE  JOURNAL  IN  A  RAGE  — 
MAYOR'S  PROCLAMATION  —  PROPERTY  CAPTURED  AT  THE  CAMP  —  FLIGHT 
OF  STERLING  PRICE—  SECESSION  EXCITEMENT  OF  MAY  11—  MOB  ATTACK 
ON  THE  HOME  GUARDS  —  JEFFERSON  CITY,  MAY,  1861  —  PANIC  IN  THE 
LEGISLATURE—  BRIDGE  BURNING—  LEGISLATION  UNDER  DIFFICULTIES- 
JACKSON  IN  A  FRIGHT  —  THE  GREAT  SCARE  AT  JEFFERSON. 

THE  RESPONSE  OF  JACKSON  TO  THE  CALL  FOR  TROOPS. 

THE  President  of  the  United  States  called  for  seventy- 
five  thousand  volunteers,  and  Missouri  was  notified  to 
furnish  her  quota.  Governor  Jackson  immediately  tele- 


Of    THE 

UNIVERSITY 


102  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

graphed  to  the  Government  that  "  Missouri  would  not 
furnish  a  single  man  to  subjugate  her  sister  States  of  the 
South."  In  this  Jackson  made  a  great  fool  of  himself, 
for  St.  Louis  was  bufning  with  patriotic  ardor,  and  was 
craving  the  glorious  privilege  of  herself  furnishing 
double  the  number  necessary  to  fill  the  quota. 

The  Secretary  of  War,  disregarding  the  telegram  of 
the  Governor,  forwarded  the  official  demand  for  the 
quota  of  the  State,  according  to  legal  estimate.  The 
Governor  returned  the  following  answer,  a  copy  of 
which  he  telegraphed  to  the  State  Journal,  the  secession 
organ  in  St.  Louis,  and  which  appeared  in  the  issue  of 
that  paper  of  April  1 7  : 

EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT  OF  MISSOURI,  ) 
JEFFERSON  CITY,  April  17,  18G1.       j 

To  Hon.  SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War,  Washing 
ton  City  : 

SIR — Your  dispatch  of  the  15th  inst.,  making  a  call  on 
Missouri  for  four  regiments  of  men  for  immediate  service, 
has  been  received.  There  can  be,  I  apprehend,  no  doubt 
but  these  men  are  intended  to  form  a  part  of  the  present 
army  to  make  war  upon  the  people  of  the  seceded  States. 
Your  requisition,  in  my  judgment,  is  illegal,  unconsti 
tutional,  and  revolutionary ;  in  its  objects  inhuman  and 
diabolical,  and  cannot  be  complied  with.  Not  one  man 
will  the  State  of  Missouri  furnish  to  carry  on  such  an 
unholy  crusade. 

C.  F.  JACKSON, 

Governor  of  Missouri. 

RETURN    OF    MR.    BLAIR. 

Frank  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  returned  to  St.  Louis  from  Wash 
ington  on  the  17th  of  April,  and  gladdened  the  hearts  of 
loyal  men  by  assuring  them  of  the  determination  of  the 
Government  to  use  the  last  man  and  the  last  dollar,  if 
necessary,  to  crush  out  the  rebellion  in  the  seceded 


AND   MISSOURI    IN    1861.  103 

States.  He  represented  the  patriotic  enthusiasm  of  the 
people  along  the  entire  line  of  his  recent  travel  as  truly 
wonderful.  Upon  learning  the  attitude  of  the  Governor, 
he  telegraphed  at  once  to  Washington,  offering  to  raise 
immediately  four  regiments  for  active  duty,  and  urging 
their  acceptance  and  the  appointment  of  an  officer  to 
muster  them  into  the  service.  That  there  might  be  no 
failure  in  securing  the  attention  of  the  Government  to 
this  matter,  as  well  as  to  the  general  wants  of  the  loyal 
ists  of  Missouri,  Captain  Barton  Able  visited  Washington 
City,  for  the  purpose  of  'representing  Missouri  affairs  to 
the  President  and  Cabinet.  Mr.  Blair  also  advised  those 
officers  of  the  militia  who  called  upon  him  and  announced 
their  desire  to  identify  themselves  with  the  Union,  to 
withdraw  from  the  Jackson  militia  at  once.  He  also 
advised  the  immediate  recruiting  of  companies,  and 
inspired  confidence  of  their  speedy  muster.  It  is  true, 
and  injustice  should  be  said,  that  Mr.  Blair  in  that  day 
was  himself  a  host.  Wherever  loyal  men  met  in  council, 
he  was  there ;  whenever  loyal  men  received  the  word 
of  command,  it  was  from  him.  The  rank  and  file  had 
not  yet  learned  to  rely  upon  Nathaniel  Lyon ;  but  the 
drama  is  rapidly  progressing,  and  in  a  few  days  they 
will  be  brought  under  his  more  immediate  care. 

RESIGNATION    OF    MILITIA    OFFICERS. 

On  the  lYth  of  April,  Major  Schaeffer,  and  on  the  18th 
Colonel  John  N.  Pritchard,  Surgeon  Florence  M.  Cornyn, 
and  Adjutant  John  S.  Cavender,  peremptorily  resigned. 
In  his  letter  of  resignation  Major  Schaeffer  used  the  fol 
lowing  language : 

"  I  cannot  reconcile  it  with  my  ideas  of  military  fealty 
and  discipline,  that  a  part  of  your  command  has  hoisted 
another  flag  than  the  only  true  flag  of  these  United 
States." 


104  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

Tliis  patriotic  sentiment  was  pronounced  f>y  General 
Frost  to  be  "  conduct  unworthy  of  an  officer  and  a  gen 
tleman"  and  upon  such  a  charge  that  officer,  in  com 
mand  of  the  First  Military  District  of  Missouri,  ordered 
a  court-martial  to  try  the  Major.  It  may  be  interesting 
to  know  the  names  of  the  persons  constituting  that 
court.  I  give  them  : 

Colonel  Alton  R.  Easton,  President  of  the  Court ;  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  John  Knapp,  Lieutenant-Colonel  JohnS. 
Bo  wen,  Major  James  R.  Shaler,  Captain  Joseph  Kelly, 
Captain  George  W.  West,  Captain  William  Wade,  Cap 
tain  Martin  Burke,  Captain  Charles  S.  Rogers,  Captain 
William  B.  Hazeltine,  Captain  Charles  H.  Fredericks, 
Captain  Henry  W.  Williams,  Judge-Advocate. 

Major  Schaeffer  refused  to  acknowledge  the  order  of 
arrest,  and  lived  to  do  good  service  for  his  country,  until 
at  Murfreesbor",  at  the  head  of  his  brigade,  in  a  glorious 
charge,  he  died  "  in  the  arms  of  victory." 

The  letter  of  Surgeon  Cornyn  also  breathed  the  purest 
and  loftiest  spirit  of  patriotism.  These  resignations 
were  followed  by  a  general  stampede  of  the  active  Union 
men  of  the  rank  and  file;  but  there  were  some,  however, 
who  remained  only  to  leave  in  time  for  early  service  in 
the  Union  armies. 

SATURDAY,  APRIL  20,  AND  SUNDAY,  APRIL  21. 

On  Saturday,  April  20,  news  reached  Captain  Lyon 
that  the  conspirators  had  seized  the  Government  arsenal 
at  Liberty,  and  had  carried  off  all  its  guns  and  ammuni 
tion.  His  own  friends  in  the  city  and  the  spies  of  the 
Safety  Committee  reported  undoubted  evidence  of  an 
intention  on  the  part  of  the  St.  Louis  managers  to  take 
the  arsenal,  if  they  could.  The  members  of  the  Safety 
Committee  entirely  neglected  their  business  on  that  day, 
and  rendered  every  assistance  in  their  power  to  the 


AND    MISSOURI    IN"    1861.  105 

designs  and  plans  of  Lyon.  Mr.  O.  D.  Filley  met  Gen 
eral  Harney  at  the  gate  of  the  arsenal  during  the  day,  and 
informed  him  of  the  capture  of  Liberty  arsenal.  Harney 
seemed  to  take  very  little  notice  of  the  information,  and, 
I  am  informed,  affected  not  to  believe  it.  Mounted 
patrols  were  kept  constantly  moving  through  various 
parts  of  the  city,  ready  to  convey  to  Lyon  reports  of 
any  unusual  movements  among  any  considerable  num 
ber  of  citizens.  Companies  of  the  Union  Guards  were  on 
hand  in  their  private  armories,  prepared  to  move  into  the 
arsenal  at  a  moment's  notice.  In  order  to  avoid  creating 
unnecessary  excitement,  the  entire  Union  Guard  was 
called  at  their  several  places  of  meeting  by  private 
notice,  and  kept  together  until  a  late  hour ;  some  com 
panies  until  after  daylight. 

That  night  Sweeney,  who  commanded  at  the  west  gate, 
with  two  field-pieces  under  his  charge,  concluded,  about 
midnight,  to  station  his  men  at  their  respective  places, 
when  he  ascertained  that  two  had  deserted  since'the  last 
roll-call.  Upon  further  examination  he  found  that  the 
equipments  of  both  his  cannon  had  been  taken  away. 
His  suspicions  fell  upon  a  man  whose  name  appeared  on 
the  company  roll  as  Spencer  Kellogg,*  and  whose  conduct 
he  had  secretly  criticised  on  several  previous  occasions. 
Obtaining  new  equipments,  he  placed  them  in  his  tent, 
and  sending  for  Kellogg,  said  to  him :  "Kellogg,  when  I 
am  absent,  you  must  be  here  and  guard  these  equipments. 
Your  eyes  or  mine  must  be  on  them  all  the  time ;  if  these 

*  A  BRAVE  MAN'S  LAST   WORDS  —  LETTER,   FROM  SPENCER  KELLOGG 
BROWN. 

The  Utica  Herald  publishes  the  following  letter  from  Spencer  Kellogg 
Brown,  who  was  executed  as  a  spy  by  the  rebels,  the  last  he  ever  wrote, 
addressed  to  his  parents  in  that  city: 

"  CASTLE  THUNDER,  Virginia,  September  23,  1803. 

"DEAR  FATHER:  By  permission,  and  through  the  courtesy  of  Captain  Alex 
ander,  I  am  enabled  to  write  you  a  few  lines.  You,  who  before  this  have  heard 

5* 


106  GEN.    NATHANIEL  LYON, 

are  stolen,  you  or  Zmust  be  the  thief."  They  were  not 
stolen  ;  and  Kellogg's  subsequent  conduct  proved  him 
to  be  a  patriot  and  a  hero.  In  18C3,  Spencer  Kellogg 
was  hung  in  Richmond,  Virginia,  as  a  Federal  spy.  His 
real  name  was  Spencer  Kellogg  Brown. 

While  thus  the  utmost  vigilance  was  observed  at  the 
arsenal  on  that  night  of  the  20th  of  April,  there  was  also 
unusual  activity  at  the  headquarters  of  the  minute-men. 
Mayor  Taylor,  anxious  to  preserve  the  peace,  had  ar 
ranged  so  he  could  be  notified,  at  any  moment,  of  any 
appearances  of  an  extraordinary  character.  About  mid 
night  he  was  called  up,  and  after  receiving  information 
from  his  visitor,  proceeded  to  the  Berthold  mansion  and 
knocked  for  admission.  At  first  it  was  refused,  but  he 
was  finally  admitted,  when  he  saw  a  large  crowd  of  men 
thoroughly  armed,  and  engaged  in  plotting  an  attack 
upon  the  arsenal.  The  Mayor  earnestly  entreated  them 
to  retire  to  their  homes,  and  not  attempt  such  a  foolish 
undertaking,  which  could  only  result  in  their  capture  or 


from  me  in  regard  to  my  situation  here,  can,  I  trust,  bear  it  when  I  tell  you  that 
ray  days  on  earth  are  soon  ended.  Last  Saturday  I  was  court-martialed,  and 
this  evening,  a  short  time  since,  I  received  notice  of  my  sentence  by  Captain 
Alexander,  who  has  since  shown  me  every  kindness  consistent  with  his  duty. 

"  Writing  to  my  dear  parents,  I  feel  there  can  be  no  more  comfort  after  such 
tidings,  than  to  tell  you  that  I  trust,  by  the  mercy  of  our  Heavenly  Father,  to 
die  the  death  of  a  Christian.  For  more  than  a  year,  since  the  commencement 
of  my  conliuement,  I  have  been  trying  to  serve  Him  in  my  poor,  feeble  way, 
and  I  do  not  fear  going  to  Him.  I  would  have  loved  to  see  you  all  again ;  God 
saw  best  not — why  should  we  mourn  ?  Comfort  your  hearts,  my  dear  parents, 
by  thoughts  of  God's  mercy  unto  your  son,  and  bow  with  reverence  beneath  the 
hand  of  Him  w'.io  %  doeth  a'll  things  well.'  I  have  but  little  business  to  dispose 
of.  Yourself,  or  Uncle  Cozzeus.  at  St.  Louis,  will  please  draw  my  pay  from  the 
Government  and  invest  it  in  I'nited  States  bonds,  at  present,  tne  interest  of 
which  will  be  paid  semi-annually  to  my  wife.  *  *  *  *  I  sent  a  ring  to  my 
wife  by  a  clergyman  Monday  last;  I  also  Bent  a  telegram  to  yourself;  wh icfi 
will  arrive  too  late,  as  the  time  of  my  execution  is  set  for  day  after  to-morrow — 
Friday,  September  2o.  I  will  try  to  send  a  short  letter  to  my  wife  accompany 
ing  this.  *  *  *  Captain  Alexander,  commandant  of  the  prison,  deserves 
your  respect  and  grateful  remembrance  for  his  kindness  to  your  eon  in  his  last 
hours. 

"Dear  parents,  there  are  but  few  more  moments  left  me.  I  will  try  to  think 
often  of  you.  Remember  me  kindly  and  respectfully  to  all  my  dear  friends  and 
relatives.  Tell  Kitty  I  hope  to  meet  her  again.  Take  care  of  Freddy  for  me ; 
put  him  often  in  remembrance  of  me. 

"  Dear  mother,  good-bye.  God  comfort  you.  my  mother,  and  bless  you  with 
the  love  of  happy  children.  Farewell,  my  father;  we  meet  again,  by  God'a 
mercy. 

SPENCER  KELLOGG." 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  107 

death.  Whether  the  entreaties  of  the  Mayor  wrought 
the  change  in  their  intentions  I  cannot  say,  but  they  did 
not  attack  the  arsenal.  The  leaders  of  the  party  ex 
pressed  perfect  confidence  in  success  should  they  attempt 
the  seizure .  of  the  arsenal,  and  boasted  that  they  had 
two  spies  on  duty  at  the  arsenal  gate,  at  that  very  hour. 
Certain  it  is  the  Safety  Committee  had  a  spy  in  their 
own  camp.  Early  on  the  following  morning,  April  21, 
Lyon  sent  to  Blair  the  following  : 

[BY   POLITENESS    OF   CAPTAIN   COLLA3IER.] 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  April  21, 1861. 

DEAR  SIR — I  have  no  authority  for  mustering  in 
troops  for  the  Government.  This  is  very  important 
now,  and  before  we  are  so  hemmed  in  that  we  cannot 
help  ourselves,  which  is  doubtless  the  policy  of  our 
adversaries.  I  had  supposed  the  exertions  of  yourself 
and  friends  with  the  Government  at  Washington  would 
have  effected  this  by  this  time. 

You  will  see  by  the  news  this  morning,  that  a  large 
supply  of  arms,  ammunition  and  artillery  have  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  our  foes  by  their  possession  of  the  Liberty 
arsenal,  and  they  may  be  turned  upon  us  here  soon. 
You  will  see  also  that  Captain  Steele,  at  Fort  Leaven- 
worth,  has  accepted  volunteers  to  defend  that  arsenal 
and  post,  and  if  I  had  the  command  proper  here,  and  no 
interference  from  General  Harney,  I  would  do  the  same. 
I  have  just  sent  a  note  to  the  General,  asking  him  to 
allow  me  to  accept  volunteers,  but  if  he  does  so,  I  expect 
it  will  be  so  noised  about  that  they  will  have  to  tight 
their  way  here.  ******* 

K  LYON. 
[LATER.] 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  April  21,  1861. 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR,  Jr. : 

DEAR  SIR — I  forgot,  in  writing  you  by  Captain  Col- 
lamer,  to  mention  that  I  have  authentic  information  that 
Lieutenant  John  M.  Schofield,  First  Artillery,  who  has 
for  some  time  past  been  on  leave  of  absence  in  St.  Louis, 


108  GEN.    NATHANIEL  LYON, 

has  received  orders  from  "Washington  to  muster  volun 
teers  into  the  service.  It  would  be  well  for  some  of  your 
people  to  see  and  consult  him  at  once.  Something 
should  be  done,  if  possible,  to-day. 

Yours  truly, 

N.  LYOX. 

That  same  morning  Barton  Able,  John  How,  Oliver 
D.  Filley,  James  O.  Broadhead,  Franklin  A.  Dick,  and 
one  or  two  others,  whose  names  are  not  remembered, 
were  with  Mr.  Blair  at  his  residence  on  Washington  ave 
nue,  in  conference  as  to  the  best  means  to  adopt  for  self- 
protection  in  the  threatening  crisis.  The  second  note 
from  Lyon  was  brought  in  at  about  church-time,  and  it 
was  resolved  to  at  once  hunt  up  Schofield.  Filley, 
Broadhead  and  How,  started  out  upon  the  search,  and 
first  visited  Dr.  Xelson's  church  on  Fourteenth  street- 
Schofield,  who  was  a  professor  in  the  Washington  Uni 
versity,  was  quite  well  known,  but  he  was  not  in  the 
church.  The  committee  then  proceeded  down  Olive 
street  toward  Dr.  Eliot's  church,  but  before  going  any 
great  distance  they  met  Professor  S.  B.  Waterhouse,  of 
the  same  University  with  Lieut.  Schofield,  and  from 
him  learned  that  the  latter  was  at  the  church  on  the 
corner  of  Seventeenth  and  Olive  streets.  Thither  they 
proceeded,  found  Schofield,  and  took  him  over  to  Mr. 
Blair's.  Schofield  was  himself  impressed  with  the  neces 
sity  of  prompt  action,  and  consented  to  go  immediately 
to  the  arsenal  and  comply  with  Captain  Lyon's  wishes. 
Mr.  Blair  had  just  received  a  reply  to  his  dispatches  to 
Washington,  offering  four  regiments,  the  Secretary  of 
War  telegraphing  their  acceptance ;  but  when  Schofield 
reached  the  arsenal  he  found  himself  hampered  by  the 
orders  of  General  Harney,  prohibiting  the  entrance  of 
volunteers  into  the  arsenal,  and  also  their  subsistence 
and  arming.  Lieut.  Schoiield,  accompanied  by  Lieut. 


AXD    MISSOURI    IN    18G1.  109 

Saxton,  returned  to  Mr.  Blair's  house  with  the  following 
note  from  Captain  Lyon  : 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  April  21,  1861. 

DEAR  SIR — Mr.  Schofield  has  no  authority  to  arm  and 
equip  these  men,  if  he  enrolls  them,  nor  are  any  instruc 
tions  given  about  the  location  and  disposal  of  them  and 
without  the  sanction  of  General  Harney  to  this  matter, 
we  are  liable  to  serious  difficulty,  as  the  General  may,  on 
hearing  what  is  transpiring,  order  my  arrest,  even  while 
trying  to  arm  the  men,  for  violating  his  orders  about 
issuing  arms ;  and  as  he  has  the  rank  and  authority  he 
may  direct  the  volunteer  force  away  or  to  disperse.  We 
do  not  seem  to  be  starting  out  right  with  the  instruc 
tions  Mr.  Schofield  now  has.  Lieutenants  Saxton  and 
Schofield  will  explain  more  fully  what  I  have  not  time 
to  write. 

Yours  truly, 

N.  LYON. 

Mr.  Blair,  in  company  with  Lieut.  Schofield,callcd  upon 
General  Harney,  but  the  General  refused  to  counter 
mand  his  order.  Blair  then  returned  to  his  house,  and 
sending  for  Mr.  Lucien  Barnes,  a  loyal  telegrapher,  gave 
him  the  following  telegram  to  forward  at  once  to  its 
destination : 

ST.  Louis,  April  21,  1801. 
Governor  A.  G.  CURTIX,  Harrisburg,  Pennsylvania. 

An  officer  of  the  army  here,  has  received  an  order  to 
muster  in  Missouri  regiments.  General  Harney  refuses 
to  let  them  remain  in  the  arsenal  grounds  or  permit  them 
to  be  armed.  I  wish  these  facts  to  be  communicated  to 
the  Secretary  of  War  by  special  messenger,  and  instruc 
tions  sent  immediately  to  Harney  to  receive  the  troops 
at  the  arsenal,  and  arm  them.  Our  friends  distrust  Har 
ney  very  much.  He  should  be  superseded  immediately 
by  putting  another  commander  in  this  district.  The 
object  of  the  secessionists  is  to  seize  the  arsenal  here,with 
its  seventy-five  thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  he  refuses 


110  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

the  means  of  defending  it.     We  have  plenty  of  men,  but 
no  arms. 

FRANK   P.  BLAIR,  JK. 

In  order  to  avoid  betrayal  in  the  St.  Louis  telegraph 
office,  Mr.  Blair  requested  Barnes  to  cross  the  river  on 
the  ferry,  and  forward  the  dispatch  from  the  East  St 
Louis  office. 

I  must  not  neglect  to  say  that  Mr.  Blair  had  procured 
an  order  for  five  thousand  guns,  to  be  given  to  Lyon  to 
arm  loyal  men  with,  in  case  of  actual  necessity,  for  the 
defense  of  the  arsenal  and  the  lives  of  Union  men.  This 
order  Harney  managed  to  render  a  nullity,  and  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  1 9th  of  April,  Mr.  Blair  had  dispatched 
Dr.  Hazlctt  to  Washington  with  the  following  letter, 
addressed  to  Montgomery  Blair,  the  Postmaster-Gen 
eral  : 

ST.  Louis,  April  19,  1861. 

DEAK  JUDGE — Dr.  Hazlctt  will  hand  you  this  letter. 
He  goes  to  Washington  for  the  purpose  of  urging  the 
removal  of  General  Harney  from  this  post,  and  giving  us 
some  one  to  command  who  will  not  obstruct  the  orders 
of  Government  intended  for  our  assistance.  Harney  has 
issued  orders,  at  the  instance  of  the  secessionists,  refusing 
to  allow  us  to  have  the  guns  which  the  Government  had 
ordered  to  be  given  to  us.  We  also  want  an  order  to 
Captain  Lyon  to  swear  in  the  four  regiments  assigned 
to  Missouri.  I  have  already  written  and  telegraphed  to 
this  eifect ;  but  in  these  days  we  do  not  know  what  to 
rely  upon,  and  therefore  we  have  deemed  it  advisable  to 
Bend  a  special  messenger.  If  you  will  send  General 
Wool,  or  some  one  who  is  not  to  be  doubted,  to  take  com 
mand  in  this  district,  and  designate  an  officer  to  swear 
in  our  volunteers,  and  arm  the  rest  of  our  people,  who 
are  willing  to  act  as  a  civic  or  home  guard,  I  think  we 
shall  be  able  to  hold  our  ground  here.  But  the  man  sent 
to  supersede  Harney  should  reach  here  before  Harney  is 
apprised  of  his  removal ;  and  the  order  to  swear  in  our 
volunteers  should  come  as  soon  as  possible,  and  should 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  Ill 

be  sent  to  Lyon  by  telegraph,  if  not  already  sent,  and 
should  be  repeated,  even  if  the  order  has  been  sent 
already.  I  consider  these  matters  of  vital  importance, 
otherwise  Avould  not  urge  them  upon  your  attention.  I 
ask  you  to  see  Cameron  immediately  in  regard  to  the 
business.  Yours, 

FRANK  P.  BLAIR,  JR. 
Hon.  MONTGOMERY  BLAIR. 

Having  thus  dispatched  to  Washington  the  condition 
of  affairs,  Mr.  Blair  visited  Lyon  at  the  arsenal.  Mr.  O. 
D.  Filley,  Mr.  How,  and  Mr.  Broadhead  were  already 
there,  and  it  was  the  conclusion  of  all  that  the  arsenal 
must  be  reinforced  that  evening,  whether  Harney  should 
consent  or  not.  The  details  were  all  arranged,  and  the 
above-named  gentlemen  departed  to  fulfil  them.  Later 
in  the  day  Captain  Lyon  wrote  the  following  to  Mr. 
Blair : 

April  21,  1861 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR,  Jr.: 

DEAR  SIR — I  have  your  note  of  this  day  per  Mr.  Bayles, 
and  I  have  agreed  with  him  that  it  will  be  well  to  have 
the  companies  come  in  at  the  gate  at  the  middle  of  the 
board  fence  on  the  river,  and  from  half-past  seven  to 
half-past  eight  o'clock  this  evening.  This,  of  course,  is 
with  the  understanding  that  Lieut.  Schofield  will  at 
once  accept  them,  and  be  prepared  to  arm  and  equip 
them.  I  suppose  he  has  this  authority,  though  if  not  I 
must  see  them  armed  at  any  rate.  The  company  officers 
must  be  admitted  quietly  beforehand,  at  the  main  gate 
on  Carondelet  avenue,  and  be  ready  to  recognize  their 
own  men  on  admittance.  All  should  bring  a  little  some 
thing  to  eat,  so  as  not  to  suffer  before  we  get  ready  to 
feed  them. 

Yours  truly, 

N.  LYON. 

THE    ARSENAL    RE-ENFORCED    BY    VOLUNTEERS. 

On  the  night  of  the  21st  of  April,  several  hundred 
selected  volunteers,  men  all  known  to  their  already 


112  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

chosen  officers,  who  stood  at  the  gate,  were  admitted  to 
the  arsenal,  and  provided  with  arras.  Not  only  was 
this  personal  identity  required,  but  a  strip  of  ribbon,  on 
which  was  an  impress  in  wax  of  Captain  Lyon's  private 
seal,  had  previously  been  distributed,  and  was  taken  up 
at  the  gate. 

PROJECT    TO    1S11IBE    THE  COMMANDANT  AT    LEAVEN- 
WORTH. 

The  rebels  about  this  time  dispatched  a  delegation, 
headed  by  Marmaduke,  to  Fort  Leavenworth,  for  the 
purpose  of  bribing  the  officer  in  command  at  that  post 
to  betray  his  trust.  The  sum  of  $25,000  was  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  Marmaduke  to  eifect  this  purpose, 
and  the  money  was  drawn  from  some  of  the  St.  Louis 
banks,  and  the  branch  bank  at  Arrow  Rock.  The 
Safety  Committee,  fully  advised  of  this  projected  visit  to 
Fort  Leavenworth,  had  one  of  their  spies  to  accompany 
the  party.  The  spy  was  in  the  whole  secret  from  its 
inception,  but  became  the  manager,  and  was  put  forward 
by  Marmaduke  to  approach  the  Leavenworth  commander 
with  the  bribe. 

It  was  thought  advisable  to  notify  the  commandant  at 
Fort  Leavenworth,  in  advance  of  the  arrival  of  this  party, 
and  therefore  Mr.  Giles  F.  Filley  dispatched  two  letters  to 
Mr.  Lyman  Allen,  of  Lawrence,  Kansas,  urging  him  to  go 
over  to  Fort  Leavenworth,  advise  the  commander  of 
what  was  going  on,  and  insist  upon  his  capturing  the 
party  so  soon  as  they  had  offered  the  bribe,  take  the 
money  from  them,  and  then  let  them  go.  One  of  these 
letters  Mr.  Filley  sent  by  the  way  of  Fort  Scott,  and  the 
other  via  St.  Joseph.  Marmaduke  went  first  to  Arrow 
Rock,  to  get  five  thousand  dollars  from  that  bank,  aud 
then  proceeded  to  Leavenworth.  But  Mr.  Allen  had 
already  been  there,  and  informed  Major  Hagner  of  the 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  1]3 

contents  of  his  letter.  When  the  conspirators  appeared 
at  the  fort,  Major  Hagner  informed  them  that  their 
purposes  were  already  known,  and  that  they  had  better 
get  away.  Of  course  they  got  away,  and  took  all  their 
money  with  them. 

THE    FIRST   REMOVAL    OF    HARNEY. 
[From  the  Missouri  Democrat,  April  24,  1861.] 

"  General  Harney  left  yesterday  afternoon  for  Wash 
ington  City,  in  obedience  to  orders  from  the  Secretary 
of  War. 

This  was  the  result  of  Harney's  refusal  to  aid  Lyon 
and  Blair ;  and  now  Lyon  was  supreme.  Blair  was  con 
stantly  with  him  at  the  arsenal,  rendering  him  every 
assistance,  and  in  every  instance  a  counselor  and  a  con 
fidant  Mr.  Blair  had,  on  the  21st,  in  anticipation  of 
earnest  work,  sent  his  family  out  of  town,  out  of  regard 
for  their  personal  safety.  Gangs  of  ruffians  were  in  the 
habit  of  passing  his  house,  yelling  obscene  expressions, 
and  in  one  or  two  instances  throwing  missiles  at  the 
building.  The  whole  hate  and  fury  of  secession  bigotry 
and  intolerance  seemed  directed  toward  this  great 
leader,  and  in  every  rumor  they  mingled  his  name. 
Himself  disregarded  all  their  malignity  and  abuse,  and 
pursued  the  work  of  assisting  Lyon  at  every  important 
step  taken. 

ORGANIZATION    OF     THE    FOUR     REGIMENTS     UNDER     THE 
FIRST    CAIX. 

The  recall  of  Harney  was  equivalent  to  the  acquisition 
of  four  regiments  to  the  Federal  army.  Within  as  many 
days  the  four  regiments  were  full  and  mustered.  Blair, 
Boernstein,  Sigel,  and  Schuttner  were  respectively  their 
commanders,  and  each  labored  with  admirable  zeal  to 
select  the  very  best  material  out  of  the  multitudes  offer- 


114  GEN.    NATIIAXIEL    LYOX, 

ing.  When  those  regiments  were  crowded  to  the  maxi 
mum,  there  was  material  enough  for  a  regiment  or  two 
more.  It  was  the  desire  of  the  officers  to  choose  Colonel 
Hlair  as  their  Brigade-General,  but  Blair  would  not 
listen  to  it,  and  explained  the  necessity  of  conferring 
that  honor  upon  Captain  Lyon.  Lyon  in  turn  insisted 
upon  Blair  complying  with  the  desires  of  his  command, 
and  expressed  anxiety  to  continue  in  the  service  under 
his  lead;  but  Colonel  Blair  explained  his  intention  of 
remaining  less  prominent,  in  order  to  avoid  driving  a 
single  man  from  the  cause  because  of  former  political 
animosity ;  and  besides,  he  proclaimed  the  superiority  of 
Lyon  as  an  officer  bred  to  arms,  and  pre-eminently  fit 
for  the  position.  The  affair  ended  by  Lyon  being 
elected  General  of  the  brigade.  This  was  insisted  upon 
by  Mr.  Blair  in  order  that  Lyon  might  not  be  in  the 
position  of  a  subordinate  commanding  his  superiors  in 
rank,  and  Lyon  thenceforward  assumed  the  position  of 
General,  though  not  the  title,  until  after  Camp  Jackson 
he  was  regularly  appointed  by  the  Government. 


On  the  22d  of  April  appeared  the  proclamation  of 
Claib  Jackson,  summoning  the  Legislature  to  meet  in 
the  State  capital,  on  the  2d  of  May,  in  extraordinary 
session.  Accompanying  the  proclamation  he  also  issued 
an  order  for  the  militia  of  the  State  to  assemble  in  their 
respective  military  districts  on  the  3d  of  May,  and  go 
into  encampment  for  the  period  of  six  days,  as  provided 
by  law.  The  reply  of  the  Governor  to  the  President  and 
to  the  Secretary  of  War — the  proclamation  and  order 
above  stated — the  known  correspondence  of  the  conspir 
ators  at  Jefferson  City  with  secessionists  all  over  the 
State,  and  with  leading  rebels  in  the  South,  then  openly 
in  arms  against  the  Union,  gave  a  front  to  secession 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1SG1.  115 

which  was  very  attractive  to  the  young  and  the  adven 
turous,  to  say  nothing  of  the  narrow-minded  and  the, 
bigoted. 

JACKSON  ASKS  MONEY  OF  THE  BANKS. 

While  ordering  the  State  militia  into  camps,  Claib 
Jackson  knew  the  absolute  necessity  of  providing  them 
with  arms  in  the  event  of  his  needing  their  help.  He 
therefore  made  a  proposition  to  the  banks  in  St.  Louis 
to  permit  him  to  use  the  $50,000  they  were  to  furnish 
to  meet  the  July  interest,  to  arm  the  State  militia. 
With  one  exception  the  banks  acceded  to  the  proposition. 

EXCITEMENT  OVER  THE  REMOVAL  OF  ARMS. 

On  the  26th  of  April  Hagner  shipped  six  hundred  arms 
on  board  the  steamer  Pocahontas,  to  be  delivered  to  the 
State  authorities  of  Kentucky,  at  Louisville.  These 
arms  had  been  sent  to  the  St.  Louis  arsenal  for  repairs, 
and  Hagner  saw  proper  to  return  them.  The  spies  of 
the  minute-men,  who  were  unceasingly  vigilant,  learned 
of  the  intended  shipment,  and  magnified  the  story  con 
cerning  them.  The  excited  minute-men  rushed  to  the 
captain  of  the  Pocahontas,  and  by  threats  and  boasts  so 
filled  him  with  fear  that  he  ordered  the  guns  off  his  boat, 
and  left  them  upon  the  levee,  and  at  once  started  upon 
his  trip.  The  police  took  possession  of  the  property. 
Through  some  unknown  authority,  these  guns,  at  11 
o'clock  the  same  night,  were  placed  on  a  dray,  and 
ordered  on  board  the  steamboat  Julius  H.  Smith,  for 
shipment  to  Governor  Harris,  of  Tennessee,  at  Nashville. 
The  minute-men  at  that  hour  were  on  the  alert.  Not 
knowing  the  destination  of  the  weapons,  they  were  deter 
mined  to  stop  their  shipment.  A  crowd  seized  the  dray 
when  near  the  levee,  and  commenced  moving  up  Pine 
street,  with  the  intention  of  taking  them  to  the  Berthold 


116  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

mansion.  As  they  neared  Third  street,  a  party  of  thirty 
policemen  overhauled  the  highwaymen,  and  took  the 
guns  to  the  steamer  they  were  intended  for.  It  was  said 
the  crowd  were  informed  of  the  true  destination  of  the 
guns  by  a  Police  Commissioner,  before  they  were  thor 
oughly  content  to  surrender  without  a  fight. 

ATTACK  UPON  THE  STREET  CARS  BY  MINUTE-MEN. 

On  the  night  of  Thursday,  April  25,  there  was  a  large 
gathering  of  minute-men  at  the  Berthold  mansion,  and  at 
the  "Mercantile  saloon,"  on  Locust  street  near  Fifth 
street,  one  block  from  the  former  place.  A  rumor  had 
been  circulated  to  the  effect  that  Captain  Lyon  intended 
to  use  the  Fifth  street  cars  in  transporting  some  arms  to 
the  Tenth  Ward  Union  men.  About  nine  o'clock,  four 
cars,  closely  following,  were  seen  coming  up  Fifth  street. 
When  near  Locust,  a  crowd  rushed  into  the  foremost 
car  and  began  looking  for  the  anticipated  guns.  l>ut 
save  a  few  citizens  and  a  German  Federal  officer  with  his 
sword  at  his  side,  they  found  nothing.  The  sword  was 
seized  from  the  aforesaid  Federal,  and,  amid  cheers  and 
yells,  was  taken  as  a  trophy  to  the  aforesaid  saloon. 

SUPPRESSION  OF  JUDGE  JACKSON'S   COURT  BY  THE  SECES1I. 

In  Southeast  Missouri,  where  Judge  Albert  Jackson 
was  endeavoring  to  hold  the  stated  session  of  the  Circuit 
Court,  a  party  of  secessionists  took  possession  of  the* 
offices  of  the  Sheriff  and  the  County  Clerk  of  Dallas 
county,  and  refused  to  permit  Judge  Jackson  to  hold 
court.  The  excuse  for  this  conduct  was  that  the  Judge, 
in  consideration  of  the  fact  that  he  was  surrounded  by 
traitors,  had  declared  no  attorney  should  practice  before 
him  without  renewing  his  oath  of  loyalty  to  the  LTnitetl 
States  Government. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  117 


ORGANIZATION    OF    THE    HOME    GUARDS. 

It  was  very  evident  to  Captain  Lyon  that  the  Govern 
ment  at  Washington  did  not  fully  realize  the  nature  of 
the  crisis  then  threatening  its  existence,  else  there  would 
have  been  a  much  greater  number  of  troops  called  for 
and  for  a  much  greater  length  of  time.  He  was  con 
scious  of  the  fact  that  Missouri  alone  would  require  four 
times  the  number  allowed  her  if  she  proposed  maintain 
ing  equality  with  the  rebel  recruits  in  her  midst.  He  had 
no  sooner  signified  his  readiness  to  receive  and  arm  the 
four  regiments  accepted  by  the  Government  than  some 
six  thousand  men  rushed  to  the  arsenal  for  admission. 
After  the  four  regiments  had  been  mustered  to  their 
maximum,  Lyon  took  upon  himself  the  responsibility  of 
quartering  a  fifth  upon  the  Government,  relying  upon 
Colonel  Blair  for  his  influence  in  having  it  accepted. 

In  conversation  with  the  Safety  Committee,  Lyon 
divulged  the  plan  of  making  Springfield  the  outpost  of  St. 
Louis,  in  case  of  imminent  danger  from  the  rebels  in  the 
State.  St.  Louis  would  require  a  strong  force  to  restrain 
refractory  secessionists,  and  protect  the  immense  Gov 
ernment  and  private  property  then  within  its  limits. 
The  plan  of  arming  the  truly  loyal  men  for  this  latter 
purpose  was  adopted,  and  the  Government  was  besieged 
for  the  necessary  authority.  This  was  granted  ;  and  the 
authority  reached  Lyon  on  the  4th  of  May.  He  imme 
diately  issued  the  following  : 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  May  4,  1861. 

Colonel  Chester  Harding  has  authority  to  proceed  with 
the  organization  of  regiments,  to  be  enrolled  in  the 
United  States  service,  for  the  defense  of  the  loyal  citi 
zens  of  St.  Louis,  and  protecting  the  property  and  en 
forcing  the  laws  of  the  United  States. 

N.   LYON, 
Captain  Second  Infantry p,  commanding. 


118  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

It  will  be  seen  the  authority  given  to  Colonel  Harding 
bears  date  of  May  4.  The  energy  and  the  efficiency  of 
Colonel  Harding,  and  the  usefulness  of  that  organization 
which  was  originated  in  January,  and  which  had  pre 
served  the  city  and  the  arsenal  during  the  intervening 
months,  were  soon  displayed  in  a  remarkably  speedy 
completion  of  the  five  regiments  allowed  by  the  adminis 
tration.  The  new  organization  was  called  the  "  United 
States  Reserve  Corps"  but  it  is  known  better  as  " Home 
Guards,"  and  as  such  I  shall  hereafter  designate  it.  The 
Fifth  Regiment  of  Volunteers  was  regularly  mustered 
into  the  service  by  order  from  Washington.  On  the  7th 
of  May,  the  First  Regiment  Home  Guards,  made  up  of 
residents  of  the  First  Ward ;  on  the  morning  of  the  8th, 
the  Second  Regiment,  from  the  Second  Ward ;  at  4, 
P.M.,  the  same  day,  the  Third  Regiment,  from  the  Third, 
Fourth,  and  Fifth  Wards;  at  0,  P.M.,  same  day,  the 
Fourth  Regiment,  from  the  Seventh  and  Eighth  Wards, 
were  all  mustered  in  and  armed.  These  regiments  estab 
lished  their  quarters  as  follows :  The  First,  Colonel  Alm- 
stedt,  in  Yaeger's  Garden ;  the  Second,  Colonel  Kallman, 
on  Chouteau  avenue ;  the  Third,  Colonel  John  McNeil,  at 
Turner  Hall;  the  Fourth,  Colonel  B.  Gratz  Brown,  at 
Bechner's  Garden,  on  Fifth  street.  On  Saturday,  May 
11,  Colonel  Stifel's  Fifth  Regiment  was  mustered  in,  and 
established  its  quarters  in  the  Tenth  Ward.  The  com 
missioned  officers  of  these  regiments  elected  Captain 
Thomas  W.  Sweeney  their  brigade  commander,  and  he 
was  at  once  recognized  as  such.  Colonel  Harding  con 
tinued  upon  the  staff  of  General  Lyon  as  his  Adjutant- 
General,  and  through  his  excellent  judgment  and  eminent 
legal  ability  became  of  vast  necessity  to  his  chief. 

TRANSFER    OF    SURPLUS    GUNS   TO    ILLINOIS. 

Having  provided  for  arming  the  five  thousand  volun 
teers  and  five  thousand  Home  Guards  ordered  by  the 


AND   MISSOURI   IXlSGl.  119 

Secretary  of  War,  Lyon  thought  it  necessary  to  secure 
the  balance  beyond  all  danger  of  treachery  or  capture, 
and  with  that  object  in  view,  on  the  night  of  the  26th  of 
April,  the  steamer  "City  of  Alton"  dropped  down  to  the 
arsenal,  and  received  on  board  between  twenty  thousand 
and  thirty  thousand  stand  of  arms.  A  company  of  the 
First  Missouri  (volunteers),  commanded  by  Captain 
George  II.  Stone,  was  detailed  to  guard  the  boat  and 
property  to  Alton,  to  which  place  the  guns  were  safely 
taken,  and  forwarded  thence  to  Springfield.  On  the 
night  of  May  1  the  same  steamer  performed  another 
mission  to  Alton  from  the  arsenal,  securely  transferring 
some  ten  thousand  pounds  of  powder  to  a  magazine  of 
loyal  Illinois. 

As  was  to  be  expected,  the  secesh  soon  became  aware 
of  these  movements,  and  were  loud  in  their  abuse  of 
Lyon  and  Blair,  whom  they  boasted  would  soon  become 
fugitives  from  the  "  sacred  soil." 

THE    ROLL    OF    HONOR. 

I  give  herewith  the  roster  of  officers  of  the  several 
regiments  (volunteer  and  Home  Guard)  who  sprang  to 
arms,  at  the  first  call  of  the  President,  for  their  country's 
defense  : 

FIRST  REGIMENT  OF  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS. 
(Three  months'  service.) 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

Frank  P.  Blair,  Jr Colonel. 

George  L.  Andrews Lieutenant-Colonel. 

John  M.  Schofield Major. 

Henry  Hescock Adjutant. 

Herbert  M.  Draper Quartermaster. 

Florence  M.  Cornyn      .          ...  Surgeon. 

William  Simon Assistant  Surgeon. 


120  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

Company  A.  Rufus  Saxton,  Captain ;  William  A.  Gor 
don,  First  Lieutenant ;  Ernst  W.  Decker, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

"  B.  M.  L.  Lothrop,  Captain ;  Benjamin  Tau- 
matie,  First  Lieutenant ;  John  L.  Matthai, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

"  C.  G.  Harry  Stone,  Captain;  -  -  Marshall, 
First  Lieutenant ;  John  IT.  Tiemeyer,  Sec 
ond  Lieutenant. 

"  D.  Charles  Anderson,  Captain  ;  S.  O.  Fish, 
First  Lieutenant  ;  Fulton  II.  Johnson, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

"  E.  Robert  B.  Beck,  Captain ;  John  McFaul, 
First  Lieutenant  ;  William  D.  Bo  wen, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

"  F.  Cary  Gratz,  Captain  ;  William  T.  Stewart, 
First  Lieutenant  ;  George  Meyers,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"  G.  John  S.  Cavender,  Captain  ;  Frederick 
Welker,  First  Lieutenant ;  Charles  S.  Shel 
don,  Second  Lieutenant. 

"  H.  Theodore  Yates,  Captain ;  Francis  H. 
Manter,  First  Lieutenant ;  Thomas  Haynes, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

"  L  Madison  Miller,  Captain  ;  David  Murphy, 
First  Lieutenant ;  James  Marr,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"  K.  Patrick  E.  Burke,  Captain ;  E.  W.  Weber, 
First  Lieutenant ;  Edward  Madison,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

SECOND  REGIMENT  OF  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS. 

(Three  months'  service.) 

No  papers  concerning  this  regiment  have  been  filed  in 
the  Adjutant-General's  office. 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  121 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

Henry  Boernstein Colonel. 

Fred.  Schaeffer Lieutenant-Colonel. 

B.  Laibold Major. 

THIRD  REGIMENT  OF  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS. 
(Three  months'  service.) 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

Franz   Sigel Colonel. 

Albert  Anselm Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Henry  Bishoif Major. 

Gustav  Heinrichs Adjutant. 

Sebas  Engert Quartermaster. 

Frederick  Haussler Surgeon. 

Charles  Ludwig          Assistant  Surgeon. 

Company  A  (Rifles).  Joseph  Indest,  Captain ;  Leopold 

Hemle,  First  Lieutenant ;  William  Roemer, 

Second  Lieutenant. 
"         A.  John     F.      Cramer,      Captain;     William 

Osterhorn,     First     Lieutenant ;     Charles 

Weistney,  Second  Lieutenant. 
"         B  (Rifles).  Henry      Zeis,     Captain;    Joseph 

Fries,   First    Lieutenant ;    Peter     Steven, 

Second  Lieutenant. 
"         B.  Joseph  Conrad,    Captain;  William   Mett- 

maun,  First   Lieutenant ;  George  Demde, 

Second  Lieutenant. 

C.  Jacob  Hartmann,  Captain ;  Henry  Bishoff, 
First  Lieutenant ;  Z.  Heckenlaner,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

D.  Aug.  Hackman,  Captain ;  Liverott  Danner, 
First   Lieutenant ;  Stephen   Tehl,   Second 
Lieutenant. 

(5 


122  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

Company  E.  -  — ,  Captain  ;  -  — ,  First  Lieu 

tenant;  August  Schaerflf,Second  Lieutenant. 
"         F.  C.  Blandowski  (killed  at  Camp  Jackson), 

Captain  ;  Hugh  Gollmer,  First  Lieutenant ; 

Aug.  William  Busche,  Second  Lieutenant. 
"         G.  AdolphDengler, Captain;  Charles Hoenny, 

First  Lieutenant ;  Edward  Krebe,  Second 

Lieutenant. 
"         H.  Geo.  D.  Friedlein,Captain  ;  -  — ,  First 

Lieut. ;  George  Marschall,  Second  Lieut. 
"         I.    Charles     II.      Mannhardt,     Captain;     H. 

Klostermann,  First  Lieutenant ;   J.  Bries- 

ner,  Second  Lieutenant. 
"         K.  Theodore   Menmann,   Captain  ;   Theodore 

Henck,  First  Lieutenant ;  George  Schuster, 

Second  Lieutenant. 

FOURTH  REGIMENT  OF  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS. 
(Three  months'  service.) 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

Nicholas  Schuttner Colonel. 

A.  Hammer Lieutenant-Colonel. 

F.  Niggernian Major. 

S.  Homburg Adjutant. 

Charles  Grison Quartermaster. 

Dr.  Beck Surgeon. 

A.  Keosch.  .      .......       Assistant  Surgeon. 

Company  A.  George  Dahmer,  Captain. 

"         B.  George  Rehman,  Captain. 

"         C.  Frederick  Schuddig,  Captain. 

"         D.  George  Hasfurther,  Captain. 

"         E.  Theodore  Fishback,  Captain. 

"         F.  George  Berg,  Captain. 

"         G.  Charles  Dening,  Captain. 

«         H.  Philip  Frank,  Captain. 

"         I.    J.  Hubbel,  Captain. 


AND   MISSOURI    IX    1861.  123 

Company  K.  Louis  Rohrer,  Captain. 
L.       —  Henry,  Captain. 
M.  -     -  Weber,  Captain. 

This  regiment  was  mostly  recruited  from  the  January 
organization  of"  Black  Jaegers." 

The  foregoing  regiments  having  been  filled  to  the 
maximum,  there  were  large  numbers  yet  in  the  arsenal 
demanding  muster.  Lyon  and  Blair  besieged  the  Wai- 
Department,  and  obtained  privilege  to  muster  in  another 
(Fifth)  regiment  of  volunteers. 

FIFTH  REGIMENT  OF  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS. 
(Three  months'  service.) 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

Charles  E.  Solomon Colonel. 

Chest.  Dick  Wolff. Lieutenant-Colonel. 

F.  W.  Cronenbold Major. 

Edward  C.  Franklin Surgeon. 

Samuel  IT.  Melcher Assistant  Surgeon. 

William  Gerlach Adjutant. 

Ben.  Meisner Quartermaster. 

Company  B.  Louis  Gottschalk,  Captain  ;  Emil  Wachter, 
First  Lieutenant ;  William  Beng,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"  C.  Frederick  Solomon,  Captain ;  William 
Kassak,  First  Lieutenant ;  Otto  Verne, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

"  D.  Charles  Mehl,  Captain  ;  Gustav  Laibold, 
First  Lieutenant ;  Christopher  Stork,  Sec 
ond  Lieutenant. 

"  E.  Charles  Stephany,  Captain ;  James  Ball- 
haus,  First  Lieutenant ;  Julius  Nehrig, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

F.  Alfred  Arnaud,  Captain ;  Rudolph  Schnei 
der,  First  Lieutenant ;  Emile  Thomas,  Sec 
ond  Lieutenant. 


124 

Company  G.  C.  E.  Stark,  Captain ;  Nich.  Fuester,  First 
Lieutenant ;  C.  Weiss,  Second  Lieutenant. 
"         H.  W.J.Chester,  Captain;  J.  Coleman,  First 
Lieutenant ;  S.  Morris.  Second  Lieutenant. 
"         I.  Charles    P.    Meisner,  Captain;    G.  Adam 
Bauer,  First  Lieutenant ;    Joseph  Spiegel- 
halter,  Second  Lieutenant. 
"         K.  S.  A.  Hogg,  Captain ;  W.   S.    Boyd,  First 

Lieut. ;  W.  H.  Thompson,  Second  Lieut. 
FIRST  REGIMEXT  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE  CORPS. 
(Three  months'  service.) 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

Henry  Almstedt Colonel. 

Robert  J.  Rombauer Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Phil.  J.  Brimmer Major. 

Euiil  Seeman Surgeon. 

John  Heinback Assistant  Surgeon. 

William  Waldschmidt      ....     Adjutant. 

Aug.  Leussler Quartermaster. 

Company  A.  (Cavalry).  Jacob  Melter,  Captain;  John 
Traber,  First  Lieutenant  ;  Charles  Wag- 
mann,  Second  Lieutenant, 

"         B.  J.  Horn, Captain;  E.  Mark,  First  Lieuten 
ant  ;  W.  Waldschmidt,  Second  Lieutenant- 
C.  T.  Hildebranclt,  Captain ;  J.  II.  Vadoarka, 

First  Lieutenant ;  G.  Ost,  Second  Lieut. 
"         D.  Leonard  Weindeli,  Captain;  Frederick  W. 
Henkels,  First  Lieutenant ;  Peter  Schardiu, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

"  E.  George  Rothwciler,  Captain  ;  Lorenz  Lie- 
bermann,  First  Lieutenant ;  Gustav  Gar- 
veil,  Second  Lieutenant. 

"  F.  William  Balz,  Captain ;  William  Balz,  First 
Lieutenant;  Jacob  Remhardt,  Second 
Lieutenant. 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  125 

Company  G.  Charles  Hartig,  Captain  ;    Arnold  P.  Roc- 

ter,   First   Lieutenant  ;    George    Clemens, 

First  Lieutenant. 
H.  Joseph  Schubert,  Captain ;  Casper  Koch- 

ler,  First  Lieutenant  ;  — ,  Second 

Lieutenant. 
"         I.  Herman  T.  Hasse,  Captain;  Clemens  Gut- 

gesell,  First  Lieutenant ;    Fred.  Krenning, 

Second  Lieutenant. 
K.  William    Hahn,   Captain  ;     Henry  Delus, 

First  Lieutenant ;    Joseph  Witzel,  Second 

Lieutenant. 
L.  Wm.  Prolerman,  Captain  ;  Jacob  BischoiF, 

First   Lieutenant  ;   Aug.   Leupler,  Second 

Lieutenant. 
"         M.  Aug.  Eichele,  Captain;    Charles  B.  Gut- 

zahr,  First  Lieutenant ;  Hern  Lantensekla- 

ger,  Second  Lieutenant. 

SECOND  REGIMENT  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE  CORPS. 
(Three  months'  service.) 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

Herman  Kail  maun    0     .....     Colonel. 

John  T.  Fiala      .....     .     .       Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Julius  Rapp      ......          .     Major. 

Anthony  Teitinger Adjutant. 

Charles  W.  Gottschalk Quartermaster. 

F.  C.  Castlehun Surgeon. 

Charles  Sprinzig Assistant  Surgeon. 

Company    A.    Bernard     Essroger,    Captain  ;     Herman 

Bleck,  First  Lieutenant  ;   Leopold  Swanzi- 

ger,  Second  Lieutenant 
"         B.  Edmund  Wurpel,  Captain ;  Joseph  Gerwi- 

ner,    First    Lieutenant ;     Franz   Shindler, 

Second  Lieutenant. 


126  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

Company  C.  -  — ,  Captain  ;  Fred.  Mueller,  First 

Lieutenant  ;  Fred.  Cratz,  Second  Lieu 
tenant. 

"  D.  F.  M.  Wolke,  Captain  ;  Bernhard  Klein, 
First  Lieutenant ;  Fred.  Gottschalk,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"  E.  Felix  Laies,  Captain  ;  Christian  Ploesser, 
First  Lieutenant ;  Philip  Michel,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"  F.  Theodore  Boethelt,  Captain;  Alexander 
Windmiller,  First  Lieutenant;  Anthony 
Ochosky,  Second  Lieutenant. 

"  G.  Herman  Takrzewski,  Captain ;  Ger.  Bens- 
berg,  First  Lieutenant;  Herman  Moll, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

"  II.  Charles  Goerisck,  Captain ;  Charles  Hoppe, 
First  Lieutenant ;  John  Heusack,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"  I.  Jacob  Reseck,  Captain ;  John  Ruedi,  First 
Lieutenant,  Aug.  Frohnhaeser,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

THIRD  REGIMENT  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE  CORPS. 
(Three  months'  service.) 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

John  McNeil Colonel. 

Charles  A.  Fritz         '    .  Lieutenant-Colonel. 

Calvin  W.  Marsh Major. 

Samuel  P.  Simpson Adjutant. 

George  E.  Leighton Quartermaster. 

Ellery  P.  Smith Surgeon. 

Edmund  Boemer Assistant   Surgeon. 

Company  A.  Charles  W.  Smith,  Captain  ;    H.   Rupert 

Serot,    First     Lieutenant  ;    H.     Wigand, 

Second  Lieutenant. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1801.  127 

Company  B.  Charles     A.     Warner,     Captain  ;      Fred. 

Leser,  First  Lieutenant ; ,  Second 

Lieutenant. 
"         C.  Tony  Mederweiser,  Captain  ;  H.  P.  Fabri- 

cius,    First     Lieutenant ;    William     Hirt, 

Second  Lieutenant. 
"        D.  Meritt  W.  Griswold,  Captain ;  William  M. 

Wherry,    First    Lieutenant ;    Charles    P. 

Johnson,  Second  Lieutenant. 
"         E.  W.    A.    Hequembourg,     Captain ;     Felix 

Coste,    First     Lieutenant ;     Fritch    Carl 

Adolph,  Second  Lieutenant. 
"        F.  Philip  Weigel,   Captain;    John  C.  Blech, 

First  Lieutenant ;    Max    Kornex,   Second 

Lieutenant. 
"         G.  George  Dominick,  Captain  ;  Charles  Moel- 

ler,  First  Lieutenant  ;  Samuel  P.  Simpson, 

Second  Lieutenant. 
"         H.  Henry  Lischer,  Captain  ;   Theodore  Kalb, 

First  Lieutenant ;  Adolph  Knipper,  Second 

Lieutenant. 
I.    Robert  Hundhausen,  Captain  ;  Louis  Due- 

strow,  First  Lieutenant ;  J.  Conrad  Meyer, 

Second  Lieutenant. 
K.  George  A.  Rowley,  Captain ;  Edward  J. 

Clark,  First  Lieutenant  ;  George  E.  Leigh- 
ton,  Second  Lieutenant. 

FOURTH  REGIMENT  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE  CORPS. 
(Three  months'  service.) 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

B.  Gratz  Brown Colonel. 

Rudolph  Wesselling Lieutenant-Colonel. 

S.  B.  Shaw Major. 


128  GEN.    NATHANIEL  LYON, 

John  C.  Vogel Quartermaster. 

Jacques  Ravald Surgeon. 

George  Kaufhold Adjutant. 

NON-COMMISSIONED    STAFF. 

Ed.  Schultz Commissary  Sergeant. 

E.  M.  Joel Quartermaster-sergeant. 

Company  A.  Charles  E.  Adams,  Captain  ;  George  Kauf 
hold,  First  Lieutenant  ;  G.  C.  Abert, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

B.    Alexander    G.    Hequembourg,    Captain 
Louis  Schnell,   First   Lieutenant  ;  Charles 
Schnell,  Second  Lieutenant. 

"         C.  -  — ,  Captain  ;    J.  W.    Koch,  First 

Lieutenant ;  Louis  Reicholz,   Second  Lieu 
tenant. 

D.  Louis  Schneider,  Captain  ;  Philip  Winkel, 
First  Lieutenant ;  Charles  Bromser,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

E.  Charles  Zimmer,  Captain ;  John  Schenkel; 
First     Lieutenant ;     Henry    Obermueller, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

"  F.  Peter  Helle,  Captain ;  F.  Merzwieler,  First 
Lieutenant ,  Charles  Knolle,  Second  Lieu 
tenant. 

"  G.  John  IT.  Dierke,  Captain ;  Casper  Kopp, 
First  Lieutenant  ;  M.  S.  Ilasie,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"  H.  William  Heyl,  Captain  ;  A.  Loblein,  First 
Lieutenant  ;  John  Reuter,  Second  Lieu 
tenant. 

"  I.  William  C.  Jones,  Captain  ;  John  W. 
Stevens,  First  Lieutenant  ;  John  W.  Hoi- 
man,  Second  Lieutenant. 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  129 

Company  K.  Charles  Osburg,  Captain  ;  Julius  Glade, 
First  Lieutenant  ;  Henry  Kleeman,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"  L.  Louis  Loos,  Captain  ;  G.  Quernori,  First 
Lieutenant ;  M.  Heiloseck,  Second  Lieu 
tenant. 

"  M.  James  C  Campbell,  Captain  ;  J.  W.  Wil 
son,  First  Lieutenant  ;  John  Obercombie, 
Second  Lieutenant. 

FIFTH  REGIMENT  UNITED  STATES  RESERVE  CORPS. 
(Three  months'  service.) 

FIELD    AND    STAFF. 

Charles  G.  Stifel Colonel. 

Robert  White Lieutenant-Colonel. 

John  Fisher Major. 

John  K.  Cummings      ....  Adjutant. 

John  B.  Hears Quartermaster. 

Adolph  Gemmer Surgeon. 

William  Drechsler Assistant  Surgeon. 

Rudolph  Docker Chaplain. 

Company  A.  E.  H.  Steinman,  Captain ;  Henry  Wilke, 
First  Lieutenant ;  Otto  Grassmer,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"  B.  Julius  Krusch,  Captain ;  George  Dietrich, 
First  Lieutenant;  Fred.  Forthmann,  Sec 
ond  Lieutenant. 

"  C.  Augustus  Thorwald,  Captain;  Herman 
Schuk,  First  Lieutenant ;  Bernard  Win- 
gastner,  Second  Lieutenant. 

"         D.  William  S.    Herd,   Captain;  Joseph  Tall- 
man,  First  Lieutenant ;  William  S.  Robin 
son,  Second  Lieutenant. 
6* 


130  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

Company  E.  Fred.  Wedekind,  Captain  ;  John  Gutbcrlet, 
First  Lieutenant;  Fred.  Barth,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

F.  John  N.  Herder,  Captain ;  Fred.   Kreuter, 
First  Lieutenant ;  Fred.  Lubbering,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

G.  William   Lorbe,    Captain;  Henry  Mester, 
First  Lieutenant ;  Fred.  Pollmann,  Second 
Lieutenant. 

"         II.  Charles  F.  Kock,  Captain  ;  Gustav  Knoch, 

First  Lieutenant ;  John  B.  Staunch,  Second 

Lieutenant. 
"         I.    Charles     Schoenbach,     Captain ;      Charles 

Beck,  First   Lieutenant ;    Conrad    Muller, 

Second  Lieutenant. 
K.  James  B.  Tannehill,  Captain ;  Nicholas  F. 

Wolff,   First   Lieutenant ;  Philip   Reeger, 

Second  Lieutenant. 

Besides  these  ten  regiments  of  volunteers  and  re 
serve  corps,  there  were  some  three  or  four  hundred 
regular  troops  in  the  arsenal,  and  several  extra  com 
panies  of  the  old  Citizens'  Guard  of  January,  ready  to 
give  assistance  in  case  of  necessity.  In  fact,  had  Lyon 
possessed  the  authority,  he  could  have  mustered  in  over 
twenty  thousand  men  along  the  line  of  the  Pacific,  South 
west  Branch,  North  Missouri,  and  Hannibal  and  St. 
Joseph  railroads  as  rapidly  as  the  rolls  could  have  been 
made  out  for  the  inspection  of  the  mustering  officer. 
To  obtain  such  authority  Lyon  directed  his  attention  to 
Washington. 

LYON    BUSILY   EMPLOYED. 

During  these  days  the  Captain  was  overwhelmed  with 
work.  He  made  every  effort  to  secure  the  necessary 
means  for  the  comfort  of  the  new  recruits.  The  large 


AND   MISSOURI    IN    1861.  131 

buildings  in  the  arsenal  were  turned  into  barracks  for 
the  enlisted  men,  and  lumber  was  obtained  with  which 
quarters  were  built  upon  unoccupied  ground  in  the 
inclosure.  Lyon  gave  up  his  own  quarters  to  officers  of  the 
new  regiments,  and  himself  and  Adjutant-General  Chester 
Harding,  Jr.,  occupied  the  little  attic  room  in  the  cot 
tage,  to  the  north  of  the  main  arsenal  building.  Consid 
erable  engineering  had  been  done  inside  the  walls,  and 
the  arsenal  was  already  in  splendid  condition  for  stub 
born  defense.  In  his  provisions  for  the  new  army  he 
was  forming  he  shrank  from  no  responsibility,  leaving  it 
for  the  Safety  Committee  to  make  the  necessary  explana 
tions,  and  remove  complaints,  if  any  came  from  Wash 
ington.  It  had  been  his  object  to  save  the  arsenal;  he 
now  contemplated  the  project  of  saving  Missouri. 


o, 


LINDELL    GROVE. 


;On  Friday,  May  3,  1861,  the  several  militia  organ 
izations  of  St.  Louis,  which  had  been  in  existence  for 
some  time,  as  well  as  the  recent  companies  sworn  into 
the  State  service,  repaired  to  "Lindell  Grove,"  at  the 
western  end  of  Olive  street,  in  obedience  to  the  order  of 
Brigadier-General  of  State  Militia  D.  M.  Frost,  and 
there  established  a  camp,  which  was  named  by  the  com 
mandant  "Camp  Jackson,"  in  honor  of  the  patriotic 
(ironically  speaking)  Governor  of  Missouri,  who  had 
evinced  his  judgment  by  telegraphing  to  President  Lin 
coln  that  Missouri  would  not  furnish  a  single  man, 
The  camp  was  laid  out  according  to  military 
the  several  avenues  were  named  after  prominent  seces 
sionists  of  the  States  already  in  rebellion.  Thither 
repaired  large  numbers  of  young  men  who  had  been 
educated  to  believe  that  the  South  was  right,  and  the 
North  all  wrong,  and  the  success  of  the  Republican 
party  a  cause  for  righteous  war.  The  old  companies 


132  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

reported  at  the  camp  almost  disintegrated,  but  these 
new  recruits  filled  the  ranks  up  to  respectable  numbers. 

Although,  of  the  old  companies,  many  of  the  Union 
men  had  left — had  joined  the  regiments  at  the  arsenal, 
or  had  declined  longer  obedience  to  Claib  Jackson — there 
were  quite  a  number  who  did  obey  the  order  of  General 
Frost,  and  performed  duty  at  the  camp.  But  their  stay 
there  was  rendered  exceedingly  unpleasant,  because  of 
the  treasonable  talk  of  a  very  large  majority  of  both 
officers  and  men,  and  their  formal  recognition  and  adop 
tion  of  the  rebellion  by  naming  the  streets  of  the  camp 
in  honor  of  rebels  who  had  battered  Fort  Sumter. 

As  I  have  detailed  the  organization  of  the  Union  forces 
under  Lyon,  I  will  here  detail  the  organization  (under 
stood  to  be  rebel)  under  Frost.  There  was  not  uncon 
ditional  Unionism  enough  there  to  leaven  the  smallest 
portion  of  tJie  lump,  although  some  of  them  afterward 
did  noble  work  in  the  Union  armies. 

ORGANIZATION     OF     STATE     TROOPS     AT     CAMP    JACKSON, 
MAY    3,    1861. 

Brigadier-General  D.  M.  Frost     .     .    Commanding. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  It.  S.  Voorhies    .  Adjutant-General. 

Major  N.  Wall Commissary. 

Major  Henry  W.  Williams   ....  Quartermaster. 

Joseph  Scott,  M.D Surgeon. 

Major  William  D.  Wood     ....  Aid-de-Carnp. 

FIRST  REGIMENT. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  John  Knapp,  Commanding. 

Captain  N.  Hatch A.  Q.  M.  and  A.  C.  S. 

Captain  John  B.  Drew     ....  Paymaster. 

Lieutenant  W.   C.  Buchanan  .    .  Adjutant. 

A.  J.  P.  Garesche Judge-Advocate. 

Louis  T.  Pimm,  M.D Surgeon. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  133 

Company  A.  St.  Louis  Grays.  Marti  n  Burke,  Captain  ; 
Stephen  O.  Colman,  First  Lieutenant; 
H.  B.  Belt,  Second  Lieutenant;  R.  N. 
Leonori,  Third  Lieutenant.  Fifty-one 
rank  and  file. 

"  B.  Sarsfield  Guards.  Charles  W.  Rogers, 
Captain ;  Thomas  Curley,  First  Lieuten 
ant  (absent  on  Southwestern  expedition) ; 
Hugh  McDermott,  Second  Lieutenant. 
Forty-six  rank  and  file. 

"  C.  Washington  Guards.  Robert  Tucker,  First 
Lieutenant  (commanding)  ;  Thomas  Moy- 
lan.  Second  Lieutenant ;  Cornelius  Heifer- 
nan,  Third  Lieutenant.  Forty-eight  rank 
and  file. 

"  D.  Emmet  Guards.  Philip  W.  Coyne,  Cap 
tain. 

"  E.  Washington  Blues.  Joseph  Kelly,  Cap 
tain;  T.  M.  Furbar,  Second  Lieutenant. 
Forty-five  rank  and  file. 

"         F.   Laclede  Guards.    Fraser,  Captain. 

"  G.  Missouri  Guards.  George  W.  West,  Cap 
tain. 

"  H.  Jackson  Guards.  George  W.  Fletcher, 
Captain;  J.  M.  Henning,  First  Lieutenant; 
William  Morony,  Second  Lieutenant ;  John 
Bullock,  Third  Lieutenant.  Forty-six  rank 
and  file. 

"  L  Grimsley  Guards  (organized  Thursday 
night,  May  2,  1861).  R.  N.  Hart,  Captain; 
Thomas  Keith,  First  Lieutenant;  R.  C. 
Finney,  Second  Lieutenant;  John  Gross, 
Third  Lieutenant.  Forty-eight  rank  and 
file. 


134  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

Company  K.  Davis  Guard.  James  Longuemarc,  Cap 
tain  ;  L.  Kretschmar,  First  Lieutenant ; 
A.  Hopton,  Second  Lieutenant;  Julius 
Ladue,  Third  Lieutenant.  Sixty-five  rank 
and  file. 

Squadron  of  Dragoons.     Emmett  McDonald,  Captain. 

SECOND  REGIMENT. 

John  S.  Bowen, Colonel. 

A.  E.  Steen, Lieutenant-Colonel. 

J.  R.  Shaler, Major. 

Engineer  Corps  of  National  Guards  (former  two  com 
panies  of  National  Guards  merged  in  one). 
William  H.  Finney,  First  Lieutenant  ; 
Charles  Perrine,  Second  Lieutenant ;  John 
M.  Gilkerson,  Third  Lieutenant.  On  the 
ground  May  6.  Forty  rank  and  file. 
Company  A.  Independent  Guards.  Charles  Fredericks, 
Captain  ;  Oliver  Collins,  Second  Lieuten 
ant.  Charles  McDonald,  Third  Lieutenant. 

"         B.  Missouri  Videttes.     O.   H.  Barrett,  Cap 
tain.     Forty-five  rank  and  file. 

"         C.  (Minute-men.)      Basil  W.  Duke,  Captain 
(the  Morgan  raider). 

"         D.  McLaren  Guards  (minute-men).     Sandford 
Baptain.    Sixty-one  rank  and  file. 

"          E.   (Minute-men).     Colton    Greene,  Captain. 

"         F.  Jackson   Grays    (minute-men) .      Garland, 
Captain.    Sixty-five  rank  and  file. 

"          G.  Dixie    Guards    (minute-men).     Campbell, 

Captain.     Forty-eight  rank  and  file. 
H.  Southern    Guards    (minute-men).     J.    II. 
Shackelford,  Captain.  Forty-five  rank  and 
file. 


AXD    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  135 

Company  I.  Carondelet  Rangers.     James  M.  Loughbor- 
ough,  Captain.     Fifty  rank  and  file. 

The  State  law,  under  the  old.  militia  bill,  authorized 
the  annual  existence  of  such  a  camp  as  this,  in  each 
military  district,  for  six  days .  Since  Jackson  had  issued 
his  order  for  this  gathering  of  the  militia,  the  Legislature 
had  organized,  and  every  indication  pointed  to  a  speedy 
adoption  of  the  new  military'  bill.  It  was  expected  to 
continue  the  camp  under  the  provisions  of  the  latter. 
The  design  of  the  conspirators  was  to  fill  Camp  Jackson 
with  secessionists  from  the  interior  of  the  State,  and  such 
were  constantly  arriving  after  the  formation  of  the 
camp.  By  Thursday  and  Friday,  so  numerous  were  the 
arrivals  that  it  was  contemplated  forming  a  third  reig- 
ment. 

General  Frost,  undoubtedly,  as  it  was  thouhgt,  with 
the  intention  of  attempting  the  capture  of  the  arsenal, 
contemplated  moving  his  camp  to  the  elevated  ground, 
about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  a  little  south  of  west  of  that 
place.  His  engineer  inspected  the  ground,  and  reported 
favorably.  It  was  given  out  that  the  purpose  of  the 
contemplated  change  was  to  instruct  the  command  in 
the  lessons  of  civil  engineering  and  fortifications.  Frost 
thought  proper,  however,  to  inform  Lyon  of  the  intended 
change ;  but  Lyon  declaf ed,  in  decided  and  unmistakable 
terms,  that  if  any  one,  not  authorized  by  him,  stuck  a 
peg  or  a  spade  in  the  selected  ground,  or  on  any  other 
spot  within  shelling  distance  of  the  arsenal,  he  would 
turn  his  guns  there,  and  salute  the  party  with  the  music 
of  shot  and  shell.  Frost  did  not  make  the  change. 

On  the  third  day  of  the  encampment  the  reporter  of 
the  Missouri  Democrat,  while  quietly  visiting  the  camp, 
was  brutally  maltreated  by  some  ruffians,  who  struck 
him  from  behind. 


136  GEN.  NATHANIEL  LYON, 

STOLEN  ARMS  FROM  BATON  ROUGE. 

On  Wednesday  night,  May  8,  the  steamer  "  J.  C. 
SWON,"  just  from  Xew  Orleans,  loaded  with  arms,  can 
non,  and  ammunition,  from  the  arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge, 
La.  (which  the  traitors  had  surprised  and  captured 
from  the  United  States  Government),  discharged  her 
freight  at  the  levee  at  St.  Louis.  The  material  above 
described,  which  had  been  obtained  through  the  agency 
of  Colton  Greene,  acting  as  an  agent  of  Claib  Jackson, 
from  the  rebel  authorities  of  the  seceded  States,  was  that 
same  night  removed  to  Camp  Jackson.  It  is  stated  that 
from  fifty  to  one  hundred  dray-loads  were  included  in 
this  murderous  freight.  Greene  saw  the  goods  safely 
lodged  inside  the  camp,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  10th 
of  May,  accompanied  by  a  company  from  the  camp,  he 
proceeded  on  the  cars  to  Jefferson  City  with  some  of 
the  stolen  munitions  of  war. 

Lyon  was  cognizant  of  the  whole  proceeding,  and  had 
a  strong  notion  to  seize  the  boat  at  the  levee  before  she 
could  unload ;  but  after  conversing  with  Mr.  Blair,  he 
agreed  with  the  latter,  and  concluded  to  allow  the 
material  to  be  received  in  the  camp,  thus  furnishing 
additional  evidence  of  the  treasonable  nature  of  the 
camp.  The  Safety  Committee  met  at  the  same  time, 
and  were  strongly  urged  to  seize  the  property  before  it 
could  be  taken  to  Lindell  Grove,  but  they  also  agreed 
with  the  plan  adopted  by  Lyon.  The  latter  had  already 
designed  capturing  the  whole  camp,  but  the  opposition 
of  a  majority  of  the  Safety  Committee,  upon  a  merely 
legal  point,  caused  him  to  delay  the  movement.  He 
now  felt  it  his  duty  to  act. 

It  will  be  well  enough  to  state  that  the  Safety  Com 
mittee  had  for  a  long  time  back  known  of  the  mission  of 
Colton  Greene,  and  also  of  his  expected  return.  Mr. 


MISSOURI    IN    1861.  137 

Broadhead  had  employed  a  detective  at  his  own  expense, 
and  had  dispatched  him  to  Cairo  with  letters  to  General 
Prentiss ;  but  Greene  evaded  the  vigilance  of  the  detect 
ive,  and  passed  up  undiscovered.  J 

LYOX    PRIVATELY    DECLARES    HIS    PURPOSE. 

During  the  afternoon  of  Tuesday,  May  7,  Lyon  re 
quested  Colonel  Blair,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Chester  Har 
ding,  and  Franklin  A.  Dick  to  walk  with  him  from  his 
quarters,  where  they  and  others  were  at  the  time,  to  a 
room  in  the  ordnance  building,  where  they  could  be  alone 
and  undisturbed.  After  reaching  the  selected  place  and 
closing  the  door,  Lyon  began  pacing  the  floor  as  if  in 
deep  thought,  but  abruptly  halting,  he  said :  "  Mr.  Dick, 
we  must  take  Camp  Jackson,  and  we  must  take  it  at 
once."  He  then  proceeded  to  explain  that,  from  informa 
tion  he  considered  reliable,  and  from  all  the  public  move 
ments  and  expressions  of  State  and  city  authorities,  he 
was  bound  to  regard  the  camp  as  a  fearful  menace, 
which  by  prompt  action  would  amount  to  no  more  than 
bravado,  but  if  suffered  to  continue  and  grow  would 
beq^me  very  shortly  a  source  of  serious  trouble,  and 
might  result  in  terrible  conflicts  in  the  very  streets  of  the 
city.  He  believed  the  Government  should  at  once  force 
Jackson  to  recognize  its  authority,  and  cease  doing  those 
things  which  were  seemingly  forcing  Missouri  into  a 
position  of  antagonism  toward  it.  He  knew  that  he  had 
to  tread  upon  delicate  ground,  and  that  there  were  many 
who  would  remain  quiet  if  allowed  to,  who  would  bolster 
up  the  rebels  if  they  felt  themselves  secure,  but  who 
would  become  active  Union  men  under  the  benignant 
influence  of  Union  bayonets,  as  readily  as  they  would 
become  active  rebels  under  opposite  pressure.  It  grieved 
him  to  know  that,  beyond  the  walls  of  the  arsenal  and 
the  headquarters  of  Union  troops,  Union  men  were  pub- 


138  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

licly  annoyed  and  persecuted,  and  this  annoyance  and 
persecution  was  increasing  with  the  hours  that  increased 
over  the  existence  of  Camp  Jackson.  The  Governor  of 
Missouri  was  undoubtedly  placing  himself  in  such  posi 
tion  that  he  could  reasonably  hope  to  successfully  defy 
the  Government  of  the  Union,  and  he  (Lyon)  believed  it 
to  be  the  best  policy  to  proceed  against  him  before  he 
had  time  to  arm  his  minions  and  fill  his  depots  with  am 
munition.  So  confident  was  he  that  Jackson  was  a  trai 
tor  that  he  was  anxious  to  assume  the  responsibility  of 
proceeding  against  him  as  such. 

While  yet  they  were  talking,  Captain  Cavender  knocked 
at  the  door  and  informed  Colonel  Blair  the  cars  were 
waiting  to  take  him  to  Jefferson  Barracks,  where  bis 
regiment  was  quartered.  This  broke  up  the  conference, 
but  the  parties  all  expressed  their  concurrence  with 
Lyon's  views,  and  agreed  to  work  together  for  the  unan 
imous  consent  of  the  Safety  Committee  to  the  plan. 

In  special  orders  the  President  had  recognized  the 
Safety  Committee  as  the  power  Captain  Lyon  must  con 
sult  and  secure,  for  authority,  in  any  step  like  that  he 
now  so  much  desired  to  take.  That  committee,  while 
entering  into  his  feelings  and  purposes  generally,  in  this 
one  instance  doubted  the  policy  and  hesitated  to  advise 
him  to  take  the  step  ;  but  when  he  did  act  it  was  with 
their  unanimous  consent. 

The  following  is  the  order  of  the  President  alluded  to 
above : 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  ) 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  D.  C.,  April  30,  1861.  j 

SIR — The  President  of  the  United  States  directs  that 
you  enroll  in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States 
the  loyal  citizens  of  St.  Louis  and  vicinity  not  exceed 
ing,  with  those  heretofore  enlisted,  ten  thousand  in  num 
ber,  for  the  purpose  of  maintaining  the  authority  of  the 
United  States,  and  for  the  protection  of  the  peaceable 


AND   MISSOURI   INT    1861.  139 

inhabitants  of  Missouri.  And  you  will,  if  deemed  neces 
sary  for  that  purpose  by  yourself  and  by  Messrs. 
Oliver  D.  Filley,  John  How,  James  O.  Broadhead,  Sam 
uel  T.  Glover,  J.  J.  Witzig,  and  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr., 
proclaim  martial  law  in  St.  Louis.  The  additional  force 
hereby  authorized  shall  be  discharged  in  part  or  in 
whole,  if  enlisted,  as  soon  as  it  appears  to  you  and  the 
gentlemen  above  named  that  there  is  no  danger  of  an 
attempt  on  the  part  of  the  enemies  of  the  Government 
to  take  military  possession  of  the  city  of  St.  Louis,  or 
put  the  city  in  the  control  of  a  combination  against 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  ;  and  whilst  such 
additional  force  remains  in  the  service,  the  same  shall  be 
governed  by  the  Rules  and  Articles  of  War,  and  such 
special  regulations  as  you  may  prescribe,  and  shall,  like 
the  force  heretofore  directed  to  be  enrolled,  be  under 
your  command. 

I  am,  sir, 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 
L.  THOMAS, 

Adjutant-  General. 
Capt.  NATHANIEL  LYON, 

Second  Infantry,  Commanding,  St.  Louis. 

LYOX    VISITS    CAMP    JACKSON. 

On  Wednesday  evening,  Captain  Lyon  requested  Mr. 
J.  J.  Witzig,  one  of  the  Safety  Committee,  to  meet  him 
the  next  day  with  a  horse  and  buggy,  at  about  two 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  On  Thursday,  May  9,  at  the 
appointed  hour,  and  at  headquarters,  Witzig  inquired 
for  the  "  General."*  He  was  directed  to  Lyon's  private 
apartments.  As  he  entered  the  room,  Witzig  saw  a  lady 
seated  near  the  door,  vailed,  and  evidently  waiting  for 
some  one.  He  inquired  of  her  if  she  wished  to  see  the 
"  General,"  and  received  in  answer  that  she  was  waiting 


*  Upon  the  organization  of  the  first  four  regiments,  it  was  the  custom  at  the 
arsenal  to  address  Captain  Lyon  as  "  General." 


140 

for  him  to  come  in.  Witzig,  remarking  that  he  supposed 
the  General  would  be  in  within  a  few  minutes  at  furthest, 
seated  himself  by  the  window  to  await  the  coming  of 
Lyon.  After  a  few  moments'  interval,  the  lady  arose,  and 
removing  her  vail,  discovered  the  features  of  Nathaniel 
Lyon.  It  can  be  imagined  Witzig  was  amazed,  for  the 
deception  was  complete.  In  this  attire  (the  dress  of  Mrs. 
Alexander),  Captain  Lyon,  taking  with  him  two  Colt's 
revolvers,  entered  a  barouche,  belonging  to  Franklin  A. 
Dick,  Esq.,  and,  with  Mr.  Dick's  colored  servant,  drove 
out  to  Camp  Jackson,  and  into  the  camp  itself,  followed 
by  Witzig  in  his  own  buggy. 

Lyon  took  a  good  look  through  the  camp,  noticed  its 
exact  location,  read  the  names  of  some  of  its  streets,  as, 
for  instance, "  Beauregard  avenue,"  "  Davis  avenue,"  and 
the  like,  and  then  withdrew.  After  he  had  proceeded 
some  distance  toward  the  arsenal,  he  stopped  and  directed 
Witzig  to  leave  him,  and  summon  the  members  of  the 
Safety  Committee  to  meet  him  immediately  at  the  arse 
nal.  Witzig  hastened  to  obey. 

THE    SAFETY    COMMITTEE    IX    SESSION. 

Returning  to  his  quarters,  Lyon  divested  himself  of 
his  apparel,  and  then  sought  the  headquarters  office.  It 
was  not  long  before  commanders  of  regiments  received 
notice  of  a  meeting  for  consultation,  and  Lyon  pro 
ceeded  to  confer  with  his  confidant  and  friend,  Colonel 
Blair.  To  him  he  announced  his  determination  to  take 
the  camp ;  he  felt  it  to  be  his  duty,  fearing  that  longer 
delay  might  enable  it  to  assume  proportions  so  formi 
dable  as  to  endanger  the  safety  of  the  State ;  but  he 
wanted  the  acquiescence  of  the  Safety  Committee.  While 
yet  talking  the  members  of  the  Safety  Committee  were 
assembling,  and,  in  the  conference,  Lyon  stated  the 
necessity  for  seizing  the  camp,  and  every  man  within 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  141 

it,  and  holding  them  as  prisoners  of  war.  He  was 
warmly  sustained  by  Blair  and  Witzig,  and,  seeing  his 
determination,  O.  D.  Filley  and  Broadhead  also  acqui 
esced.  Glover  was  decidedly  opposed  to  the  manner 
and  the  time  of  taking  it,  and  was  supported  by  How. 
These  were  all  of  the  Safety  Committee,  and  none 
others  were  present. 

Mr.  Glover,  while  he  desired  the  capture  of  the  place, 
looked  at  the  question  in  a  purely  legal  light.  The 
camp  had  legal  existence  for  six  days,  which  time  would 
not  expire  until  the  following  Sunday.  The  authorities 
controlling  it  recognized  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  had  in  no  instance  disturbed  the  peace  ;  the 
national  flag  was  flying  there,  notwithstanding  the  rebel 
talk  and  rebel  names  of  streets.  True,  there  was  prop 
erty  there  believed  to  belong  to  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  but  the  way  to  reach  that  was  by  a  writ 
of  replevin,  served  by  the  United  States  Marshal.  If 
General  Frost  refused  to  respect  the  writ,  the  Marshal 
could  then  call  upon  General  Lyon  for  assistance,  and 
thus  the  object  be  gained. 

Lyon  argued  the  impropriety  of  Frost  being  allowed 
time  to  prepare  for  resistance,  when  the  whole  enterprise 
could  be  managed  successfully  without  the  firing  of  a 
gun.  He  knew  the  camp  to  be  a  nest  of  traitors ;  the 
Legislature  was  in  secret  session,  and  even  then  a  new 
military  law  might  be  in  operation ;  certainly  if  not  then, 
it  would  be  in  a  day  or  so.  Advices  from  all  parts  of  the 
State  were  discouraging  to  Union  men,  and  the  rebels 
were  gathering  in  strength.  On  Sunday  General  Harney 
would  arrive,  and  no  one  could  tell  what  he  would  do. 
Camp  Jackson  must  be  taken. 

At  the  mention  of  the  fact  of  General  Harney's  return 
ing,  Mr.  Glover  agreed  with  the  necessity  of  breaking 
up  the  camp  at  once ;  but  he  thought  it  would  be  best  to 


142  <iEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

have  the  United  States  Marshal  at  the  head  of  the  column, 
and  that  official  first  to  make  the  demand  for  the  property 
brought  up  by  the  "  Swon ;"  and  when  the  conference 
dissolved,  it  seemed  to  be  understood  that  such  should 
be  the  mode  of  procedure.  But  when  alone  with  Mr. 
Blair  he  declared  his  determination  to  issue  orders  imme 
diately  for  every  regiment  to  be  in  readiness  to  march  at 
a  moment's  notice,  and  of  his  determination  to  capture 
the  entire  force  at  the  camp,  without  any  ceremony, 
other  than  a  demand  for  its  absolute  surrender.  If  he 
made  the  demand  for  property,  it  must  be  in  vague  terms, 
and  Frost  might  put  him  off  with  some  old  material, 
claiming  it  as  all  he  had  received.  Even  if  Frost  made  a 
bona-Jlde  surrender  of  the  "  Swon  "  freight,  it  would  not 
serve  his  purpose.  He  wanted  the  whole  force,  with  all 
their  camp  and  garrison  equipage,  and  to  follow  up  such 
a  seizure  by  striking  a  deadly  blow  at  secession  in  the 
State.  He  did  not  desire  to  look  at  the  question  as  a  law 
yer  ;  he  proposed  acting  as  a  soldier.  He  looked  upon 
the  formula  of  using  the  United  States  Marshal  as  an 
agent,  as  a  mere  subterfuge,  it  being  his  intention  not  to 
be  satisfied  with  a  simple  compliance  with  the  require 
ments  of  the  mere  letter  of  the  law.  He  wanted  the 
camp,  the  men  in  it,  officers  and  enlisted  men,  all  its 
warlike  material.  He  knew  it  to  be  a  nest  of  traitors, 
organized  with  designs  of  hostility  toward  the  United 
States,  and  only  awaiting  a  favorable  moment  to  strike. 
Its  commander  had  received  rebel  agents,  and  United 
States  property,  stolen  by  rebels  in  the  South ;  that  com 
mander  recognized  also  the  authority  of  the  Governor  of 
Missouri  as  above  the  authority  of  the  United  States 
Government.  For  these  reasons,  and  many  more  of 
minor  importance  also,  Lyon  had  resolved  to  act,  and  lie 
resolved  to  act  as  a  soldier,  and  not  as  a  lawyer.  He 
should  demand  a  surrender  with  liismen  in  line  of  battle, 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  143 

arid  his  cannon  in  choice  positions ;  and  if  the  demand  was 
not  complied  with  at  once,  he  would  fight  for  it.  Colonel 
Blair  agreed  with  him  and  sustained  him ;  and  Lyon  did 
not  seek  rest  that  night  until  every  order  had  been  pre 
pared,  every  Colonel  instructed,  and  every  detail 


arranged. 


THE    ORDER    FOR    HORSES. 


On  the  9th  of  May,  some  time  previous  to  his  visit 
to  Camp  Jackson,  Capt.  Lyon  dispatched  Lieut.  Thur- 
neck  with  a  note  to  Giles  F.  Filley,  requesting  that  gen 
tleman  to  procure  and  send  to  him  at  the  arsenal,  by  4 
o'clock,  P.M.,  thirty-six  horses.  Mr.  Filley  called  at  once 
upon  Mr.  James  Harkness  (Glasgow  &  Harkness)  for 
assistance  in  purchasing  the  horses.  Twenty-two  were 
purchased  at  the  stables  of  Messrs.  Glasgow  &  Harkness 
and  forwarded  by  Lieut.  Thurneck  to  the  arsenal,  while 
Messrs.  Filley  and  Harkness  visited  other  places,  in  order 
to  secure  the  balance  of  the  desired  number.  Enough 
were  brought  to  make  up,  with  some  few  which  were 
-loaned  by  Union  citizens,  to  fill  the  order ;  and  Giles  F. 
Filley  and  O.  D.  Filley,  signed  their  names  as  securities 
to  Mr.  Harkness  for  their  payment.  Lyon  in  this  matter 
disregarded  army  regulations,  because  of  his  personal 
distrust  of  Major  McKinstry,  the  Department  Chief 
Quartermaster.  In  fact,  Major  McKinstry  was  ignorant 
of  the  design  upon  Camp  Jackson,  until  within  an  hour 
or  so  of  its  capture.  He  afterward  interposed  delay  in 
the  payment  for  these  horses,  but  Mr.  Harkness  visited 
Boonville  in  June,  and  procured  a  peremptory  order 
from  Lyon. 

EXCITING    RUMORS. 

"  Rumor,  '  the  ten  thousand  tongucd,'  yesterday  ran 
wild  with  fantasies,  monstrous  and  awful.  She  averred 


144  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

that  the  steamer '  J.  C.  Swon  '  had  arrived  Monday  night, 
loaded  down  with  muskets  and  cannon,  mortars  and 
columbiads,  all  of  which  hail  been  taken  to  Camp  Jack 
son.  The  arms  were  from  England — seventy  thousand 
stand — to  enable  the  State  to  subjugate  the  city  !  or 
there  were  but  fifty  thousand,  enough  to  capture  Frank 
Blair.  They  came  in  big  boxes,  labeled  '  marble  ;'  or 
they  came  in  sugar  hogsheads  from  Louisiana.  Again, 
there  probably  were  fifteen  thousand  sent  up  from  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  Thus  the  multitude  of  arms 
diminished  to  five  thousand,  and  finally  to  twelve  hun 
dred.  As  an  item-writer  we  were  disgusted  with  the 
smalliiess  of  the  latter  number,  and  determined  to  have 
not  a  gun  less  than  five  thousand,  believing  this  a  most 
reasonable  quantity  for  the  times.  Later  still,  wild 
rumor  ran  stark  mad  ;  with  white  lips  she  declared  that 
Frank  Blair  was  marching  to  take  Camp  Jackson,  Gov 
ernor  Jackson,  and  the  secesh  Legislature,  with  the 
intention  to  hang  them  all" — [Mo.  Democrat,  May  10, 
1861.] 

TENTH    OF    MAY,  1861. 

Friday,  May  10,  1861 — day  ever  memorable  in  the 
history  not  only  of  Missouri,  but  of  the  nation ;  mem 
orable  as  being  the  day  on  which  the  first  blow  was 
struck  by  loyalty  against  the  gigantic  front  of  unjusti 
fiable  rebellion  ;  memorable  as  the  day  on  which  Free 
dom,  wielding  the  sword  of  truth  and  justice,  stood 
forth  in  the  splendid  majesty  of  resistless  power.  The 
struggle  that  statesmen  failed  to  appreciate,  the  necessi 
ties  that  statesmen  failed  to  realize,  were  grasped  at  once 
by  the  ready  mind  of  a  patriotic  captain  of  infantry,  who 
had  been  nurtured  in  camps,  and  in  the  fierce  conflicts  of 
the  field  of  battle.  It  was  the  comprehension  of  un- 
trammeled  patriotism  that  solved  the  problem ;  and 
obedience  to  the  plainest  requirements  of  duty  that 
prompted  not  only  preparation,  but  action.  Noble 
champion  of  the  right !  hero  of  bewildered  humanity  ! 


AND    MISSOURI    IX   1861.  145 

ye  shall  this  day  send  vigorous  currents  of  electricity 
through  the  life-courses  of  the  almost  paralyzed  admin 
istration.  Ye  stand  fortli  in  the  conduct  of  this  day  the 
fullest  expression  of  that  patriotism  which  in  every  city 
of  the  free  North,  on  every  way-side  from  the  Atlantic 
to  Idaho,  is  demonstrated  by  myriad  flags  from  myriad 
house-tops,  and  in  the  rush  to  arms  of  countless  thou 
sands. 

LETTER  FROM:  GENERAL  FROST  TO  CAPTAIN  LYON. 
On  the  morning  of  the  10th  General  Frost,  placing 
some  confidence  in  the  numerous  reports,  upon  being 
informed  of  the  unusual  activity  at  the  Union  Barracks, 
sent  the  following  letter  to  Captain  Lyon.  He  little 
thought  Lyon  would  be  the  bearer  of  his  own  reply. 

HEADQUARTERS,  CAMP  JACKSON,   ) 
MISSOURI  MILITIA,  May  10,  1801.  j" 

Captain  1ST.  LYON,  Commanding  United  States  troops  in 
and  about  St.  Louis  Arsenal : 

SIR — I  am  constantly  in  receipt  of  information  that  you 
contemplate  an  attack  upon  my  camp ;  whilst  I  under 
stand  you  are  impressed  with  the  idea  that  an  attack 
upon  the  arsenal  and  United  States  troops  is  intended  on 
the  part  of  the  militia  of  Missouri.  I  am  greatly  at  a  loss 
to  know  what  could  justify  you  in  attacking  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  who  are  in  the  lawful  performance  of 
duties  devolving  upon  them,  under  the  Constitution,  in 
organizing  and  instructing  the  militia  of  the  State  in 
obedience  to  her  laws,  and  therefore  have  been  disposed 
to  doubt  the  correctness  of  the  information  I  have 
received. 

I  would  be  glad  to  know  from  you  personally  whether 
there  is  any  truth  in  the  statements  that  are  constantly 
poured  into  my  ears.  So  far  as  regards  any  hostility 
being  intended  toward  the  United  States,  or  its  prop 
erty  or  representatives,  by  any  portion  of  my  command, 
or  as  far  as  I  can  learn  (and  I  think  I  am  fully  informed) 
of  any  other  part  of  the  State  forces,  I  can  say  positively 
7 


146  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

that  the  idea  has  never  been  entertained.  On  the  con 
trary,  prior  to  your  taking  command  of  the  arsenal,  I 
proffered  to  Major  Bell,  then  in  command  of  the  very  few 
troops  constituting  its  guard,  the  services  of  myself  and 
all  my  command,  and,  if  necessary,  the  whole  power  of 
the  State,  to  protect  the  United  States  in  the  full  posses 
sion  of  all  her  property.  Upon  General  Ilarney's  taking 
command  of  this  department,  I  made  the  same  proffer  of 
services  to  him,  and  authorized  his  Adjutant-General, 
Captain  Williams,  to  communicate  the  fact  that  such  had 
been  done  to  the  War  Department.  I  have  had  no  occa 
sion  since  to  change  any  of  the  views  I  entertained  at 
that  time,  neither  of  my  own  volition  nor  through  orders 
of  my  constitutional  commander. 

I  trust  that  after  this  explicit  statement  we  may  be 
able,  by  fully  understanding  each  other,  to  keep  far 
from  our  borders  the  misfortunes  which  so  unhappily 
afflict  our  common  country. 

This  communication  will  be  handed  to  you  by  Col 
Bowen,  my  Chief  of  Staff,  who  may  be  able  to  explain, 
anything  not  fully  set  forth  in  the  foregoing. 
I  am,  sir, 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  ob'fc  servant, 
D.  M.  FROST,  Brigadier- General, 
Commanding  Camp  Jackson,  J\I.   V.  M. 

Colonel  Bowen  proceeded  with  this  letter  to  the 
arsenal,  but  was  not  received.  Lyon  was  preparing  to 
call  on  Frost.  It  may  be  well  enough,  right  here,  to 
introduce  the  letter  which  General  Frost  wrote  under 
date  of  April  15  ;  which,  taken  in  connection  with  the 
letter  previously  written,  under  date  of  January  24, 
1861,  shows  the  exact  amount  of  confidence  to  be  placed 
in  the  foregoing  epistle.  The  following  letter  was  cap 
tured  in  June,  1861,  with  other  less  important  corre 
spondence  of  Claib  Jackson,  at  Boonvillc  and  Jefferson 
City ;  all  of  which,  however,  went  to  prove  his  deter 
mination  to  side  with  the  rebellion. 


AND   MISSOURI    IN    1861.  147 

The  letter  referred  to  is  as  follows: 

ST.  Loins,  MISSOURI,  April  15,  1861. 

His  Excellency  C.  F.  JACKSON,  Governor  of  Missouri : 

SIR — You  have  doubtless  observed  by  this  morning's 
dispatches  tliat  the  President,  by  calling  seventy-five 
thousand  of  the  militia  of  the  different  States  into  the 
service  of  his  Government,  proposes  to  inaugurate  civil 
war  on  a  comprehensive  plan. 

Under  the  circumstances,  I  have  thought  it  not  inap 
propriate  that  I  should  offer  some  suggestions  to  your 
Excellency,  in  my  capacity  of  commanding  officer  of  the 
First  Military  District. 

Presuming  that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  be  advised  by  good 
military  talent,  he  will  doubtless  regard  this  place  as 
next  in  importance,  in  a  strategic  point  of  view,  to 
Charleston  and  Pensacola.  He  will  therefore  retain  at 
the  arsenal  all  of  the  troops  now  there,  and  augment  it 
as  soon  as  possible.  The  commanding  officer  at  that 
place,  as  you  are  perhaps  aware,  has  strengthened  his 
position  by  the  erection  of  numerous  batteries  and  earth 
works.  You  are  not,  however,  aware  that  he  has  recently 
put  in  position  guns  of  large  calibre,  to  command  the 
approaches  to  the  city  by  the  river,  as  Avell  as  heavy  ten- 
inch  mortars,  with  which  he  could  at  any  moment  bom 
bard  our  town. 

If,  therefore,  he  is  permitted  to  go  on  strengthening 
his  position,  whilst  the  Government  increases  his  force, 
it  will  be  but  a  short  time  before  he  will  have  this  town 
and  the  commerce  of  the  Mississippi  at  his  mercy.  You 
will  readily  see  how  this  complete  possession  and  control 
of  our  commercial  metropolis  might,  and  in  all  proba 
bility  would,  affect  any  future  action  that  the  State  might 
otherwise  feel  disposed  to  take. 

I  fully  appreciate  the  very  delicate  position  occupied 
by  your  Excellency,  and  do  not  expect  you  to  take  any 
action,  or  do  anything  not  legal  and  proper  to  be  done 
under  the  circumstances ;  but,  nevertheless,  would  respect 
fully  suggest  the  following,  as  both  legal  and  proper, 
viz.: 

First — To  call  the  Legislature  together  at  once,  for 


148  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYOX, 

the  purpose  of  placing  the  State  in  a  condition  to  enable 
you  to  suppress  insurrection  or  repel  invasion. 

Second — To  send  an  agent  to  the  Governor  of  Louis 
iana  (or  further,  if  necessary),  to  ascertain  if  mortars  and 
siege  guns  could  be  obtained  from  Baton  Rouge,  or 
other  points. 

Third — To  send  an  agent  to  Liberty,  to  sec  what  is 
there,  and  to  put  the  people  of  that  vicinity  on  their 
guard,  to  prevent  its  being  garrisoned — as  several  compa 
nies  of  United  States  troops  will  be  at  Fort  Leaven- 
worth,  from  Fort  Kearney,  in  ten  or  fifteen  days  from 
this  time. 

Fourtii—  Publish  a  proclamation  to  the  people  of  the 
State,  warning  them  that  the  President  has  acted  ille 
gally  in  calling  out  troops,  thus  arrogating  to  himself 
the  war-making  power;  that  he  has  illegally  ordered  the 
secret  issue  of  the  public  arms  (to  the  number  of  five 
thousand)  to  societies  in  the  State,  who  have  declared 
their  intention  to  resist  the  constituted  authorities  when 
ever  those  authorities  may  adopt  a  course  distasteful  to 
them ;  and  that  they  arc,  therefore,  by  no  means  bound 
to  give  him  aid  or  comfort  in  his  attempts  to  subjugate, 
by  force  of  arms,  a  people  who  are  still  free ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  that  they  should  prepare  themselves  to  main 
tain  all  their  rights  as  citizens  of  Missouri. 

Fifth — Authorize  or  command  the  commanding  offi 
cer  of  the  present  military  district  to  form  a  military 
camp  of  instruction  at  or  near  the  city  of  St.  Louis ;  to 
muster  military  companies  into  the  service  of  the  State; 
to  erect  batteries,  and  do  all  things  necessary  and  proper 
to  be  done  to  maintain  the  peace,  dignity,  and  sovereignty 
of  the  State. 

Sixth — Order  Colonel  Bowen's  whole  command  to 
proceed  at  once  to  the  said  camp,  and  report  to  the  com 
manding  officer  for  duty. 

Doubtless  many  things  which  ought  to  be  done  will 
occur  to  your  Excellency  which  have  not  to  me,  and 
your  Excellency  may  deem  what  I  have  suggested  as 
improper  or  unnecessary.  If  so,  I  can  only  say  that  I 
have  been  actuated  solely  by  a  sense  of  official  duty  in 
saying  what  I  have,  and  will  most  cheerfully  acquiesce  in 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  149 

whatever  course  your  Excellency  may  lay  clown  for  my 
government. 

I  would  not  presume  to  have  aclvisod  your  Excel 
lency,  but  for  the  fact  you  were  kind  enough  to  express 
a  desire  to  consult  with  me  upon  these  subjects  on  your 
recent  visit  to  this  city. 

I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

I).  M.  FROST,  Brigadier- General, 
Commanding  First  Mil.  Dis.  of  Mo. 

P.  S. — I  highly  approve  of  the  suggestions  of  General 
Frost,  and  await  your  commands. 

J.  A.  BROWNLEE. 


CAPTURE  OF  CAMP  JACKSON. 

The  regiments  selected  by  Lyon  to  assist  in  the  cap 
ture  of  Camp  Jackson  were  the  First,  Second,  Third, 
and  Fourth  Mo.  Vols.,  and  the  Third  and  Fourth 
"Home  Guards"  (Reserve  Corps).  The  First  and  Second 
Home  Guards  were  also  on  duty,  protecting  the  arsenal 
and  the  city.  Most  of  the  "  regulars  "  were  also  employed 
at  the  camp.  Colonel  Blair,  preceded  by  a  battalion  of 
regulars,  under  Sweeney,  marched  to  and  through 
Laclede  avenue,  from  Jefferson  Barracks,  and  got  into  line 
west  of  the  camp.  Colonels  Boernstein  moved  up  Pine 
street,  Schuttner  up  Market  street,  Sigel  up  Olive,  Brown 
up  Morgan,  and  McNeil  up  Clark  avenue,  and  when  all 
were  in  position,  the  camp  was  completely  surrounded ; 
six  pieces  of  light  artillery  were  also  quickly  posted  on 
elevated  sites,  in  the  vicinity  of,  and  thoroughly  com 
manding,  the  camp.  Captain  Lyon  rode  at  the  head  of 
the  battalion  of  regulars. 

So  nice  were  Lyon's  calculations,  and  so  prompt  was 
the  obedience  of  his  subordinates,  that  the  heads  of  the 
several  columns  were  seen  drawing  near  the  camp  at  the 


150  GEX.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

same  time.  As  the  soldiers  marched  through  the  streets, 
the  curiosity  of  the  citizens  was  aroused  to  the  utmost 
extent,  and  the  belief  gained  ground  that  it  was  designed 
to  capture  Camp  Jackson.  Consequently,  large  crowds 
followed  the  Union  troops  to  watch  the  progress  of 
events,  never  doubting  for  a  moment  but  that  if  a  fight 
should  occur  they  could  stand  by  unharmed  and  witness 
it  all.  For  many  squares  off  the  roofs  of  houses,  from 
which  the  camp  or  the  soldiers  could  be  viewed,  were 
crowded  by  anxious  spectators  of  every  political  procliv 
ity.  One  might  have  been  justified  in  imagining  it  a 
grand  gala  day,  instead  of  an  episode  in  frightful  war 
and  a  prelude  to  violent  death. 

Upon  reaching  the  vicinity  of  the  camp,  to  prepare  for 
action  was  but  the  work  of  a  moment ;  and  Lyon,  satis 
fied  with  the  position  of  his  own  forces,  rode  up  to 
Sweeney  and  said  :  "  Sweeney,  if  their  batteries  open  on 
you,  deploy  your  leading  company  as  skirmishers,  charge 
on  the  nearest  battery,  and  take  it."  Lyon  then  sent 
Major  B.  G.  Farrar  with  the  following  letter  to  Frost : 

HEADQUARTERS  UNITED  STATES  TROOPS,  ) 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  May  10,  1861.  j 

General  D.  M.  FROST,  Commanding  Camp  Jackson  : 

SIR — Your  command  is  regarded  as  evidently  hostile 
to  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  for  the  most  part  made  up  of  those  secessionists 
who  have  openly  avowed  their  hostility  to  the  General 
Government,  and  have  been  plotting  at  the  seizure  of  its 
property  and  the  overthrow  of  its  authority.  You  are 
openly  in  communication  with  the  so-called  Southern 
Confederacy,  which  is  now  at  war  with  the  United 
States ;  and  you  are  receiving  at  your  camp,  from  said 
Confederacy  and  under  its  flag,  large  supplies  of  the 
material  of  war,  most  of  which  is  known  to  be  the  prop 
erty  of  the  United  States.  These  extraordinary  prepa 
rations  plainly  indicate  none  other  than  the  well-known 


A1STD    MISSOURI   IX    1861.  151 

purpose  of  the  Governor  of  this  State,  under  whose 
orders  you  are  acting,  and  whose  purpose,  recently  com 
municated  to  the  Legislature,  has  just  been  responded  to 
in  the  most  unparalleled  legislation,  having  in  direct 
view  hostilities  to  the  General  Government  and  co 
operation  with  its  enemies. 

In  view  of  these  considerations,  and  of  your  failure  to 
disperse  in  obedience  to  the  proclamation  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  of  the  eminent  necessities  of  State  policy  and 
welfare,  and  the  obligations  imposed  upon  me  by  instruc 
tions  from  Washington,  it  is  my  duty  to  demand,  and  I 
do  hereby  demand  of  you,  an  immediate  surrender  of 
your  command,  with  no  other  conditions  than  that  all 
persons  surrendering  under  this  demand  shall  be  hu 
manely  and  kindly  treated.  Believing  myself  prepared 
to  enforce  this  demand,  one-half  hour's  time  before 
doing  so  will  be  allowed  for  your  compliance  therewith. 
Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

N.  LYOX, 
Captain  Second  United  States  Infantry, 

Commanding  Troops. 

After  a  short  time  had  elapsed,  sufficient  for  the  letter 
from  Ly  on  to  have  been  received  and  read  by  Frost,  three 
loud  cheers  were  heard  from  the  men  in  the  camp.  They 
were  just  such  cheers  as  soldiers  give  when  they  are  satis 
fied  with  results,  and  Sweeney,  thinking  the  cheers  meant 
fight,  ordered  his  two  companies  of  regulars  to  move 
their  cartridge-boxes  to  the  front,  which  to  an  old  soldier 
means  " prepare  for  action" 

It  was  but  a  few  minutes  after  this  that  a  horseman 
rode  out  from  the  camp,  and  approaching  Lyon,  handed 
him  a  note.*  Having  concluded  the  reading,  Lyon 
remarked :  "  Sweeney,  they  surrender."  Sweeney  turned 
to  his  men,  and  ordered  them  to  replace  their  cartridge- 

*  The  note  was  from  Frost,  in  which  that  officer  protested  against  Lyon's 
demand,  but  announced  his  surrender,  as  he  was  not  in  a  condition  to  resist. 


152  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

boxes,  which  they  did  with  an  air  of  disappointment. 
The  rebels  had  been  so  boastful  of  their  whipping  great 
odds,  that  those  loyalists  felt  like  having  a  bout  at  it. 
Lyon  dismounted,  and  was  immediately  kicked  in  the 
stomach  by  the  horse  of  one  of  his  aids,  which  placed 
him  senseless.  While  he  was  in  this  condition  William 
D.  Wood,  Frost's  Adjutant-General,  rode  up  and  inquired 
for  General  Lyon.  Sweeney,  desiring  to  conceal  Lyou's 
condition  from  the  enemy,  replied  that  he  would  receive 
any  message  intended  for  General  Lyon. 

Wood  then  replied :  "  General  Frost  sends  his  com 
pliments  to  General  Lyon,  and  wishes  to  know  if  the 
officers  will  be  allowed  to  retain  their  side-arms,  what 
disposition  shall  be  made  of  Government  property,  and 
if  a  guard  will  be  sent  to  relieve  his  men  now  on  post, 
and  take  possession  of  everything,  when  the  camp  shall 
be  evacuated  ?  " 

Sweeney  replied  that  officers  would  be  allowed  to 
retain  their  side-arms ;  the  public  property  confiscated  to 
the  United  States  ;  private  property  collected,  and  guards 
be  detailed  to  protect  both.  Wood  then  rode  off,  and 
Sweeney  returned  to  Lyon,  to  find  him  slowly  recover 
ing.  When  informed,  Lyon  expressed  satisfaction  at 
Sweeney's  conduct,  and  ordered  the  latter  to  inform 
Colonel  Blair  of  his  wish  he  should  move  the  First  Mis 
souri  Infantry  into  Camp  Jackson  and  take  possession  ; 
but  as  Sweeney  rode  off  he  recalled  him  and  changed  the 
order,  substituting  Sweeney  and  the  two  companies  of 
regulars  for  Blair  and  the  First  Missouri,  remarking  that 
he  must  have  Blair  with  him  at  the  arsenal.  Sweeney 
obeyed,  and  remained  at  the  camp  until  the  following 
day  about  one,  P.M.,  at  which  time  everything  had 
been  removed  to  the  arsenal.  Upon  the  entrance  of 
Sweeney  into  Camp  Jackson,  Frost's  men  stacked 
arms  and  marched  out  between  the  ranks  of  the  Union 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  153 


soldiers  (First  Missouri  Volunteers),  who  were    faced  \ 
inward. 


THE    CATASTROPHE    AFTER    THE    SURRENDER. 

I  should  be  indeed  happy  if  I  could  conclude  this  ac 
count  of  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson  without  being 
obliged  to  record  that  it  was  accompanied  by  some 
scenes  of  shameful  ruffianism. 

Captain  C.  Blandowski,  of  Company  F.  (Third  Mis 
souri  Volunteers),  had  been  ordered  with  his  company 
to  guard  the  western  gateway  leading  into  the  camp. 
The  surrendered  troops  had  passed  out,  and  were 
standing  passively  between  the  inclosing  lines  on  the 
road,  when  a  crowd  of  disunionists  began  hostile 
demonstrations  against  Company  F.  At  first  these 
demonstrations  consisted  only  of  vulgar  epithets  and 
the  most  abusive  language;  but  the  crowd,  encour 
aged  by  the  forbearance  and  the  silence  of  the  Fed 
eral  soldiers,  began  hurling  rocks,  brickbats,  and  other 
missiles  at  the  faithful  company.  Notwithstanding 
several  of  the  company  were  seriously  hurt  by  these 
missiles,  each  man  remained  in  line,  which  so  emboldened 
the  crowd  that  they  discharged  pistols  at  the  soldiers, 
at  the  same  time  yelling  and  daring  the  latter  to  fight. 
Not  until  one  of  his  men  was  shot  dead,  several  severely 
wounded,  and  himself  shot  in  the  leg,  did  the  Captain 
feel  it  his  duty  to  retaliate ;  and  as  he  fell,  he  commanded 
his  men  to  fire.  The  order  was  obeyed,  and  the  multi 
tude  fell  back,  leaving  upon  the  grass-covered  ground 
some  twenty  of  their  number,  dead  or  dying.  Some 
fifteen  were  instantly  killed,  and  several  others  died 
within  an  hour.  Several  of  Sigel's  men  were  wounded, 
and  two  killed. 

The  following  is  taken  from  the  morning  papers  of 
the  13th  of  May,  and  was  written  by  Captain  Lyon 
7* 


154  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

himself.     It  is  a  full  account  of  the  disturbances  at  the 
west  side  of  the  camp,  and  at  the  artillery  station . 

THE    FIRING    AT    CAMP    JACKSON OFFICIAL    STATEMENT. 

The  first  firing  was  some  half-dozen  shots  near  the 
head  of  the  column,  composed  of  the  First  Regiment, 
which  was  guarding  the  prisoners.  It  occurred  in  this 
wise  :  The  artillery  were  stationed  upon  the  bluff  north 
east  of  Camp  Jackson,  with  their  pieces  bearing  on  the 
camp.  The  men  of  this  command  were  most  insultingly 
treated  by  the  mob  with  the  foulest  epithets  ;  were 
pushed,  struck,  and  pelted  with  stones  and  dirt.  All 
this  was  patiently  borne,  until  one  of  the  mob  discharged 
a  revolver  at  the  men.  At  this  they  fired,  but  not  more 
than  six  shots,  which  were  sufficient  to  disperse  that 
portion  of  the  mob.  How  many  were  killed  by  this  fire 
is  not  known.  None  of  the  First  Regiment  (Colonel 
Blair's)  fired,  although  continually  and  shamefully 
abused  by  both  prisoners  and  the  mob.  The  second  and 
most  destructive  firing  was  from  the  rear  of  the  column 
guarding  the  prisoners.  The  mob  at  the  point  interven 
ing  between  Camp  Jackson  and  the  rear  of  the  column, 
and  in  fact  on  all  sides,  were  very  abusive ;  and  one  of 
them,  on  being  expostulated  with,  became  very  belliger 
ent,  drew  his  revolver,  and  fired  at  Lieutenant  Saxton, 
of  the  regular  army,  three  times,  during  which  a  crowd 
around  him  cheered  him  on,  many  of  them  drawing 
their  revolvers,  and  firing  at  the  United  States  troops. 
The  man  who  commenced  the  firing,  preparatory  to  a 
fourth  shot,  laid  his  pistol  across  his  arm,  and  was  tak 
ing  deliberate  aim  at  Lieutenant  Saxton,  when  he  was 
thrust  through  with  a  bayonet,  and  fired  upon  at  the 
same  time,  being  killed  instantly. 

Here,  the  column  of  troops  having  received  the  order 
to  march,  Lieutenant  Saxton's  command  passed  on,  and 
a  company  in  his  rear  became  the  object  of  a  furious 
attack  from  the  mob.  After  several  of  them  were  shot 
they  came  to  a  halt  and  fired  with  fatal  effect.  The  mob, 
in  retreating  from  both  sides  of  the  line,  returned  the 
fire,  and  the  troops  replied  again.  The  command  was 
then  given  by  General  Lyon  to  cease  firing,  and  the  order 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  155 

was  promptly  obeyed  as  rapidly  as  it  could  be  passed 
along  the  line. 

The  sad  results  are  much  to  be  lamented.  The  killing 
of  innocent  men,  women,  and  children  is  deplorable.  There 
was  no  intention  to  fire  upon  peaceable  citizens.  The 
regular  troops  were  over  in  the  camp,  beyond  the  mob, 
and  in  range  of  the  firing.  The  troops  manifested  every 
forbearance,  and  at  last  discharged  their  guns,  simply 
obeying  the  impulse,  natural  to  us  all,  of  self-defense. 

If  innocent  men,  women,  and  children,  whose  curiosity 
placed  them  in  a  dangerous  position,  suffered  with  the 
guilty,  it  is  no  fault  of  the  troops. 

Authorized  by 

N".  LYOX. 


THE    LIST    OF    THE    DEAD    AT    CAMP    JACKSON. 

Several  of  the  dead  were  carried  off*,  and  did  not  come 
under  the  notice  of  the  coroner  ;  several  of  the  wounded 
were  also  carried  off,  and  only  a  few  of  those  that  subse 
quently  died  were  officially  reported.  The  following 
are  the  names  of  those  who  died  from  wounds  received 
in  this  affray,  whose  bodies  were  attended  to  by  the 
coroner ;  fifteen  of  them  were  immediately  killed : 
Philip  Leister,  Armand  Latour, 

John  Sweikhardt,  John  Waters, 

Caspar  H.  Glencoe,  Thomas  A.  Haliren, 

*  William  Eisenhardt,  J.  J.  Jones, 

*  P.  Doane,  Erie  Wright, 
Henry  Jungle,  James  McDonald, 
Walter  McDowell,                 Francis  Wheelan, 

*  Nicholas  Knoblock,  Charles  Bodsen, 
Jacob  Carter,                          Mrs.  Elisa  McAuliff, 
Emma  Somers,                         Christopher  Dean, 
John  Roepe,  or  Koeper,         John  Underwood, 
William  Juenhower,  John  English, 

*  Belonged  to  Frost's  command  ;  the  balance  yvere  citizens, 


150  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

"William  Sheffield,  Jaques  Gerde, 

William  Patton  Somers,        Benjamin  Dunn. 

Among  the  wounded  were : 
Dr.  Ropke,  C.  Wilson, 

Thomas  Meek,  Jolm  James  Scherer, 

Jerome  Downey,  Fred.  D.  Allen, 

W.  L.  Carroll,  -  Bradford, 

John  Rice,  John  Matthews. 

Of  the  Federal  troops,  one  private  was  killed,  and  Cap 
tain  Blandowski  died  the  next  day  of  his  wounds.  Sev 
eral  were  wounded. 

At  about  six  o'clock,  P.  M.,  victors  and  prisoners  took 
up  their  line  of  march  for  the  arsenal.  For  some  dis 
tance  the  Union  soldiers  were  subjected  to  the  most 
insulting  abuse  by  the  crowd ;  but  Lyon  was  unceasingly 
vigilant,  and  prevented  the  indignant  men  from  visiting 
summary  punishment  upon  their  enemies. 

SECESSION    MOB. 

That  Friday  night  witnessed  the  last  and  the  culmin 
ating  ebullition  of  secesh  rage  and  frenzy  in  St.  Louis. 
Around  the  Planters'  House  the  secessionists  gathered 
in  crowds,  and  made  the  air  resound  with  their  curses. 
Cheers  were  given  for  Jeff  Davis,  and  groans  for  "  Yan 
kee  Lyon,"  "Frank  Blair," " Infidel  Boernstein," and  the 
"D — d  Dutch."  Threats  were  loudly  and  frequently 
made  that  the  latter  should  be  exterminated  to  the  last 
man.  Secesh  orators  addressed  the  crowd  in  the  most 
exciting  manner,  talking  the  most  blatant  treason.  The 
minute-men's  headquarters,  at  the  old  Bcrthold  mansion, 
were  crowded  with  infuriated  traitors,  and  the  rebel 
flag,  flying  from  the  roof,  was  repeatedly  cheered.  About 
nine  o'clock  a  large  crowd  started  from  the  Berthold 
mansion,  shouting,  "To  the  Democrat  office,"  "Tear  the 
d — d  thing  down,"  &c.,  <fcc.  Turning  Pine  street  they 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  157 

proceeded  up  Fourth  and  down  Locust  streets,  yelling 
hideous  noises,  and  cheering  the  State  Journal,  and 
Jeff  Davis. 

CHIEF  OP  POLICE  MCDONOUGH. 

Fortunate  indeed  was  it  for  the  city  of  St.  Louis  in 
general,  and  the  proprietors  of  the  Missouri  Democrat  in 
particular,  that  the  police  force  were  under  the  control, 
during  those  troublous  times,  of  such  a  chief  as  James 
McDonough.  Whatever  may  have  been  his  sympathies 
or  predilections  in  the  great  political  issues  of  that  day, 
he  did  not  allow  them  to  interfere  with  his  official  duties. 
Regarding  himself  as  a  conservator  of  the  peace,  he 
struggled  to  prevent  violence  and  enforce  order.  On  the 
night  in  question  "he  was  exceedingly  vigilant,  and  with 
admirable  foresight  had  so  arranged  his  force  that  he 
could  furnish  assistance  to  any  of  the  newspapers  which 
might  be  threatened  by  a  mob.  As  the  crowd  rushed 
down  Locust  street  and  across  Second  street,  they  were 
greeted  by  a  platoon  of  thirty  policemen,  who,  with 
bayonets  fixed,  were  in  line  extending  across  the  street, 
and  facing  the  mob.  The  Chief  soon  gave  them  to  under 
stand  that  his  duty  was  to  keep  the  peace,  and  he  intended 
faithfully  to  discharge  that  duty.  The  crowd  reflected, 
and  hearing  orders  given,  in  case  of  resistance,  to  use 
both  ball  and  bayonet,  set  up  a  shout  of  derision,  but 
did  not  advance.  Finally,  convinced  they  were  wasting 
time  in  that  locality,  they  turned  around,  and  shouting 
"  Anzeiger ! "  "  Anzeiger  ! "  moved  off  to  attack  that  office. 
McDonough  had  some  of  his  men  there  also,  but  they 
were  strongly  backed  by  a  company  or  two  of  Sigel's 
soldiers.  The  mob  then  moved  off  toward  the  Planters' 
House  and  the  Berthold  mansion,  and  until  after  mid 
night  groups  were  standing  in  many  places  throughout 
that  portion  of  the  city,  engaged  in  boisterous  con  versa- 


158  CJEX.    NATHANIEL    I. VOX, 

tion  upon  the  events  of  the  clay,  and  cursing  the  "  D — d 
Dutch." 

As  day  rolled  up  the  curtain  of  night,  on  the  morrow 
of  that  eventful  10th  of  May,  a  hideous  picture  was  re 
vealed  to  the  "  enlightened  genius  "  of  the  century.  The 
threats  of  the  ruffians  on  the  previous  night  had  not 
been  vainly  uttered.  A  foretaste  was  had  of  that  bar 
barity  which  afterward  gave  AXDERSONVILLE  and  MIL- 
LEX  to  history,  and  which  in  many  instances  failed  of  tho 
full  benefits  of  occasional  victory,  in  the  anxiety  to  rob 
the  Federal  dead,  who  had  heroically  fallen  upon  the 
field  of  battle.  The  threat  to  "  exterminate  the  d — d 
Dutch  "  was  carried  out  on  that  Friday  night  in  too 
many  instances.  Early  on  the  morning  of  Saturday  a 
dead  German  was  found  on  Market  street  near  Fifteenth 
street ;  another  on  the  corner  of  Tenth  street  and  Clark 
avenue,  just  on  the  edge  of  the  Chouteau  pond  ;  another 
on  the  corner  of  Franklin  avenue  and  Seventh  street ; 
another  in  an  alley  between  Franklin  avenue  and  Morgan 
street.  During  the  forenoon  of  this  Saturday  a  soldier 
of  the  United  States  Reserve  Corps  (a  German),  with  a 
musket  in  his  hand,  while  walking  up  Sixth  street,  when 
near  Chestnut,  was  met  by  a  secessionist,  who  shot  him 
in  the  breast  and  immediately  fled.  Before  any  one 
could  reach  the  soldier,  he  was  dead,  and  though  the 
assassination  was  witnessed  by  several,  no  one  would 
aid  in  the  arrest  of  the  assassin,  not  even  by  giving  a 
description.  About  the  same  time,  on  Market  street 
near  Ninth  street,  a  German  was  attacked  by  a  crowd, 
beaten  almost  to  insensibility,  and  dragged  by  a  rope 
tied  to  his  leg,  to  Chestnut  street,  after  which  nothing 
was  heard  of  him. 

THE   STATE   JOURNAL   IX    A    RAGE. 

On  the  morning  of  the  llth,  the  Staee  Journal,  in 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1801.  159 

its  accounts  of  the  taking  of  Camp  Jackson,  indulged  in 
the  most  outrageous  expressions,  styling  the  noble  Lyon 
as  "  this  man  Lyon"  alias  "  Numidian  Lyon,"  alias 
"  Lyon  the  murderer."  In  order  to  produce  excitement 
and  propagate  disturbance,  it  manufactured  the  most 
horrible  lies,  and  filled  its  columns  with  the  most  trea 
sonable  matter.  Lyon  was  too  busy  at  the  arsenal  to 
notice  it  just  then — he  will  notice  it  after  awhile. 

THE  MAYOR'S  PROCLAMATION. 

On  the  morning  of  the  llth,  the  following  proclama 
tion  was  issued  by  the  Mayor,  who  exercised  commend 
able  energy  in  the  adoption  of  measures  to  preserve  the 
peace : 

PROCLAMATION. 

MAYOR'S  OFFICE,          | 
CITY  HALL,  May  11,  1881. ) 

In  view  of  the  prevailing  excitement,  and  for  the  pur 
pose  of  removing,  as  far  as  possible,  all  causes  of  addi 
tional  irritation,  and  of  maintaining  the  public  peace,  I, 
Daniel  G.  Taylor,  Mayor  of  the  city  of  St.  Louis,  hereby 
respectfully  request  all  owners  and  keepers  of  bars, 
drinking-shops,  beer-houses,  and  other  places  where 
intoxicating  liquors  are  sold,  to  close  the  same  forthwith, 
and  keep  them  closed  during  the*  continuance  of  the 
present  excitement. 

I  also,  by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  by  act  of 
the  Legislature,  require  all  minors  to  keep  within  doors 
three  days  next  succeeding  the  issuing  of  this  proclama 
tion.  I  also  request  of  all  good  citizens  to  remain  within 
doors  after  nightfall,  as  far  as  practicable,  and  to  avoid 
all  tumultuous  gatherings  and  meetings. 

Relying  upon  the  loyalty  and  good  judgment  of  his 
fellow-citizens,  the  undersigned  confidently  expects  a 
cordial  compliance  with  these  requests. 

DANIEL  G.  TAYLOR, 

Attest :  Mayor. 

WILLIAM  S.  CUDDY, 

City  Register. 


100  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 


MATERIALS    AND    MEN    CAPTURED    ON   THE    TENTH,  AT    THE 

CAMP. 

Dining  the  forenoon  of  Saturday,  Captain  Sweeney 
was  also  engaged  in  forwarding  to  the  arsenal  the  cap 
tured  material   from   Camp    Jackson.      The    following 
were  among  the  articles  found  in  the  camp ; 
Three  thirty-two-pounders. 
Three  mortar-beds. 

A  large  quantity  of  balls  and  bombs,  in  ale  barrels. 
Artillery   pieces,  in  boxes   of  heavy   plank,  the   boxes 

marked  "  marble,"  "  Tamaroa,  care  of  Greeley  &  Gale, 

St.  Louis — Iron  Mountain  Railroad." 
Twelve   hundred   rifles,   of  late   model,  United   States 

manufacture. 

Tents  and  camp  equipage. 
Six  brass  field-pieces. 
Twenty-five  kegs  of  powder. 
Ninety-six  ten-inch  bomb-shells. 
Three  hundred  six-inch  bomb  shells. 
Six  brass  mortars,  six  inches  diameter. 
One  iron  mortar,  teti  inches. 
Three  iron  cannon,  six  inches. 
Five  boxes  of  canister  shot. 
Fifty -artillery  swords. 
Two  hundred  and  twenty-seven  spades. 
Thirty-eight  hatchets. 
Eleven  mallets. 

One  hundred  and  ninety-one  axes. 
Forty  horses. 

Several  boxes  of  new  muskets. 
A  very  large   number  of  musket   stocks   and  musket 

barrels ;    together   with    lots   of   bayonets,    bayonet 

scabbards,  &c. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    186 1.  161 

One  thousand  one  hundred  and  ten  enlisted  men  were 
taken  prisoners,  besides  from  fifty  to  seventy-five  officers. 
Between  five  and  six  o'clock,  Saturday  evening,  they 
were  all  discharged  on  parole,  excepting  one,  Captain 
Emmett  McDonald,  who  insisted  upon  a  free  discharge, 
and  was  finally  released  by  writ  of  habeas  corpus. 

FLIGHT    OP    STERLING   PRICE. 

By  the  Jefferson  train,  on  the  morning  of  the  llth, 
Sterling  Price  left  the  city  for  the  State  capital.  As  he 
crossed  the  Osage,  over  the  ruins  of  the  destroyed 
bridge,  he  remarked  to  a  gentleman  (who  passed  him  on 
the  bridge),  in  response  to  an  inquiry:  "  All  is  lost ;  there 
is  no  hope  now."  Two  days  after  this,  he  was  appointed 
by  Claib  Jackson  to  the  command  of  the  "  Missouri 
State  Guard,"  under  the  new  Military  bill,  with  the  rank 
of  Major-General. 

SECESH    EXCITEMENT    ON    THE    ELEVENTH    OF    MAY. 

On  that  Saturday,  it  was  a  bold  act  for  any  known 
Union  man  to  show  his  face  upon  the  street  north  of 
Walnut,  south  of  Cass  avenue,  and  east  of  Twelfth 
street.  As  a  general  thing,  good  citizens  obeyed  the 
Mayor's  proclamation.  An  incident  will  show  the 
temper  of  the  people  on  that  day.  A  gentleman  named 
Nash,  from  Springfield,  Illinois,  stopping  at  the  Everett 
House,  learned  that  he  could  hire  a  negro  woman  that 
would  be  of  service  to  him  as  a  servant  in  his  household 
at  Springfield,  at  a  place  on  Chouteau  avenue,  and  in 
order  to  procure  her  he  obtained  a  buggy,  and  went  in 
search  of  the  locality.  He  was  successful,  and  having 
concluded  a  bargain  with  her,  took  the  woman  in  his 
buggy,  intending  to  leave  the  city  that  afternoon.  He 
was  driving  up  Fourth  street,  when  a  gang  of  ruffians 
seized  his  horse,  and  charged  him  with  being  a  "  nigger 


102  GEN.    NATHANIEL  LTON, 

thief."  Full  explanations  were  made,  but  only  secured 
the  privilege  of  proceeding  on  his  journey  without 
the  negro.  The  woman  begged  to  be  allowed  to  go 
with  her  master,  but  to  no  purpose ;  and  Mr.  Xash  was 
glad  enough  to  even  escape  without  her.  The  gang  was 
by  no  means  polite  in  any  of  their  expressions,  and  Mr. 
Nash  thought  himself  lucky  to  get  off  as  he  did. 

MOB   ATTACK    ON   THE    HOME    GUARDS. 

The  Fifth  Regiment  of  the  U.  S.  Reserve  Corps  (Col 
onel  Stifel)  had  just  been  mustered  in  by  Captain  Lyon, 
and  on  Saturday  afternoon,  under  the  command  of  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Robert  White,  was  proceeding  to  its  bar 
racks,  when  it  was  attacked  by  a  mob  on  the  corner  of 
Walnut  and  Fifth  streets.  For  some  time  the  regiment 
continued  to  march  along,  unheeding  the  violent  abuse 
and  filthy  epithets  applied  to  the  soldiers  by  ruffians  in 
the  crowd.  As  at  Camp  Jackson,  the  mob  were  embold 
ened  by  the  seeming  indifference  of  the  troops,  and  the 
yelling,  and  cursing,  and  opprobrious  epithets  were  fol 
lowed  by  a  shower  of  stones  and  brickbats,  hurled  at  the 
Union  soldiers.  This  was  soon  after  succeeded  by  the 
firing  of  revolvers  from  the  crowd,  and  the  soldiers 
becoming  exasperated,  began  an  indiscriminate  firing 
into  the  mob.  So  completely  bewildered  by  excitement 
and  passion  were  many  of  the  troops,  that  they  fired 
wildly,  some  shooting  into  the  air,  others  into  the  eaves 
of  the  surrounding  buildings,  and  some  in  opposite  direc 
tions  from  their  assailants.  The  crowd  fled  panic-stricken  ; 
and  the  soldiers,  after  considerable  efforts  of  their  officers, 
were  restored  to  their  places  in  line,  and  marched  to  their 
destination.  The  result  of  this  ruffianly  attack  was  the 
killing  of  seven  persons,  and  the  wounding  of  several 
others.  Some  of  the  soldiers  were  severely  hurt  by  the 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  163 

missiles  thrown  at  them,  and  one  or  two  wounded  by 
pistol  balls. 

This  second  attack  upon  German  troops,  the  death  of 
Captain  Blandowski,  the  assassination  of  several  Ger 
mans  already  mentioned,  and  the  rumors  of  many  others 
being  cruelly  maltreated  and  murdered,  together  with  the 
threats  against  them  made  by  the  secesh,  aroused  the 
whole  German  population,  and  as  they  were  armed  and 
organized,  they  began  themselves  to  threaten  that  they 
would  retaliate. 

JEFFERSOX    CITY,    MAY,     1861. 

The  Legislature  met  on  Thursday,  May  2,  and  the  House 
re-elected  McAfee  its  Speaker.  The  treasonable  mes 
sage  of  the  Governor  was  sent  in  on  the  3d,  and  thence 
forward  the  Legislature  conducted  its  business  daily  in 
secret  session.  The  Military  bill  was  immediately 
brought  under  consideration,  and  from  day  to  day,  in 
both  Houses,  amendments  and  debate  were  the  order. 
That  the  Military  bill  would  pass  there  was  no  doubt ; 
but  as  the  session  was  prolonged,  there  increased  a  will 
ingness  on  the  part  of  the  timid  to  favor  amendments. 
The  "  fire-eaters "  began  to  scheme  for  an  occasion  to 
produce  excitement,  and  one  was  manufactured. 

On  the  8th  of  May  (Wednesday),  a  printed  bill  was 
placarded  around  the  city  of  Jefferson,  containing  the 
following : 

u  Come  one  !  Come  all !  The  flag  of  the  Confederate 
States  will  be  flung  to  the  breeze  on  Thursday  afternoon 
at  four  o'clock,  at  the  foot  of  Madison  street  (near  the 
Governor's  residence). 

"  Ladies  are  all  invited  to  attend. 

"  Speeches  will  be  made  by  Lieutenant-Governor  Rey 
nolds,  Peyton,  Vest,  and  others." 

The  affair  thus  advertised  was  a  complete  fizzle.  The 
crowd  was  so  small  that  Reynolds  saw  fit  to  be  very 


164  GEX.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

busy.  Peyton,  Vest,  and  others  spoke,  and  the  "  occa 
sion  "  passed  off  with  wine-drinking  and  card-playing. 
Tlie  effect  on  the  timid  was  disastrous  to  the  conspira 
tors,  and  the  cabal  retired  to  rest,  little  thinking  that  on 
the  morrow  (10th)  an  excitement  would  be  produced 
which  would  launch  them  all  into  the  irretrievable  step. 
During  these  days  of  legislative  sitting  the  conspira 
tors  were  actively  engaged  in  perfecting  their  plans  for 
the  final  outbreak.  Reynolds  and  Rains  had  their  eyes 
upon  the  Indian  nation,  and  arranging  for  support  from 
tlmt  quarter.  The  following  letter,  dropped  by  Rains, 
exposes  this  part  of  the  conspiracy : 

SAKCOXIE,  MISSOURI,  May  3,  1861. 
General  JAMES  S.  RAIXS: 

DEAR  SIR — From  latest  advices  we  learn  that  the 
Cherokee  Indians,  and  probably  other  tribes,  are  anxious 
to  lend  their  aid  to  our  State.  Ross  states  that  he  can 
furnish  fifteen  thousand  men,  well  armed.  I  suggest  the 
propriety  of  Governor  Jackson  appointing  commissioners 
to  visit  them,  and  secure  their  services.  Things  are  as 
when  you  le-ft.  The  Republicans  are  leaving  for  Kansas. 
We  fear  there  is  a  bad  motive  in  view.  Arm  us  quick 
as  possible.  (Signed) 

A.  M.  PATTERSON. 

On  the  back  of  the  letter  is  this  indorsement : 

To  Governor  JACKSOX — I  would  advise  your  open 
ing  a  correspondence  at  once  with  Ross. 

RAINS. 

In  this  session  of  the  Legislature  the  favorite  schemes 
of  the  secessionists,  besides  the  Military  bill,  were  the 
perverting  the  funds  provided  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
several  State  charitable  institutions,  by  voting  them  into 
the  military  chest ;  the  seizure  of  the  school  fund  for  the 
same  purpose  ;  and  the  direct  efforts  to  impose  fresh  taxes 
upon  the  people  for  the  support  of  the  Governor's  pro 
posed  army. 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  165 

There  was  constant  communication  between  the  State 
authorities  and  the  Southern  leaders.  An  active  ao:ent 

O 

in  this  correspondence  was  Colton  Greene,  whose  per 
sonal  efforts  secured  the  material  brought  up  from  the 
Baton  Rouge  arsenal.  The  issue  of  the  Atlanta  Com- 
monwealth,  dated  May  3,  1861, contained  the  following: 

"A  messenger  from  Governor  Jackson,  of  Missouri,  to 
President  Davis,  at  Montgomery,  passed  through  At 
lanta  this  lorenoon,  for  the  purpose  of  soliciting  aid  in 
taking  the  St.  Louis  Arsenal." 

In  another  part  of  the  same  paper  (same  date) 
appeared  the  following : 

"Cannon  from  Fort  Sumter  passed  through  Atlanta 
to-day,  on  their  way  to  Memphis,  Tennessee.  Final  des 
tination  not  known  to  us.  They  are  grim-looking  mon 
sters." 

PANIC  IN  THE  LEGISLATURE  OVER  THE  CAPTURE  OF  CAMP- 
JACKSON. 

It  was  during  the  afternoon  session  of  the  Legislature^ 
on  Friday,  May  10,  that,  both  House  and  Senate  being 
quietly  engaged  in  business  in  secret  session  upon  the 
Military  bill,  a  sudden  storm  arose,  which  in  a  moment 
developed  into  a  tremendous  tempest.  It  was  about 
four  o'clock  when  Claib  Jackson  was  seen  to  enter  the 
Hall  of  Representatives,  and  casting  a  hurried  glance 
around,  observed  Conrow,  Freeman,  Harris  and  Vest 
engaged  in  conversation  on  the  left,  near  the  desk  of  Har 
ris.  Stepping  quickly  to  where  they  were,  he  handed 
one  of  them  a  piece  of  paper  which  all  read,  looking  over 
the  shoulder  of  the  holder.  In  a  moment  Vest  was 
standing  upon  a  chair,  and  interrupted  all  proceedings 
by  shouting,  "Mr.  Speaker  !"  Without  scarcely  wait 
ing  for  a  recognition  from  the  "  Chair,"  Vest  proceeded 
to  announce  that  he  held  in  his  hand  a  dispatch,  which, 


166  GEN.    NATHANIEL  LYON, 

when  published,  would  arouse  the  deepest  indignation  of 
every  Southern  heart.  He  then  read  a  telegram  from 
Deacon  Tucker,  editor  of  the  State  Journal  at  St.  Louis, 
to  the  effect  that  Captain  Lyon,  Frank  Blair,  and  the 
Dutch  had  captured  Camp  Jackson,  seized  upon  all  the 
property  there,  and  marched  the  State  troops  prisoners 
to  the  arsenal. 

Instantly  the  utmost  excitement  prevailed.  Dough 
erty,  Beall,  Freeman,  McBride,  Heyer,  Conrow,  Harris} 
and  others  exhibited  their  passion  by  bitterly  abusing 
the  patriots,  who  that  day  had  performed  a  noble  duty. 
One  or  two  short  speeches  were  made,  and  Conrow  made 
a  motion  to  reconsider  every  amendment  that  had  been 
adopted  to  the  Military  bill;  he  wanted  to  see  who 
were  friends  and  who  were  enemies.  Without  debate 
this  motion  prevailed  ;  then  every  amendment  was  re 
jected,  the  bill  read  a  third  time,  just  as  it  came  from  the 
Committee,  and  in  a  few  minutes  was  passed  by  an  over 
whelming  majority.  The  ayes  and  noes  were  called  for 

by  Owens,  of  Franklin,  seconded  by ,  of  St.  Louis. 

Amid  the  confusion  the  speaker  refused  to  hear  the 
motion  of  Judge  Owens ;  but  that  loyalist,  even  after 
the  Speaker  declared  the  bill  passed,  maintained  his 
right,  and  the  Speaker  could  see  no  objection  to  each 
man's  name  being  on  the  record.  The  call  was  then 
ordered,  and  only  eight  were  recorded  against  the  bill. 

The  passage  of  the  bill  was  followed  by  increased  sen 
sation,  and  it  was  evident  the  more  determined  of  the 
secesh  leaders  were  desirous  of  effecting  as  much  as  pos 
sible  while  the  House  was  in  its  present  temper.  The 
timid  were  for  once  indulging  in  some  enthusiasm,  and 
in  denouncing  the  Black  Republicans,  from  "  Old  Abe 
Lincoln "  down,  committed  themselves  to  the  rebels. 
Reynolds,  taking  advantage  of  the  "  occasion,"  advised 
the  Indian  measure ;  and  Conrow  put  forward  a  bill  ap- 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  167 

propriating  $10,000  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with 
the  Indian  tribes  of  the  border.  The  bill  went  through, 
upon  Conrow's  recommendation,  without  any  reading, 
except  by  title.  There  was  almost  a  riot  when  the 
House  adjourned  until  the  evening,  at  seven  o'clock. 

The  excitement  in  the  capitol  was  continued  upon  the 
streets  and  in  the  lodgings  of  members.  There  was  a 
universal  search  after  weapons.  Some  procured  muskets, 
shot-guns,  and  rifles ;  others,  pistols  and  pikes.  There 
was  a  general  cleaning  up  of  old  rusty  weapons.  Rumors 
flew  fast  and  thick.  At  one  time  Frank  Blair  had  seized 
the  Pacific  Railroad,  and  was  moving  up  in  haste  to 
seize  the  Legislature  and  State  authorities ;  at  another, 
he  was  on  his  way  up  by  the  river.  Messengers  were 
dispatched  to  the  country  to  summon  the  faithful  to  the 
rescue. of  the  forlorn  hope,  and  many  began  preparations 
to  evacuate  the  town.  Jackson  sent  for  Colonel  1ST.  C. 
Claiborne,  and  ordered  him  to  seize  a  locomotive  and 
proceed  as  far  as  he  could,  until  he  ascertained  the  true 
condition  of  affairs.  If  he  found  Blair  really  coming,  he 
was  to  destroy  the  Gasconade  and  Osage  bridges  upon 
his  return. 

BRIDGE-BURNING. 

Colonel  Claiborne,  accompanied  by  A.  W.  Jones, 
William  Martin,  and  a  man  named  O'Brien,  in  obedience 
to  the  orders  of  the  Governor,  procured  a  locomotive, 
and  started  upon  his  mission.  Basil  Duke,  with  a  com 
pany  of  minute-men,  was  in  command  of  the  Osage,  and 
to  him  Claiborne  repeated  his  orders.  He  then  went  as 
far  as  Franklin,  thirty-seven  miles  from  St.  Louis,  where 
he  learned  that  all  was  quiet  in  the  great  city  and  the 
railroad  undisturbed.  Thinking  it  unnecessary  to  pro 
ceed  further,  he  returned  to  the ;  capital  but  at  the  Osage 
instructed  Duke  that  the  Governor's  orders  were  to 


108  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

destroy  the  bridge  in  case  Frank  Blair  should  attempt  to 
use  it  for  crossing.  Colonel  Claiborne  suggested  to 
Duke,  as  a  complete  method  of  rendering  the  bridge 
useless,  the  plan  of  turning  the  draw,  and  so  cripple  the 
machinery  that  it  would  take  considerable  time  to  repair 
it.  Duke,  however,  thought  it  best  to  be  on  the  safe 
side,  and  at  once  set  fire  to  the  western  span  of  I  lie 
structure.  In  a  short  time  the  bridge  was  a  ruin. 

LEGISLATION    UNDER    DIFFICULTIES. 

In  Jefferson  City,  on  that  Friday  night,  May  10,  1801, 
the  halls  of  the  capitol  were  filled  by  excited  secession 
ists,  most  of  whom  were  cither  members  of  the  Legisla 
ture  or  newly  arrived  recruits  from  the  country.  The 
members,  after  supper,  repaired  to  their  respective  cham 
bers  and  proceeded  to  "  business."  Nearly  every  individ 
ual  was  armed,  some  with  many  more  weapons  than 
others.  Members  in  their  seats  were  surrounded  by  guns 
of  every  description,  some  leaning  against  desks,  some 
against  chairs,  some  held  between  the  knees,  some  lean 
ing  against  the  wall,  some  lying  on  the.  floor,  and  some 
across  desks.  Many  members  had  belts  strapped  around 
their  waists,  and  from  one  to  three  pistols  or  bowie- 
knives  fastened  to  them. 

The  scene  in  the  "  House  "  particularly  was  exceed 
ingly  grotesque  and  ludicrous.  Many  showed  faces  pale 
with  fear ;  others  exhibited  the  anxiety  natural  in  any 
crisis ;  a  few  sought  to  impel  the  movements  of  the  doubt 
ful  into  the  secesh  ranks;  while  the  leaders  proposed 
measures  for  adoption,  and  dared  opposition.  Every 
gentle  waft  of  the  delicious  air  of  spring  startled  many, 
as  if  it  were  the  roar  of  battle,  and  every  arrival  at  the 
door  was  looked  to  for  tidings  of  the  dreadful  "  Frank 
Blair."  I  was  a  spectator  (being  a  llepublican  member 
of  the  House),  but  I  also  append  the  statement  of  Mr. 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  169 

Kelley,  the  Jefferson  City  correspondent  of  the  Missouri 
Democrat  at  that  period. 

The  Legislature,  after  an  exciting  session,  adjourned 
shortly  after  midnight.  Let  us  ignore  further  details  of 
the  barbarism  of  that  night's  legislation. 

JACKSON   IN   A   FRIGHT. 

Claib  Jackson,  scenting  the  battle  as  near  at  hand,  was 
perhaps  the  most  frightened  man  in  the  place.  At  one 
o'clock  that  night,  he  had  his  movables  packed  up,  and 
started  with  them,  together  with  his  family,  for  the  south 
west.  Others  followed  suit.  In  the  morning  early,  there 
was  a  general  desire  to  add  to  the  distance  then  sepa 
rating  the  captors  of  Camp  Jackson  from  Jefferson,  and 
members  began  leaving  for  their  homes.  Jackson  on 
horseback,  from  the  capitol  to  the  Governor's  mansion, 
stopped  to  exhort  some  of  those  who  were  hastening  off, 
to  remain.  "  For  God's  sake,  don't  desert  me  now- 
Stand  by  me  or  we  are  lost !"  exclaimed  the  valorous 
knight.  With  some,  this  request  was  an  order,  and  was 
obeyed  reluctantly  ;  but  others,  like  Beall  and  Dougherty, 
"  couldn't  see  it  in  that  light."  Parsons,  Peyton,  Conrow, 
McBride,  and  men  of  that  stamp  assured  the  Governor 
they  would  remain  with  him  to  the  u  bitter  end."  And 
they  did. 

THE    GREAT   SCARE    AT   JEFFERSON. 

[Special  Correspondence — Missouri  Democrat,  May  13,  1861.] 
JEFFERSON  CITY,  May  11,  1861. 

Your  special  reporter,  authorized  and  instructed  last 
Monday  morning  to  proceed  to  Jefferson  City,  and 
calmly  and  vigilantly  watch  events  there,  sends  to  you 
by  express  this,  his  report.  I  have  not  written  to  you 
before,  because  of  my  inability  to  correctly  ascertain 
facts ;  but  during  the  excitement  of  last  night  and  to-day, 
members  of  the  Legislature  have  let  the  cat  out  of  the 
8 


170  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

bag,  and  I  can  now  give  an  approximation  to  the  real 
truth  of  their  proceedings.  In  some  particulars  I  may 
err,  but  the  main  facts  you  can  rely  upon  as  being  abso 
lutely  as  stated.  During  the  week  I  made  it  my  busi 
ness  to  be  around  whenever  I  saw  a  crowd  collect.  Let 
me  assure  you  that  this  locality  is  overwhelmingly  for 
the  Union  and  the  American  flag.  Jackson  manifests 
his  knowledge  of  this  by  refusing  to  organize  a  corps 
out  of  Jefferson  City  citizens,  for  the  protection  of  the 
powder  magazine,  but  calls  for  troops  to  be  sent  him 
from  among  the  St.  Louis  minute-men.  The  Unionists, 
however,  have  no  arms,  and  are  forced  to  suppress  their 
sentiments.  The  least  demonstration  in  favor  of  the 
Union  would  be  put  down  by  armed  men  imported  from, 
other  places. 

A  secession  flag  floats  from  a  pole  within  a  few  yards 
of  the  Governor's  residence.  Another  secession  flag  is 
floating  from  the  roof  of  a  liquor  and  gambling  shop, 
and  the  third  from  the  house  of  a  citizen. 

All  those  who  are  permitted  to  speak  to  the  Governor 
are  avowed  secessionists,  and  cheers  for  Jeff  Davis 
and  Claib  Jackson  are  frequently  heard  in  the  presence 
of  his  Excellency. 

During  the  week,  the  Legislature  has  held  secret  ses 
sions,  and  everybody  has  something  to  say  about  its 
mysterious  doings.  All  sorts  of  rumors  are  afloat.  The 
Military  bill  has  been  passed  and  repassed  dozens  of 
times.  Several  times  we  heard  that  an  ordinance  of 
secession  was  under  discussion.  Members  preserve  a 
mysterious  air  ;  the  secessionists  looking  bold  enough. 

On  Friday  afternoon  it  was  said  on  the  streets  that 
a  Mr.  Colton  Greene  had  arrived  from  the  Confederate 
States.  Upon  inquiry  I  learned  that  this  Colton  Greene 
is  from  St.  Louis,  and  was  a  deputed  messenger  from 
Claib  Jackson  to  the  Montgomery  cabinet ;  that  he  had 
been  down  there  begging  for  arms,  and  giving  assurances 
that  if  Jackson  only  had  the  weapons  he  could  effectually 
squelch  out  the  LTnion  sentiment  in  Missouri.  From  Mr. 
Peckham,  one  of  our  St.  Louis  members,  who  came  up  on 
the  cars  with  this  man  Greene,  I  learned  that  it  was 
openly  stated  on  the  cars  that  Greene  had  returned  from 
the  South  with  plenty  of  arms  for  Governor  Jackson,  I 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1801.  171 

tried  to  glean  from  Mr.  Greene's  conversation  some  facts 
in  the  case,  but  he  put  me  off  as  a  suspicious  person,  and 
I  could  not  get  him  to  communicate.  Mr.  Peckham  also 
stated  that  a  company  of  men  came  up  on  the  cars  on 
Friday,  from  Camp  Jackson,  a  part  of  whom  were  sta 
tioned  at  the  Gasconade  bridge,  and  the  balance  at  the 
Osage.  Mr.  Peckham  says  that  at  every  station  these 
men  set  up  vociferous  cheerings  for  Jeff  Davis  and  Claib 
Jackson. 

It  was  common  talk  in  Jefferson  City  during  the  week 
that  "  Frank  Blair  would  soon  be  driven  like  a  dog  from 
the  arsenal  by  General  Frost." 

The  secessionists  are  constantly  engaged  in  exciting 
conversation,  threatening  the  destruction  of  every 
"  Black  Republican,"  and  the  complete  banishment  of 
Unionism  in  Missouri. 

Every  report  that  came  to  Jefferson  of  Union  men 
being  driven  out  of  the  interior  counties  ere,.  ""  ;:itense 
satisfaction  among  the  clique  in  the  Governor's  confi 
dence.  Every  expression  of  joy  at  such  news  was  fol 
lowed  by  threats  against  the  arsenal,  as  soon  as  General 
Frost  should  have  men  enough  to  handle  the  guns, 
which  was  daily  expected. 

On  Friday  afternoon  a  report  was  circulated  that 
Frank  Blair  had  captured  General  Frost's  entire  com 
mand,  with  all  the  munitions  just  received  from  Baton 
Rouge ;  and  that  Frank  Blair  also  was  marching  upon  the 
State  capital,  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  Governor, 
Lieutenant-Governor,  State  officers,  and  the  Legislature. 
Jackson  was  seen  to  rush  to  the  capitol  in  great  trepida 
tion.  It  was  thought,  up  to  this  moment,  that  the  Mili 
tary  bill  was  already  a  law,  but  I  now  learn  that  Jackson 
rushed  into  the  house  and  presented  the  dispatch  to  the 
Speaker,  who  read  it  to  the  house,  and  that  immediately 
a  vote  was  taken  to  reconsider  all  the  amendments  to  the 
Military  bill,  and  at  once  the  most  odious  of  its  original 
features  were  restored,  and  the  bill  passed  by  an  over 
whelming  majority.  It  is  a  common  remark  that  the 
utmost  excitement  prevailed  in  the  two  Houses,  and  that 
the  secessionists  were  frightened  out  of  their  wits. 
Claib  Jackson  went  about  urging  his  friends  to  stand  by 
him.  I  heard  frequent  threats  passed  against  those  gal- 


172  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

lant  heroes,  Colonels  Stevenson  and  Peckham,.  of  St. 
Louis,  and  Owens,  of  Franklin.  These  gentlemen  in 
formed  me  that  the  proudest  act  of  their  lives  was  their 
recorded  votes  against  this  bill. 

Governor  Jackson  showed  his  fears  of  "  personal  inse 
curity  "  by  dispatching  a  locomotive  to  the  Osage  to 
burn  that  splendid  structure,  which  cost  the  railroad  com 
pany  $1 10,000,  and  which  was  a  strong  and  durable  work. 
It  will  cost  $5,000  to  repair  the  damage.  This  cowardly 
act  was  the  work  of  the  meanest  soul  that  trembles  with 
fear  in  that  secession  clique — the  Governor  of  Missouri. 

The  lights  were  burning  in  the  capitol,  and  the  Legis 
lature  had  not  adjourned,  when  I  went  to  bed  at  one 
o'clock,  A.  M.  I  saw  members  going  to  the  night  session 
with  loaded  guns.  This  morning  it  is  openly  said  that 
the  most  outrageous  laws  were  passed  last  night.  I  will 
recapitulate  what  I  hear. 

The  ?r'  -i/  bill  makes  the  Governor  an  irresponsible 
military  dictator.  The  lives  and  the  property  of  the 
subjects  are  completely  at  his  disposal.  In  no  case  can 
he  be  successfully  questioned.  To  question  is  to  die  for 
the  crime  of  treason.  Three  millions  of  dollars  are  appro 
priated  to  the  unconditional  use  of  the  Governor.  There 
is  to  be  a  confiscation  of  the  funds  set  apart  for  school 
purposes,  and  for  the  payment  of  the  July  interest. 
Money  besides  has  been  appropriated  for  the  immediate 
use  of  the  Governor,  amounting  to  large  sums. 

From  what  I  overhear,  I  take  it  as  a  fact  that  a  bill 
has  passed  appropriating  money  for  the  purpose  of  induc 
ing  the  savage  Indian  tribes  to  the  west  of  us  to  make  a 
descent  upon  Kansas  and  Iowa.  I  heard  Mr.  Peckham 
denounce  to  a  secessionist  the  heathenism  of  such  a  law, 
and  the  response  he  received  was  as  follows  :  "  It  will  be 

d d  lucky  for  you  fellows,  if  worse  things  than  that 

ain't  done  to  you  before  we  are  through  with  this  thing." 

Monroe  Parsons  is  probably  a  Major-General  under 
the  new  bill.  To-day  the  stores  are  nearly  all  closed, 
and  Parsons  is  on  horseback,  followed  by  a  band  of 
music,  drumming  up  recruits.  Cheers  are  given  every 
few  moments  for  Jeff  Davis  and  Governor  Jackson. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  173 

From  all  parts  of  the  State  news  come  of  the  driving 
out  of  Union  men  by  armed  mobs  of  secessionists. 
******** 

None  of  the  members  could  get  their  warrants  cashed 
this  morning,  because  of  the  absence  of  the  State  Treas 
urer.  The  news  of  Colonel  Blair's  expedition  to  Jefferson 
City  obliged  the  loyal  Treasurer  to  abscond,  taking  with 
him  all  the  money  of  the  State. 


[Special  Correspondence  of  the  "  Missouri  Democrat."] 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  Mo.,  May  11,  1861. 

Yesterday  afternoon  the  city  was  thrown  into  a  terrible 
state  of  excitement,  and  the  Governor  into  hysterics,  and 
the  Legislature  into  a  perfect  trembling  in  their  boots,  by 
sundry  reported  dispatches  from  St.  Louis,  delivered  to  the 
Go  vernor.  The  first  was  that  Colonel  Blair  was  marching 
with  three  thousand  five  hundred  men  on  Camp  Jackson ; 
the  next  one  was  that  one  had  been  sent  by  the  paid  and 
fed  pauper  of  the  State — the  editor  of  the  State 
Journal — to  his  bosom  friend  the  Governor,  who  recog 
nized  him  (because  he  is  a  South  Carolinian  traitor)  as 
his  organ,  that  Colonel  Blair  had  taken  Camp  Jackson ; 
that  the  brave  Missourians  under  General  Frost  were 
surrendered  unconditionally,  without  firing  a  gun,  and 
marched  prisoners  to  the  United  States  Arsenal  and 
Jefferson  Barracks,  with  all  their  munitions  of  war, 
secretly  smuggled  in  by  the  steamer  "  Swon"  from  New 
Orleans ;  and  that  Colonel  Blair  was  marching  on  Jeffer 
son  City  with  four  thousand  men,  to  take  the  den  of 
traitors  as  his  prisoners,  on  charge  of  high  treason  also 
to  capture  the  powder.  Another  dispatch,  received 
afterward,  said  that  Colonel  Blair  only  demanded  from 
General  Frost  the  cannon  of  the.  southwest  expedition 
as  the  property  of  the  United  States,  but  four  thousand 
men  were  sent  by  him  to  enforce  it ;  and  that  General 
Frost  had  delivered  them  up,  under  the  protest  of  an 
overwhelming  force  against  him  in  time  of  peace. 

On  the  receipt  of  the  first  message,  while  your  corre 
spondent  was  in  the  telegraph  office  to  send  his  dispatch, 


1 74  GEX. 

Parsons,  Hough,  and  others,  came  in  and  took  possession 
of  the  wires  in  the  name  of  the  Governor  of  the  State. 
Mr.  Goodwin  asked  leave  to  notify  the  Superintendent  in 
St.  Louis.  He  was  emphatically  refused,  and  told  that 
another  message  sent  by  him  would  be  treason  to  the 
State. 

Reverend  J.  S.  Lockett,  a  Baptist  preacher,  Chaplain 
of  the  Senate,  in  partnership  with  another  violent  seces 
sionist,  Reverend Prottsman,  who  prays  by  turns, 

was  placed  as  Captain,  or  officer  of  the  guards.  He 
is  the  man,  or  wolf  in  sheeps'  clothing,  who  tried  to 
get  up  a  company  of  secessionists  in  the  city  to  guard 
the  powder,  but  failing  in  that,  went  out  to  Clark  town 
ship,  and  raised  one  there.  Instead  of  preaching  the 
doctrines  of  the  meek  and  lowly  Jesus,  as  bound  by  far 
more  sacred  obligation  than  any  oath,  he  has  been  more 
conspicuous  in  endeavoring  to  incite  civil  war ;  to  force 
citizens  and  relatives  of  his  own  Church,  county,  and 
city,  to  meet  in  deadly  combat ;  and  in  the  spirit  of  Cain, 
or  a  far  more  devilish  one,  to  mutually  shed  each  others' 
blood.  No  matter  what  blood  may  flow,  no  matter  what 
kindred  may  be  sundered  forever,  this  clerical  demon  is 
urging  his  fellow-citizens  on  to  blood  and  slaughter,  and 
is  busily  engaged,  in  the  true  spirit  of  Robespierre  and 
Marat,  in  pointing  out  to  his  followers  the  marks  at 
which  they  must  aim  in  fratricidal  conflict.  He  was 
peculiarly  active  in  loading  his  gun,  and  getting  up  sen 
sation  reports,  while  in  the  telegraph  office  guarding — he 
knew  the  reports  were  true;  such  were  his-  assertions, 
when  he  knew  they  were  not. 

A  special  train  was  ordered  by  the  Governor,  as  soon 
as  the  telegraph  wires  were  taken  possession  of.  Crowds 
of  armed  men  gathered  quickly  on  the  main  streets  of 
the  city.  Excited  messengers  came  running  down  from 
the  capitol,  confirming  the  news  of  the  dispatches.  At 
about  half-past  ten  o'clock,  P.  M.,  the  train  was  got  ready 
to  start  for  Osage,  after  considerable  difficulty  in  getting 
an  engineer,  many  of  them  refusing  to  serve.  Finally, 
an  old  man  was  got,  who  left,  followed  by  a  volley  of 
curses  from  his  Union  comrades. 

The  locomotive  was  backed  up  some  distance  to  a 
passenger  and  baggage-car,  secretly  prepared  by  the 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  175 

Governor,  and  hitched  on.  On  running  back  to  the 
depot  about  forty  armed  men  were  placed  on  board, 
with  orders  from  General  Hough  to  allow  no  cigars  or 
matches  on  board ;  thus  showing  that  powder  or  inflam 
mable  material  was  placed  on  the  cars.  The  train 
started  on  its  errand  of  cowardice  and  fell  destruction. 
The  news,  which  is  undoubted  this  morning,  is,  that  the 
Osage  bridge  was  burned  last  night.  This  is  positively 
confirmed.  Whether  this  will  reach  you  to-day,  I  can 
not  say. 

To  show  the  panic  of  the  secessionists,  Mr.  Massey, 
Secretary  of  State,  and  other  leading  secessionists, 
moved  their  families  across  the  river,  to  Callaway 
county,  this  morning  at  day-light ;  also  all  the  young 
ladies  of  the  female  seminary  were  sent  across.  The 
panic  is  terrible.  Every  one  believes  that  Blair  is 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Osage,  witli  three  thousand 
men.  The  last  reports  are  that  he  is  crossing  it  on 
rafts,  and  will  be  here  to-night.  The  penitentiary  pris 
oners  are  all  locked  up  to-day.  If  Blair  comes,  they  are 
to  be  turned  out  and  furnished  with  arms  to  fight  against 
him,  on  condition  of  freedom. 

A  point  was  made  on  the  proverbial  good  faith  of  the 
Governor  last  evening.  Some  days  ago  he  was  charged 
with  having  sent  a  secret  Commissioner  to  Montgom 
ery,  to  the  President  of  the  so-called  Confederacy. 
Anxious  to  conceal  it,  he  wrote  a  denial  under  his  own 
hand,  to  appear  in  the  State  paper  here,  which  appeared 
this  morning.  But  the  State  printer  found  out  before 
the  whole  edition  was  struck  oif,  that  the  Governor's 
denial  was  false — that  he  had  sent  one,  and  came  in  and 
ordered  his  card  out,  saying  that'  he  would  not  know 
ingly  publish  a  lie  for  anybody.  So  part  of  the  edition 
has  the  card  in,  and  part  has  not. 

Under  the  panic  arid  excitement  created  by  reported 
dispatches  from  St.  Louis,  the  Military  bill,  was,  of  course 
without  amendment,  pushed  through  both  Houses.  A 
late  evening  session  was  held,  also  an  early  morning  ses 
sion,  at  seven  o'clock. 

The  State  capitol  is  guarded  inside  and  out  with  armed 
men,  and  glistening  with  bayonets.  Some  of  the  seces 
sionist  members  carry  them  into  the  halls.  A  military 


176  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

despotism  reigns.  Dispatches  and  carriers  were  sent  all 
over  the  country  yesterday  and  to-day,  and  probably  a 
thousand  armed  men  will  be  here  this  afternoon.  They 
are  now  flocking  in  fast  from  the  country.  The  Union 
men  are  in  the  majority,  but  are  not  armed,  and  dare  not 
get  up  an  organization  till  assured  by  Union  men  from 
other  places. 

[LATER.] 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  May  12, 18G1. 

The  name  of  Colonel  F.  P.  Blair  seems  to  strike  terror 
to  all — the  Governor,  the  officers,  and  the  Assembly. 
Several  families  have  been  sent  over  the  river  for  safety, 
and  also  the  young  ladies  of  the  seminary.  The  con 
victs  were  all  locked  up,  and  the  city  was  put  under 
strict  military  and  civil  restraint ;  all  drinking  saloons 
were  closed  by  order,  and  most  of  the  business  houses 
voluntarily  closed.  Guards  are  stationed  at  every  cor 
ner  almost ;  also  at  the  railroad  depot. 

No  one  could  persuade  the  State  Rights  party  but 
that  Colonel  Blair  was  on  the  road  to  take  them  all  as 
prisoners,  for  treason.  Since  yesterday  morning,  men 
from  the  country  have  been  pouring  in  thick,  and  still 
are  coming.  The  effect  of  the  news  was  at  once  seen 
in  the  action  of  the  Assembly.  Late  night  sessions  were 
held  on  Friday  night,  and  the  Military  bill,  without 
amendment,  was  passed  by  a  large  majority  in  both 
Houses.  In  the  morning  of  the  same  day  it  had  met 
a  bitter  opposition,  and  its  friends  feared  its  defeat.  But 
fear  prevailed  over  the  better  judgment  of  many  of  its 
opponents. 

A  bill  was  passed  in  the  House  and  sent  into  the  Sen 
ate,  authorizing  the  Governor  to  buy  founderies  for 
casting  cannon ;  also  real  estate,  on  which  to  erect  armo 
ries  and  manufacture  arms. 

An  early  morning  session  was  held  on  Saturday.  In 
the  Senate,  an  open  session  was  held  for  a  short  time. 
The  bill  to  amend  the  city  charter  of  St.  Louis,  introduced 
last  session,  was  passed. 

A  bill  allowing  the  banks  to  issue  small  notes  was 
passed. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  177 

A  bill  exempting  the  Sheriff  of  St.  Louis  county  from 
the  law,  passed  at  the  late  session,  regulating  the  sale  of 
real  estate  under  execution,  was  passed. 

A  bill  appropriating  $25,000  for  the  construction  of  a 
State  road  to  the  southern  boundary  of  the  State,  was 
passed.  This  road  is  intended  as  a  military  road,  over 
which  to  transfer  troops,  if  necessary  ;  also  to  command 
that  boundary. 

The  appropriation  bill  for  arming  the  State  has  passed 
both  Houses.  The  provisions  of  it  are  not  positively 
known  yet.  It  is  reported  to  appropriate  some  two  or 
three  millions  for  arming  the  State,  to  be  raised  by  the 
issue  of  new  bonds  in  small  amounts,  to  be  sold  to  citizens, 
and  made  receivable  for  taxes  by  the  appropriation  of 
the  bank  fund  to  pay  the  State  interest ;  also  the  school 
fund ;  also  the  whole  revenue  of  the  State  for  the  next 
two  years,  if  necessary. 

Full  and  despotic  powers  are  given  to  the  Governor 
to  act  as  he  sees  proper  or  expedient  in  the  expenditure 
of  this  fund,  or  to  raise  the  money  for  it. 

The  Assembly  will  probably  adjourn  on  Tuesday  or 
Wednesday.  Many  of  the  members  have  gone  home, 
and  it  is  doubtful  whether  there  will  be  a  quorum  in  the 
House  in  the  morning. 

The  Union  men — those  who  were  not  borne  down  by 
clamor  and  threats — declare  it  useless  now,  on  their  part, 
to  resist  the  passage  of  any  measure  desired  by  the  Gov 
ernor  and  his  party. 

One  of  them  remarked  that  never,  in  the  history  of 
any  State,  had  such  tyrannical,  despotic  bills,  taking  away 
all  rights  of  the  people,  passed,  as  there  had  been  in  this 
Assembly  since  the  reception  of  the  news  from  St.  Louis. 
They  would  disgrace  even  South  Carolina.  The  people 
of  the  State  must  expect  the  worst  invasions  of  freedom 
and  rights.  After  the  arrival  of  the  papers  last  evening 
from  St.  Louis,  the  excitement  somewhat  quieted  down. 

Troops  are  arriving  every  hour,  in  squads  or  mounted 
companies.  The  telegraph  is  still  under  surveillance, 
though  not  so  strict  as  at  first.  I  believe  business  mes 
sages,  &c.,  are  allowed  to  go  through. 

The  Union  feeling  here  is  rather  on  the  increase  than 
otherwise.     All  excitement  of  debate  is  avoided  by  the 
S* 


178  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON. 

Union  men.  Their  policy  is  to  maintain  a  masterly  in 
activity,  until  a  vitiated  political  atmosphere  becomes 
purified,  which,  will  not  take  place,  however,  until  after 
the  Assembly  adjourns.  To  the  credit  of  all  good  citi 
zens,  of  all  shades  of  party  or  opinion  in  the  city,  the  effort 
and  wish  are  to  avoid  between  themselves  any  personal 
animosities  or  quarrels  on  political  subjects.  Dema 
gogues  may  try  it,  but  their  wish  is  for  peace  as  citizens. 


GEN.  NATHANIEL  LYON, 

AND 

MISSOURI      IN      1861. 
BOOK    III. 

THE      II  A  R  N  E  Y      REGIME. 

CONTENTS— RETURN  OF  HARNEY— THE  GREAT  STAMPEDE— HARNEY  FINDS 
HE  CANNOT  DISBAND  THE  HOME  GtlARDS — REGULARS  MOVE  INTO  THE 
CITY — MUCH  IN  LITTLE — FIRST  CAPTURE  OF  A  REBEL  FLAG — REBEL 
FLAG  HAULED  DOWN — SEARCH  FOR  AND  SEIZURE  OF  ARMS — CAMP  JACK 
SON  PRISONERS  PAROLED — FIRST  GENERAL  ORDER  OF  LYON— THE 
CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  LYON — SPECIAL  MESSENGER  SENT  TO  WASHINGTON 
— MEETING  AT  THE  WHITE  HOUSE — LYON  SENDS  DR.  BERNAYS  TO  WASH 
INGTON—BATES,  TEATMAN,  AND  GAMBLE— THE  PRICE-HARNEY  ARRANGE 
MENT— LYON  DISSATISFIED— JUSTIFICATION  OF  LYON  BY  THE  SAFETY 
COMMITTEE — LYON  A  BRIGADIER-GENERAL  OF  VOLUNTEERS — PRIVATE 
LETTER  FROM  LINCOLN  TO  BLAIR— THE  EFFECT  OF  THE  HARNEY 
ARRANGEMENT— HARNEY  WANTS  NO  MORE  TROOPS— REMOVAL  OF  GENERAL 
HARNEY — HARNEY  AND  LYON  COMPARED. 

RETURN    OF    HARNEY   FROM   WASHINGTON    CITY. 

General  Harney  returned  to  St.  Louis  on  Saturday, 
May  11.  A  telegram  had  announced  his  departure  from 
Washington,  and  had  hastened  the  movement  upon 
Camp  Jackson.  He  found  the  city  in  the  midst  of  a 
terrible  excitement,  fuel  to  which  had  been  added  on 
that  afternoon  by  a  cowardly  discharging  of  pistols  by 
some  ruffians  in  the  crowd,  at  the  regiment  of  Colonel 
Stifel  (Fifth  Home  Guards),  in  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Robert  White,  as  they  were  returning  from  the 
arsenal.  Notwithstanding  the  great  boldness  of  the 


182  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

secessionists  on  that  day  and  night,  there  was  no  public 
expression  of  disapprobation  to  give  encouragement  to 
Union  men.  He  promised  sympathetic  friends  of  the 
Camp  Jacksonites  to  remove  or  disband  the  Home 
Guards,  and  Mayor  Taylor  publicly  proclaimed  such 
would  be  the  case. 

THE    GREAT   STAMPEDE. 

It  was  on  Sunday,  May  12.  The  Germans,  enraged  at 
the  course  of  the  rebel  rioters,  themselves  made  threats 
of  exterminating  not  only  secession,  but  secessionists. 
In  the  southern  portion  of  the  city,  where  they  predom 
inated,  the  Germans  were  not  only  excited  but  expressed 
determination  to  be  revenged.  They  began  to  feel  that 
the  outward  evidences  of  their  origin  were  but  passports 
to  certain  death,  in  a  city  where  they  ought  to  be  free  ; 
and  they  began  to  consider  means  to  remove  the  danger 
that  seemed  to  overwhelm  them.  They  talked  angrily 
in  crowds,  shouted  to  each  other  from  opposite  sides  of 
the  street,  their  intention  of  "  cleaning  out  the  secesh." 
These  words,  brought  up  town  by  a  "  sympathizer," 
were  repeated  from  place  to  place,  gathering  in  volume 
as  they  went,  until  at  last  it  was  given"  as  positive  fact, 
that  the  Germans  were  leaving  their  barracks  with  their 
guns,  and  were  gathering  in  the  First  and  Second  wards, 
preparatory  to  a  movement  upon  the  Fifth,  Sixth,  and 
Ninth  wards,  where  the  secession  element  prevailed, 
upon  which  wards  they  intended  visiting  the  full 
measure  of  their  hate  and  revenge,  for  the  frtequent, 
cowardly  assassinations  of  their  native  countrymen. 
These  rumors  were  credited,  and  secesh  messengers 
went  from  house  to  house,  cautioning  occupants, 

By  one  and  two  o'clock,  Sunday  afternoon,  the  terror- 
stricken  secessionists  were  in  active  movement ;  NOT  for 
the  purpose  of  resistance,  but  in  flight ;  toward  the 


AND   MISSOURI    1X1861.  183 

country,  over  the  river,  down  the  river,  up  the  river, 
anywhere,  so  they  escaped  the  (merited)  fury  of  the 
Dutch.  Every  vehicle  that  could  be  obtained  was  en 
gaged  conveying  passengers,  baggage,  furniture,  &c.,  to 
places  of  supposed  security.  Hackney  coaches,  furniture 
carts,  transportation  wagons,  were  not  so  numerous  but 
all  found  engagements.  Drivers  of  each,  in  the  midst  of 
a  competing  crowd  of  patrons,  charged  their  own  prices, 
and  exorbitant  as  those  prices  were,  in  a  large  majority 
of  instances  received  them.  Many  of  the  half-and-half 
Union  people  caught  the  infection.  The  Memphis  Packet 
Company  placed  its  splendid  boats  at  the  service  of  the 
terror-stricken,  and  landed  them  at  different  places  along 
the  river,  at  sufficient  distance  from  the  "  Dutch  "  to  per 
mit  the  blood  to  return  to  the  pallid  cheek,  and  the  eye 
to  assume  its  wonted  cast.  In  their  flight,  many  forgot  to 
lock  their  houses ;  others  neglected  to  take  even  a  change 
of  under-clothing,  or  to  provide  themselves  with  money. 
At  two  o'clock,  two  or  three  thousand  must  have  left  the 
city,  and  the  panic  was  raging  with  increasing  excite 
ment.  It  was  just  at  this  time,  that  a  short  sentence, 
whispered  in  exultation,  and  spreading  with  the  rapidity 
of  lightning,  restored  quiet  to  the  excited  nerves  of  the 
terror-stricken  secessionists,  and  enabled  them  to  raise 
their  heads  in  proud  defiance  and  supreme  audacity: 
"GENERAL  HARNEY  HAS  TAKEN  COMMAND. 
ALL  RIGHT  NOW  THANK  GOD!" 

The  scene  at  the  Planters'  House  that  afternoon,  at 
the  time  o£  the  departure  of  the  omnibuses  with  pas 
sengers  for  the  eastern  trains,  was  especially  ludicrous. 
Every  'bus  and  baggage  wagon  was  loaded  down  to  its 
utmost  capacity,  and  there  were  hundreds  who  could  not 
obtain  conveyance  to  reach  the  cars.  Mayor  Taylor 
visited  the  scene  just  about  the  time  the  'busses  were 
ready  to  start,  and  made  the  following  speech : 


184  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

CITIZENS  OF  ST.  Louis — I  am  extremely  sorry  to  ob 
serve  such  a  stampede  of  citizens  from  the  city,  as  I  have 
convinced  myself  that  you  have  no  need  to  fear  danger 
from  any  quarter.  The  rumor  which  has  been  extensively 
circulated  this  afternoon,  in  all  parts  of  the  city,  that 
there  is  much  insubordination  among  the  armed  men, 
known  as  "  Home  Guards, "  is  without  foundation. 
These  men  are  entirely  under  the  command  of  their 
officers,  and  there  is  no  probability  there  will  be  riot  and 
bloodshed.  I  assure  each  and  every  one  of  you  that  no 
danger  threatens  your  persons  or  property  at  this  time. 
There  is  no  disturbance  at  the  arsenal,  and  the  regulars 
are  already  in  the  city  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the 
police,  if  necessary,  in  preserving  peace  and  quietness, 
and  restoring  confidence  to  our  citizens. 

This  speech  was  received  with  great  favor,  and  the 
'busses  drove  off  amid  tumultuous  cheering.  Long  after 
dark,  Fourth  street,  in  front  of  the  Planters'  House,  was 
thronged  with  excited  secesh,  angrily  discussing  the 
events  of  the  past  two  days,  and  muttering  threats 
against  the  "  submissionists." 

HARXEY    FINDS    HE    CANNOT    DISBAND    THE    HOME    GUARDS. 

On  that  same  Sabbath  morning,  General  Harney  called 
on  Colonel  Blair  (not  Lyon)  at  the  arsenal,  and  informed 
him  of  his  intention  to  remove  the  Home  Guards,  with  a 
view  to  their  disbandment.  Colonel  Blair  told  him  it 
could  not  be  done,  and  showing  him  the  order  from  the 
President  authorizing  the  Home  Guard,  assured  him  his 
order  to  disband  the  Home  Guard  would  not  be  submit 
ted  to  in  the  face  of  the  President's  order.  The  conver 
sation  between  Blair  and  Harney  was  quite  lengthy,  and 
General  Harney  left  with  the  understanding  that  the 
Home  Guards  were  not  to  be  disturbed.  It  was  after 
this  Harney  issued  his  proclamation,  in  which  he  admit 
ted  he  had  no  control  over  the  Home  Guard  ;  but  before 
a  copy  of  it  reached  the  arsenal,  an  order  arrived  there 


AND   MISSOURI   IK    1861.  185 

from  General  Harney  for  the  regulars  to  be  stationed  in 
the  city,  and  it  was  seriously  apprehended  by  Lyon  and 
Blair  that  it  was  Harney's  intention  to  carry  out  his 
original  promise  and  disarm  the  Home  Guard,  arid  they 
resolved  to  arrest  him  in  case  he  should  attempt  it. 
Captain  Saxton  was  consulted  by  Colonel  Blair,  and 
agreed  to  aid  in  his  arrest  if  Harney  took  such  a  course, 
and  Lyon  ascertained  that  Sweeney  and  Lothrop,  as  well 
as  Totten,  would  co-operate  with  him.  Harney's  procla 
mation,  however,  reached  the  arsenal  very  soon  there 
after,  and  dispelled  all  fears. 

When  Mr.  Broadhead  learned  that  Harney  had  prom 
ised  to  disband  the  Home  Guards,  he  called  upon  the 
General  and  remonstrated  against  any  such  movement, 
assuring  General  Harney  that  the  Home  Guards  would 
not  surrender  their  arms. 

The  cause  of  the  increased  panic  on  that  memorable 
Sunday  afternoon,  was  owing  to  a  misapprehension  on 
the  part  of  the  Police  Commissioners  of  Harney's  mes 
sage.  Harney  had  sent  word  to  the  Board  of  Police 
Commissioners  that  he  had  no  control  over  the  Home 
Guard,  which  was  meant  to  inform  them  that  he  had  no 
power  to  disband  or  remove  them.  They  took  his  mes 
sage  in  its  literal  sense,  and  so  informed  their  friends. 
The  report  spread  like  wildfire,  causing  intense  excite 
ment,  only  to  be  allayed  by  the  issuing  of  the  following 
proclamation,  and  the  efforts  of  Mayor  Taylor. 

PROCLAMATION. 

MILITARY  DEPARTMENT  OP  THE  WEST,  ) 
ST.  Louis,  May  12,  1861.         j 

To  the  People  of  the  State  of  Missouri  and  City  of  St. 
Louis  : 

I  have  just  returned  to  this  post,  and  have  assumed 
the  military  command  of  this  Department.  No  one  can 


186  GEN.    NATHANIEL  LYON, 

more  deeply  regret  the  deplorable  state  of  things  exist 
ing  here  than  myself.  The  past  cannot  be  recalled.  I 
can  only  deal  with  the  present  and  the  future. 

I  most  anxiously  desire  to  discharge  the  delicate  and 
onerous  duties  devolved  upon  me,  so  as  to  preserve  the 
public  peace.  shall  carefully  abstain  from  the  exercise 
of  any  unnecessary  powers,  and  from  all  interference 
with  the  proper  functions  of  the  public  officers  of  the 
State  and  city.  I  therefore  call  upon  the  public  author 
ities  and  the  people  to  aid  me  in  preserving  the  public 
peace. 

The  military  force  stationed  in  this  Department  by 
the  authority  of  the  Government,  and  now  under  my 
command,  will  only  be  used  in  the  last  resort,  to  pre 
serve  the  peace.  I  trust  I  may  be  spared  the  necessity 
of  resorting  to  martial  law,  but  the  public  peace  MUST 
BE  PRESERVED,  and  the  lives  and  property  of  the 
people  protected.  Upon  a  careful  review  of  my  instruc 
tions,  I  find  I  have  no  authority  to  change  the  location 
of  the  "  Home  Guards." 

To  avoid  all  cause  of  irritation  and  excitement,  if 
called  upon  to  aid  the  local  authorities  in  preserving  the 
public  peace,  I  shall  in  preference  make  use  of  the  reg 
ular  army. 

I  ask  the  people  to  pursue  their  regular  avocations, 
and  to  observe  the  laws,  and  orders  of  their  local  author 
ities,  and  to  abstain  from  the  excitements  of  public  meet 
ings  and  heated  discussions. 

My  appeal,  I  trust,  may  not  be  in  vain,  and  I  pledge 
the  faith  of  a  soldier  to  the  earnest  discharge  of  my 
duty. 

WILLIAM  S.  IIARNEY, 

Brigadier- General  IT.  S.  A.,  Commanding  Department. 

REGULARS   MOVED   INTO   THE    CITY. 

Following  the  issuing  of  this  proclamation,  four  com 
panies  of  regulars,  by  Hartley's  order,  moved  up  from 
the  arsenal,  and  were  quartered  over  Thornton  &  Pierce's 
stables  on  Walnut  street  near  Fourth  street,  and  at  the 
Court  House  on  Fourth  street,  one  block  distant.  They 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  187 

were  commanded  as  follows :  CAPTAIN  JAMES  TOTTEN, 
Second  Artillery ;  CAPTAIN  T.  W.  SWEENEY,  Second 
Infantry  ;  LIEUTENANT  RUFUS  SAXTON,  Fourth  Artillery; 
LIEUTENANT  M.  L.  LOTHBOP,  Fourth  Infantry. 

MUCH    IN    LITTLE. 

By  the  14th  of  May,  order  had  been  so  far  restored, 
that  the  Mayor  of  the  city  withdrew  his  proclamation 
of  the  llth. 

On  the  15th,  General  Frost,  Colonel  John  S.  Bowen, 
Major  N".  Wall,  Major  R.  S.  Voorhies,  and  Major  W.  D. 
Wood,*  of  the  paroled  State  troops,  published  a  card  in 
defense  of  their  conduct  in  surrendering  Camp  Jackson, 
in  which  they  complained  of  the  insufficiency  of  means 
placed  at  their  disposal  for  successful  resistance.  The 
card  was  looked  upon  by  Union  men,  as  significant  of  a 
spirit  to  fight  against  the  demand  of  Captain  Lyon,  or 
any  other  United  States  officer,  in  case  of  ability  to  do 
so  with  any  hope  of  success. 

On  the  16th,  the  mail  agent  on  the  Pacific  train  was 
seized  by  the  State  troops  at  the  Osage,  and  inhumanly 
treated.  After  several  efforts  to  drown  him,  by  throwing 
him  into  the  river,  a  secesh  officer,  Basil  Duke,  humanely 
interfered,  and  the  agent  was  allowed  to  depart  on  the 
train.  Stating  the  case  to  Harney,  the  agent  was  prom 
ised  it  should  be  attended  to ;  but  no  efforts  were  ever 
made  to  bring  the  parties  to  punishment.  This  was  but 
one  of  a  series  of  outrages  constantly  being  perpetrated 
in  every  section  of  the  State. 

FIRST   CAPTURE    OF   A   REBEL   FLAG. 

Having- received  information  that  there  was  a  large 
quantity  of  lead  and  powder  at  Potosi  (on  the  Iron 

*  Major  William  D.  Wood  asserts  his  name  was  used  in  this  connection  with 
out  his  knowledge  or  consent. 


188  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

Mountain  Railroad),  Captain  Lyon,  by  consent  of  Gen 
eral  Harney,  sent  Captain  Cole,  of  the  Fifth  Missouri 
Volunteers,  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  to  capture 
the  same,  disarm  the  people,  and  administer  the  oath  of 
loyalty ;  with  orders  also  to  arrest  and  bring  to  the  arse 
nal  all  who  refused  to  take  the  oath.  Captain  Cole 
found  at  Potosi  a  large  quantity  of  powder  and  lead, 
seized  a  quantity  of  muskets  distributed  among  the  citi 
zens,  and  arrested  eight  men  who  would  not  take  the 
oath.  On  the  same  day  (15th  May),  the  secessionists  at 
De  Soto  were  to  hold  a  mass  meeting  in  that  village  for 
the  purpose  of  raising  a  State  Rights  flag.  Mr.  Charles 
G.  Carr,  special  mail  agent  for  Missouri,  happened  to  be 
in  De  Soto  on  that  morning,  and  learning  from  Mr. 
Thomas  C.  Fletcher  that  trouble  to  the  Union  men  was 
very  much  feared,  got  on  the  down  train,  and  proceeding 
to  Potosi,  insisted  on  Captain  Cole  immediately  returning 
to  De  Soto  with  his  command,  and  protect  the  Union 
men  there.  Captain  Cole  did  not  feel  fully  authorized 
to  do  so,  according  to  his  instructions ;  but  Mr.  Carr,  in 
his  entreaties,  was  joined  by  Doctor  E.  C.  Franklin,  of 
St.  Louis,  who  accompanied  Captain  Cole's  command, 
and  the  Captain  concluded  to  go  to  De  Soto.  Upon 
their  arrival  at  De  Soto,  quite  a  crowd  of  secessionists 
had  collected,  but  the  rebel  flag  was  not  yet  raised. 
The  secesh  fled  upon  the  appearance  of  the  Federal  sol 
diers,  and  a  search  being  made  for  the  flag,  Doctor 
Franklin  found  it.  Visiting  a  room  where  a  woman, 
pretending  to  be  sick,  was  lying,  he  made  her  arise,  when 
the  flag  which  the  rebs  intended  raising  fell  from  under 
her  dress.  It  is  needless  to  say,  the  lady  immediately 
recovered.  This  was  the  first  rebel  flag  taken  in  the  war. 

REBEL    FLAG    HAULED    DOWN SEARCH    FOR    AND    SEIZURE 

OF   ARMS,  ETC. 

The  secesh  flag  that  had  been  flying  over  the  Berthold 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  189 

mansion  was  hauled  down  on  the  Monday  following  the 
seizure  of  Camp  Jackson,  by  Police  Captain  Daniel  R. 
Grace,  acting  under  orders  of  the  Police  Commissioners, 
who  themselves  were  instigated  to  this  patriotic  act  by 
hints  or  commands  from  General  Harney.  The  Berthold 
mansion  ceased  to  be  any  longer  the  headquarters  and 
rendezvous  of  treason. 

During  the  week  following  the  arrival  of  Harney, 
numerous  searches  were  made  for  secreted  arms  and 
munitions  of  war.  The  agents  of  the  Safety  Committee 
were  on  the  alert,  and  gave  frequent  information  of 
secreted  property.  A  search  in  the  State  tobacco 
warehouse,  and  in  Arnot's  buildings  on  Chestnut  street, 
aiforded  the  Government  considerable  acquisition,  in  the 
way  of  over  twelve  hundred  rifled  muskets,  two  pieces 
of  cannon,  and  quite  a  number  of  rifles.  In  several 
places  in  and  out  of  town,  arms  and  ammunition,  from 
time  to  time,  were  found  concealed. 

During  the  month  of  May,  secessionists  resorted  to 
every  means  to  smuggle  arms  and  ammunition  into  the 
city  and  State.  The  utmost  vigilance  was  exercised  to 
prevent  it.  "  War  material "  came,  however,  in  all  kinds 
of  packages  ;  in  bales  of  hay,  in  boxes  marked  "  soap," 
arranged  with  great  cunning  in  barrels  of  molasses,  and 
brought  across  the  river,  in  some  instances,  piece  by 
piece.  A  clever  device  was  to  ship  such  articles  for  what 
they  really  were,  and  directed  to  some  known  Union 
man  or  business  firm  of  undoubted  character  for  loyalty. 
Frequently  such  boxes  would  be  directed  to  United 
States  Quartermasters  or  ordnance  officers.  Some  one 
thinking  in  this  way  to  smuggle  into  the  city  sixty  Colt's 
navy  revolvers,  labeled  the  package,  "  F.  P.  Blair,  care 
of  E.  C.  Sloan,"  and  forwarded  by  Adams  Express  to 
St.  Louis.  The  box  was  seen  by  one  of  the  detectives, 
and  Mr.  Blair  became  informed  of  the  fact.  Thinking 


190  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON. 

he  could  take  care  of  his  own  better  than  "  Mr.  Sloan  " 
could  for  him,  he  directed  the  box  to  the  arsenal,  and 
enjoyed  himself  by  presenting  the  pistols  to  his  friends, 
who  were  in  need  of  them. 

CAMP   JACKSON   PRISONERS   PAROLED. 

Upon  returning  to  the  arsenal  with  his  prisoners, 
Captain  Lyon  made  such,  arrangements  for  their  comfort 
as  was  in  his  power,  and  began  work  upon  the  necessary 
papers  for  their  parole.  On  Saturday  evening,  by  seven 
o'clock,  the  work  of  paroling  his  prisoners  was  completed, 
and  the  entire  body  (excepting  only  Captain  Emmett 
McDonald,  who  refused  to  be  paroled)  marched  out  of 
the  east  gate  of  the  arsenal,  and  on  board  of  a  steamer 
in  waiting  at  the  arsenal  levee  to  convey  them  to  the 
city.  Upon  reaching  the  upper  levee,  the  party  was 
greeted  by  quite  a  crowd  of  friends,  amid  prolonged 
cheering,  and  after  inarching  in  procession  to  Fourth 
street,  dispersed  to  their  homes. 

FIRST    GENERAL    ORDER    OF    GENERAL     LYON. 

HEADQUARTERS  FIRST  BRIGADE  Mo.  VOLUNTEERS,  ) 
ST.  Louis  ARSENAL  May  12,  1801.          j" 

Orders  No.  13. 

1.  By  the  authority  of  the  President   of  the  United 
States,  the  undersigned  will  retain  the  command  of  the 
different  regiments  which  have  been  enrolled  at  these 
headquarters. 

2 .  Having  been  elected  Brigadier-General  of  the  four 
regiments  which  constitute  the  First  Brigade  of  Missouri 
Volunteers,  the  undersigned  accepts  the  position  thus 
tendered  him,  subject  to  the  future  action  of  the  proper 
authorities,  and  returns  his  thanks  to  the  officers  and 
men  of  those  regiments  for  the  confidence  which  they 
have  reposed  in  him,  hoping  that  his  utmost  exertions, 
which  he  pledges  to  the  proper  discharge  of  this  import 
ant  duty,  may  contribute  to  justify  this  confidence. 


AND    MISSOURI   IX    1861.  191 

3.  The  following  appointments  to  fill  staff  officers  of 
the  First  Brigade  are  announced : 

Chester  Harding,  Lieut.-Colonel  and  A.  A.  General. 
Samuel  Simmons,  Major  and  A.  C.  S. 
Horace  A.  Conant,  Major  and  Paymaster. 
Chauncey  P.  E.  Johnson,  Major  and  Paymaster. 
Bernard  G.  Farrar,  Major  and  A.  D.  C. 

BT.  LYON, 
Captain  Second  Infantry,  Commanding. 

THE    CONSPIRACY   AGAINST   LYON. 

On  the  llth  of  May,  a  number  of  gentlemen  claiming 
to  be  "  good  Union  men,"  suffering  with  an  indescribable 
amount  of  horrible  indignation  at  the  idea  of  the  great 
outrage  perpetrated  upon  loyal  citizens,  by  the  taking  of 
Camp  Jackson,  constituted  themselves  the  special  guard 
ians  of  national  interests  in  Missouri,  and  convened  in 
solemn  council  for  the  performance  of  (to  them)  glorious 
deeds,  in  behalf  of  persecuted  and  wronged  humanity,  so 
grossly  trampled  upon  by  Captain  Lyon.  They  met  in  the 
Mayor's  office,  and  a  correspondent  in  the  Missouri 
Democrat  gave,  at  the  time,  the  names  of  Robert  Camp 
bell,  James  E.  Yeatman,  H.  S.  Turner,  ex-Mayor  Wash 
ington  King,  N.  J.  Eaton,  James  H.  Lucas,  et  al.,  as 
among  those  present.  Exactly  what  they  said  or  did  is 
not  yet  chronicled  in  any  of  the  books  of  the  generations 
of  Adam,  except  that  James  E.  Yeatman  (and  perhaps 
H.  S.  Turner  also)  promised  to  proceed  at  once  to  Wash 
ington  and  represent  to  Messrs.  Lincoln  and  Bates  his 
own  account  of  the  true  condition  of  affairs  in  Missouri. 
Thus  representing  "  highly  respectable "  and  wealthy 
influences,  Mr.  Yeatman  would  feel  himself  as  one  speak 
ing  by  authority.  Mr.  Yeatman  hastened  to  Philadel 
phia,  at  which  place  Mr.  Hamilton  R.  Gamble  joined 
him,  and  the  twain  were  soon  in  Washington.  There 
was  no  delay  in  reaching  Mr.  Bates,  and  into  his  ear  they 


102  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

poured  the  full  story  of  their  grievances.  The  delega 
tion  were  accompanied  by  Mr.  Bates  to  the  White 
House,  where  they  saw  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  gave  their 
version  of  the  terrible  dealings  of  "  Lyon  the  indis 
creet,"  "  Lyon  the  rash,"  "  Lyon  the  imprudent,"  "  Lyon 
undoubtedly  loyal  and  a  brave  soldier,"  but  not  exactly 
the  man  for  the  times  ;  and,  therefore,  would  Mr.  Lincoln 
but  just  please  to  call  Captain  Lyon  to  some  other  field 
of  duty,  and  allow  General  Harney,  with  whom  seces 
sionists  could  all  live  in  peace,  to  remain  in  full  charge  ? 
There  were  in  Washington  just  such  other  delegations 
from  all  the  border  slave  States,  all  eloquent  with  the 
grandeur  of  passivity — persistently  deaf  to  the  crashing 
noise  of  the  falling  walls  of  that  slave  edifice  they  regarded 
with  such  faithful  veneration.  They  were  there  to  explain 
that  all  was  noise  and  fuss  only,  if  the  Government  would 
but  just  let  their  Southern  brothers  alone.  They  were 
there  to  ask  that,  in  order  to  allay  secesh  excitement, 
Government  should  intrust  its  entire  interests  in  the 
hands  of  men  in  whom  the  South  had  confidence.  They 
were  there  to  ask  that  Government  would  prohibit  its 
friends  from  holding  Union  meetings,  lest  traitors  might, 
in  their  passion,  organize  war ;  that  no  recruiting  officers 
should  be  allowed  to  visit  a  "  border  State,"  lest  the  bor 
der  States  might  side  with  the  rebellion.  They  had 
nothing  to  say  to  Jeff  Davis  about  the  border  States  sid 
ing  with  the  Union  in  case  the  rebels  recruited  in  their 
limits.  They  themselves  were  Union  men.  (!)  Query: 
Then  what  right  had  they  representing  rebel  constituen 
cies  ?  They  were  not  at  all  afraid  of  Union  men  taking 
offense  at  the  Government  because  of  energy,  activity, 
and  ri<T-or  in  its  own  behalf;  it  was  the  secessionist 

O 

whose  anger  was  to  be  appeased  and  whose    attitude 
respected. 

In  old  times,  Mr.  Bates  had  known  the  above-named 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  193 

individuals  as  gentlemen  of  eminent  worth  and  respect 
ability,  fully  entitled  to  his  confidence,  and  as  polished 
columns  of  a  very  enlightened  society.  They  were,  in 
the  estimation  of  Mr.  Bates,  gentlemen  of  great  weight 
and  influence,  and  of  course  when  they  said  they  were 
Union  men  it  was  all-sufficient. 

But  Mr.  Bates  had  forgotten  that  in  his  reading  there 
should  be  a  difference  between  the  confidence  and  trust 
to  be  reposed  in  a  man  in  time  of  peace  and  the  confi 
dence  to  be  reposed  in  him  in  time  of  terrible  revolution. 
He  received  these  gentlemen  just  as  he  would  have 
received  them  in  his  own  study  at  home,  in  the  "  auld 
lang  syne"  He  heard  how  dreadfully  excited  the  se 
cessionists  were;  how  desirous  the  great  majority  of 
people  were  for  peace ;  how  "  a  careful,  prudent  policy 
might  keep  thousands  from  joining  the  rebels;"  how 
rash  and  impetuous  was  that  Captain  Lyon ;  that  he  was 
simply  a  tool  of  Frank  Blair ;  and  that  every  move  of 
that  ogre,  Blair,  was  only  subsidiary  to  a  motive  to 
Black-Republicanize  the  State,  and  destroy  the  hoary 
institution  itself;  how  easily  the  State  could  be  made 
neutral  by  exempting  it  from  all  requirements  for  mar 
tial  quotas,  and  prohibiting  the  treading  of  Yankee  vol 
unteers  upon  the  sacred  soil ;  how  Harney  was  the  man, 
and  how  Harney  had  no  use  for  such  a  Hotspur  as  Lyon ; 
how  the  capture  of  Camp  Jackson  was  a  violation  of  the 
dearest  rights  of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  guaran 
teed  by  the  United  States  Constitution,  and,  besides,  an 
especial  outrage  upon  the  statutes  of  Missouri;  how 
undoubtedly  patriotic  Lyon's  motives  were,  but  how  ter 
ribly  wrong  was  his  judgment,  and  fiery  his  nature,  and 
rash  his  conduct,  and  that  matters  had  gone  so  far  there 
could  be  no  peace  in  Missouri  unless  Lyon  was  with 
drawn. 

All  this,  and  more  too  ;  not  just  such  words,  perhaps, 
9 


]  94  GEN.     NATHANIEL   LYON, 

but  the  kernel  of  the  nut  they  cracked  for  the  Secretary's 
chewing  was  in  all  this.  They  had  nothing  to  say  about 
those  men  who,  in  a  government  proclaimed  to  be  free, 
had  for  years  and  years  been  hooted  at,  stoned,  or  driven 
off,  only  for  a  mere  difference  of  opinion.  They  had  no 
ground  stained  with  Lovejoy's  blood,  no  lurid  glare  from 
blazing  log-cabin  of  some  free-thinking  Kansan,  before 
their  "  mind's  eye."  Nothing  of  this.  They  could  not 
describe  how  St.  Louis  "  Black  Yaegers  "  had  cautiously 
crept,  at  midnight  or  at  daylight,  by  units,  from  their  secret 
places,  through  weary  winter  months,  keeping  holy  vigil 
over  the  St.  Louis  arsenal.  They  had  nothing  to  say  of 
the  hegira  of  Union  people  from  the  Southwest  and  West, 
leaving  crops  standing  and  furniture  unremoved.  They 
had  nothing  to  say  of  the  terrorism  which  slavery  had 
established  in  Missouri,  so  that  a  dissenter  could  not  live 
in  quiet  beyond  the  cities.  They  did  not  represent  that 
Lyon  was  fixing  matters  so  that  Frank  Blair  could  move 
about  St.  Louis  without  thoughts  of  assassination,  and 
that  murder  had  shunned  the  streets.  None  of  these 
things  did  they  go  there  to  represent.  They  went  there 
to  remove  Lyon  ;  to  obtain  respect  for  men  who  would  not 
raise  an  arm  to  help  the  Government,  but  who  threatened, 
if  the  Government  acted,  they  would  rebel. 

SPECIAL    MESSENGER    SENT   TO    WASHINGTON. 

Upon  a  mission,  not  so  much  of  friendship  to  Lyon  as 
safety  to  the  national  cause,  Mr.  Franklin  A.  Dick,  at  the 
request  of  Colonel  Blair,  his  brother-in-law,  hastened  to 
Washington.  He  did  not  go  there  in  behalf  of  cravens 
and  rebels.  He  went  there  to  insist  that  the  Govern 
ment  should  do  its  duty  toward  its  friends — friends  who 
were  in  arms  in  its  behalf,  and  who  were  willing  to  die 
for  it ;  who  hated  rebels,  not  because  of  individual 
caprice,  but  because  they  were  seeking  to  overthrow  the 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  195 

Government.  He  went  there  to  state  that  the  doctrine 
asserted  at  Bloom ington  was  true  of  Missouri ;  that  it 
must  be  either  all  rebel  or  all  loyal ;  that  the  loyal  men 
cf  Missouri  could  alone  regulate  their  internal  affairs  if 
the  national  Government  would  only  smile  upon  them, 
and  not  interpose  obstacles.  He  went  there  to  represent 
that  in  the  taking  of  Camp  Jackson  the  Federal  power  had 
been  exhibited,  and  hosts  of  converts  were  being  made  to 
Federal  arguments.  What  the  Union  men  of  Missouri 
wanted  at  Washington  was  firmness,  decision,  and  fidel 
ity  to  faithful  friends.  Lyon  had  performed  his  duty,  and 
they  were  enemies  to  the  Government  who  were  enemies 
to  him ;  it  might  be  ignorantly,  but  nevertheless  enemies, 
the  effect  being  all  the  same.  He  went  there  to  speak 
in  behalf  of  the  Union  refugee,  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed 
Unionist,  in  behalf  of  the  Government  itself,  that,  in  the 
name  of  the  Government,  authority  should  not  be  vested 
in  any  one  whose  whole  soul  and  heart  were  not  in  the 
cause  at  stake,  both  as  a  principle  and  a  passion. 

The  following  will  explain  the  progress  of  Colonel 
Dick  in  the  fulfillment  of  his  mission : 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  May  16,  1861. 

DEAH  BEN. — I  made  all  haste  to  get  here,  and  arrived 
at  ten  this  morning,  turning  off  at  Harrisburg,  leaving 
my  family  to  go  on  to  Philadelphia  alone.  *  *  *  * 

I  went  at  once  to  see  Judge  Blair,  and  told  him  of  our 
affairs.  He  took  his  hat  and  went  straight  with  me  to 
see  General  Cameron.  He  was  at  the  President's.  We 
went  there  and  found  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Bates,  Mr.  Smith 
(Secretary  of  the  Interior),  and  General  Cameron.  I 
was  introduced,  and  told  my  story  straight  on.  *  *  * 
*  *  I  would  at  once  have  got  all  I  ^vanted,  but  for 
Judge  Bates.  He  had  seen  Yeatman  and  Hamilton  Gam 
ble,  they  had  told  him  their  story,  and  Bates  asked  Mr. 
Lincoln  not  to  decide  upon  action  until  he  had  heard  those 
gentlemen.  While  I  was  talking,  Judge  Blair  wrote  out 
a  memorandum  for  an  order  removing  Ilamey  and 


19G  GEN.    NATIIAXIKL   LYON, 

appointing  Lyon  Brigadier-General,  and  presented  it  to 
the  President  for  his  signature.  lie  would  have  signed 
it  but  for  said  request  of  Bates.  I  went  over  to  Bates 
and  privately  remonstrated  with  him,  but  could  not 
change  his  purpose.  Lincoln  wrote  a  note  over  to  Gen 
eral  Scott,  asking  his  opinion  upon  the  propositions  con 
tained  in  Judge  Blair's  memorandum,  and  sent  it  by  his 
private  secretary,  asking  an  immediate  answer.  Judge 
Blair  and  I  then  went  to  Cameron's  office.  I  found  him 
impressed  with  the  idea  that  Lyon  is  a  rash  man,  and  not 
at  all  impressed  with  his  real  worth  and  ability.  I  found 
such  impression  also  en  Judge  Bates'  mind ;  but  I  removed 
it  from  Cameron's  mind,  and  gave  him  a  correct  idea  of 
Captain  Lyon's  ability  and  worth. 

General^Cameron  agreed  that  he  should  have  leave  of 
absence  granted  him,  and  be  commissioned  as  a  Brig 
adier-General  of  the  four  regiments  which  had  elected 
him.*  We  then  left  Cameron's  office,  and  Judge  Blair 
hurried  off  to  see  General  Scott  about  the  matter  men 
tioned  in  'the  President's  note.  Thus  the  matter  stands 
at  the  time  of  my  writing  this  letter.  But  for  Bates  and 
General  Scott  I  would  have  had  things  fixed  exactly 
right ;  if  they  do  not  come  out  as  we  want  them,  you 
will,  from  what  I  have  said,  understand  them. 

But  I  believe  that  Harney  will  be  ordered  away  again. 
I  am  sorry,  sorry  enough,  that  when  he  was  here  that 
Frank  did  not  write  about  him.  Frank  does  not  write 
often  enough.  My  impressions  are  that  the  Cabinet  is 
made  up  of  too  old  men.  It  seems  to  lack  vigor,  prompt 
itude,  and  resolution. 

Captain  Ly«  >n's  achievement  in  taking  the  camp  of  the 
traitors  has  given  great  satisfaction  in  the  East,  and 
mainly  for  that  reason,  so  far  as  I  can  judge,  is  approved 
by  the  President.  Perhaps  I  do  him  injustice.  Judge 
Blair  has  turned  in,  in  earnest,  to  get  the  measures  I  came 
on  for  carried  out,  and  I  shall  stick  to  the  work  until  I 
accomplish  a  regult,  and  I  am  in  strong  hopes  now  of 
achieving  the  precise  results  I  came  for. 

Yours,  sincerely,         F.  A.  DICK. 
To  BENT.  FARRAR,  St.  Louis. 

*  In  order  to  act.  as  Bri^adicr-Ocncml  of  the  four  Missouri  regiments,  it  was 
neci'Hsary  that  Lyoii  should  bo  excused  from  duty  in  the  regular  army  by  leave 
ot  absence. 


AND   MISSOURI   IX   1861.  197 

WASHINGTON,  May  16,  1861. 

DEAR  BEN. — Since  writing  you  this  noon  I  take  the 
subject  up  where  that  letter  left  it  off.  Judge  Blair 
went  with  me  to  the  office  of  L.  Thomas,  Adjutant- 
General,  where  we  procured  the  inclosed  order  to  Gen 
eral  Harney.  I  inclose  it  to  you  that  you  may  give  it  to 
Frank  or  to  General  Lyon,  and  have  it  delivered  to  Gen 
eral  Harney  at  such  time  as  they  may  seem  fit.  *  *  * 
Next,  Captain  Lyon  is  appointed  Brigadier-General  of 
the  Missouri  Brigade,  but  the  commission  will  not  issue 
until  to-morrow. 

I  take  the  credit  to  Frank,  and  my  efforts  here,  for  this ; 
and  no  man  more  deserves  the  advancement  than  General 
Lyon.  It  was  a  labor  of  satis  faction  to  me.  *  *  *  * 
General  Lyon  stands  in  high  position  with  the  adminis 
tration  for  his  achievement.  It  is  felt  he  has  brought 
honor  upon  the  Government  by  it ;  and  the  howling  of 
the  traitors  is  correctly  appreciated  here.  The  result  is, 
the  President  and  Cabinet  fully  indorse  his  conduct  and 
appoint  him  a  Brigadier-General,  and  effectually  remove 
Harney  out  of  his  way.  He  must  go  ahead  now  and 
win  new  laurels.  The  capture  of  Claib  Jackson  will  be 
regarded  with  great  favor  by  the  administration.  *  * 

Yours  truly, 

F.  A.  DICK. 
BENJ.  FARRAR,  Esq.,  St.  Louis. 

WASHINGTON,  May  17,  1861. 

DEAR  BEN. — Since  telegraphing  you  I  would  start,  I 
find  Mr.  Davisson  going  straight  to  St.  Louis,  who  car 
ries  the  inclosed  papers.  The  letter  to  General  Harney, 
from  M.  BLAIR,  is,  of  course  not  to  be  delivered  to  him, 
unless  the  command  is  taken  away  from  him.  Mr. 
Davisson  is  appointed  Consul  to  Bordeaux.  He  knows 
the  importance  of  the  immediate  delivery  of  these  papers, 
and  promises  to  deliver  them  to  you  with  all  dispatch. 
Judge  Blair  and  his  father,  and  also  General  Cameron, 
think  it  unnecessary  to  use  the  paper  on  Harney.  Gen 
eral  Cameron  fully  approves  the  discretionary  power  to 
Colonel  F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  as  to  displacing  Harney. 
The  papers  sent  herewith  by  Mr.  Davisson  are : 
First — Duplicate  of  the  order  mailed  you  last  night. 


198  GEN.    NATHANIEL  LYON. 

Second — Commission  for  General  Lyon  as  Brigadier- 
General. 

Third — Letters  from  Montgomery  Blair. 

Tell  General  Lyon  he  is  commissioned  as  one  of  the 
regular  Brigadier-Generals  through  the  war  and  not 
merely  for  three  months.  That  is  certain ;  I  have  it  from 
both  General  Thomas  and  General  Cameron,  who  hesi 
tated  some  time  on  it,  but  at  last  yielded,  and  thus  issued 
the  inclosed  commission. 

Yours,  F.  A.  DICK 

To  BEN.  FARRAR,  St.  Louis. 

BEN.  FARRAR,  Esq.,  or  Colonel  FRANK  P.  BLAIR,  Jr. 

DEAR  SIR — The  inclosed  dispatches  are,  first,  a  com 
mission  for  Lyon ;  second,  a  leave  of  absence  for  Harney. 
I  have  had  great  difficulty  in  accomplishing  these  results. 
The  Secretary  of  War  was  against  both.  As  to  Lyon, 
the  rule  of  granting  leave  of  absence  to  officers  of  the 
army  was  the  chief  difficulty.  As  to  Harney,  his  public 
course,  viewed  from  this  point,  seems  reasonable  enough, 
and  the  leave  of  absence  goes  to  Frank  (Blair),  to  be 
delivered  to  Harney  only,  if  in  his  judgment  it  is  now 
decided  advisable  to  relieve  him  from  command.  I 
think  it  possible  that,  if  Harney  had  about  him  some  reso 
lute,  sensible  men,  he  would  be  all  right  all  the  time.  It 
is  only  because  he  falls  into  the  hands  of  our  opponents 
that  he  is  dangerous ;  his  intention  being  good,  but  his 
judgment  being  weak. 

This,  however,  must  be  left  to  Frank ;  and  as  the  dan 
ger  is  remote,  I  do  not  feel  that  it  is  right  to  keep  Har 
ney  in  command,  without  the  full  approbation  of  those 
immediately  concerned.  It  is  better  to  mortify  him  than 
to  endanger  the  lives  of  many  men,  and  the  position  of 
Missouri  in  t/te  present  conflict. 

Yours  truly,  M.  BLAIR. 

WASHINGTON,  May  17,  1861. 

MEETING    AT    THE    WHITE    HOUSE  OF   THE  OPPOSING  DELE 
GATIONS. 

As  he  was  accompanied  by  the  Postmaster-General, 
Colonel  Dick  was  immediately  admitted  into  the  pres- 


AND    MISSOURI    IX    1861.  199 

ence  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  found  there,  besides  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Cabinet  whom  he  names  in  his  first  letter  to 
Mr.  Farrar,  Mr.  "James  E.  Yeatman  and  Mr.  Hamilton 
R.  Gamble.  These  gentlemen  were  explaining  their 
positions  and  their  desires,  when  Colonel  Dick  entered 
the  room.  In  the  course  of  his  remarks,  Mr.  Gamble 
manifested  considerable  indignation  at  the  taking  of 
Camp  Jackson  ;  when  he  was  interrupted  by  Colonel 
Dick,  who  said  he  "  was  not  at  all  surprised  at  the  atti 
tude  of  Mr.  Gamble,  considering  that  his  son  was  one 
of  the  captured,  and  was  known  to  be  what  was  termed 
a  partisan  of  the  South.  If  that  son  was  not  rushed 
into  the  rebellion,  the  father  might  thank  Captain  Lyon." 
Colonel  Dick  purposely  remained  in  Washington  until 
he  obtained  the  desired  letter  of  appointment  for  Lyon, 
and  the  order  for  the  removal  of  Harney. 

LYON    SENDS    DR.    BEKNAYS    TO    WASHINGTON. 

Lyon  was  well  advised  of  the  tremendous  exertions 
being  made  to  effect  his  removal,  and  he  was  some 
what  apprehensive  that  they  might  be  successful.  He 
deplored  the  seeming  want  of  firmness  and  full  com 
prehension  of  pending  dangers  exhibited  by  the  ad 
ministration  ;  and  notwithstanding  Mr.  Dick  was  in 
Washington,  he  thought  it  best  to  send  another  messen 
ger  to  sustain  him  before  the  President.  For  this  pur 
pose  he  selected  Dr.  Charles  A.  Bernays,  editor  of  a 
German  daily  paper  published  in  St.  Louis,  the  Ameiger 
des  Westens,  and  a  gentleman  personally  acquainted  with 
Mr.  Lincoln. 

"  I  want  you  to  go  and  see  the  President,"  he  said  to 
Dr.  Bernays,*  "  and  tell  him  all  about  our  situation  here. 
I  have  no  confidence  whatever  in  General  Harney  and  ' 
Major  McKinstry  (Department  Quartermaster).     I  feel 

*  I  have  this  in  a  written  statement  from  Dr.  Bernays. 


200 

they  are  against  us,  and  that  they  will  throw  all  kinds 
of  difficulties  in  my  way.  They  already  do  so.  I  never 
can  obtain  in  time  what  I  need  from  the  Quartermaster's 
department ;  and  all  the  precautions  I  take  against  the 
rebels  are  frustrated  by  the  proceedings  of  General 
Harney.  Tell  the  President  to  get  my  hands  untied, 
and  I  will  warrant  to  keep  this  State  in  the  Union." 

Dr.  Bernays  told  the  General  that  he  had  heard  the 
fate  of  General  Harney  was  already  sealed. 

"  Not  so  much  as  you  think.  My  personal  influence 
at  Washington  amounts  to  very  little ;  and  I  believe^ 
rather,  that  the  determined  position  I  have  taken  here 
has  created  for  me  many  enemies  in  high  places." 

Dr.  Bernays  endeavored  to  persuade  the  General  to 
the  contrary,  but  in  vain. 

"  Well,"  said  Lyon,  after  a  pause,  "  you  go  on,  and  if 
you  don't  succeed,  you  will  at  least  see  how  things  look 
in  Washington.  Have  you  money  enough  to  go  and 
return  ?  " 

The  Doctor  explained  that,  if  he  had  not,  his  friends 
would  assist  him. 

"  Don't  ask  them,"  returned  Lyon.  "  I  will  write  a 
pass  that  will  take  you  there  and  back  free  of  charge." 

Lyon  then  took  a  sheet  of  paper  and  wrote  the  fol 
lowing  : 

ST.  Loins  ARSENAL,  May  — ,  1861. 

Dr.  Bemavs,  by  my  order,  proceeds  to  Washington 
for  the  benefit  of  the  better  equipment  of  our  volunteer 
forces.  I  pray  all  the  conductors  to  let  him  pass  free. 

NATHANIEL  LYON. 

This  pass  was  sufficient.  On  this  alone  the  St.  Louis 
and  Terre  Haute,  Indianapolis,  Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania 
Central,  and  Philadelphia  and  Washington  roads  passed 
the  Doctor,  going  and  returning,  free  of  charge.  He  was 
treated  with  every  courtesy. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  201 

Arriving  in  Washington,  Judge  Blair  at  once  took  the 
Doctor  to  the  White  House  and  obtained  an  audience. 

The  President  received  the  Doctor  very  kindly,  and 
immediately  inquired  about  affairs  in  Missouri.  Doctor 
Bernays  told  his  story.  The  President  gave  much 
thought  to  it  and  seemed  perplexed.  He  would  rather 
wait  for  further  developments  before  he  would  act 
against  Harney  and  McKinstry  ;  nevertheless,  he  prom 
ised  to  sustain  General  Lyon,  and  declared  he  had  the 
greatest  confidence  in  his  ability,  though  he  thought  that 
some  personal  feeling  might  induce  Captain  Lyon  to 
suspect  Harney.  In  regard  to  McKinstry,  he  promised 
to  remove  him  at  the  first  opportunity. 

The  President  then  abruptly  changed  the  subject,  and 
engaged  in  a  conversation  as  to  the  feeling  between 
Americans  and  Germans  in  Missouri,  and  promised  the 
acceptance  of  Colonel  Sigel's  regiment. 

In  another  conversation  the  President  reiterated  the 
assertion  that  Lyon  should  be  sustained. 

BATES,    YEATMAN,    AND    GAMBLE. 

I  have  no  disposition  to  reflect  upon  the  loyalty  or 
the  patriotism  of  Messrs.  Bates,  Yeatman,  and  Gamble. 
Certainly  their  intentions  were  good  enough,  but  their 
acts  are  the  property  of  the  historian.  With  them  it 
was  a  question  of  policy,  but  we  question  the  wisdom  of 
that  policy.  Succeeding  their  efforts  against  Lyon  were 
their  efforts  during  a  long  struggle  for  the  Union  ;  and 
the  Government  owes  them  much  reward  for  their  inval 
uable  services  in  its  behalf.  Gamble,  afterward  Gov 
ernor,  put  forward  every  energy  and  a  wonderful  ability 
in  sustaining  the  administration  ;  and  Yeatman,  another 
Howard,  lit  up  the  Union  hospitals  with  the  glory  of 
his  benevolent  work.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  of  Bates 
that  he  was  the  trusted  and  prudent  friend  of  Lincoln, 
9* 


202  GE>T.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

and  Campbell  gave  liberally  of  his  means  to  support  the 
loyal  soldiery  of  Missouri. 

THE  PRICE-HARNEY  ARRANGEMENT. 

But  while  St.  Louis  maintained  an  outward  show  of 
loyalty,  there  was  much  going  on  to  occasion  alarm  and 
anxiety  among  Union  men.  The  State  Journal  continued 
its  daily  attacks  upon  the  Government,  and  upon 
"Numidian  Lyon,"  alias  "Lyon  the  murderer,"  unin 
terrupted  by  the  commander  of  the  department,  and 
protected  by  that  commander  against  any  patriotic 
demonstration  by  the  Unionists,  who  felt  the  blush  of 
shame  burning  their  faces  when  they  contemplated  the 
security  with  which  those  traitors,  from  day  to  day, 
launched  forth  their  venom  against  the  Union  men,  and 
their  treasonable  articles  against  the  Government. 

From  every  section  of  the  State  came  reports  of  the 
overbearing  tyranny  of  the  secessionists,  and  their  suspi 
cious  movements.  So  numerous  were  the  evidences,  that 
General  Harney  called  for  an  interview  with  General 
Price;  and  on  the  21st  the  two  Generals  signed  an  agree 
ment,  by  which  Harney  bound  the  national  Government 
to  (in  effect)  respect  the  neutrality  of  the  State  Govern 
ment,  and  both  were  to  aid  in  preserving  the  peace. 
But  in  this  latter  Price  and  the  State  Government  were 
to  be  the  constables,  and  Harney  and  the  "regular" 
troops  were  to  serve  as  the  posse  comitatus  when  required 
by  the  former.  Price  agreed  not  to  organize  under  the 
Military  bill ;  each  man  was  to  be  protected  in  his  indif 
ference  to  the  great  struggle  being  made  by  the  loyal 
people  for  national  existence.  Meetings  for  the  Union 
were  to  be  avoided,  as  were  also  meetings  to  destroy  the 
Union.  Patriotic  gatherings  were  to  be  styled  mobs,  to 
be  dispersed,  because  calculated  to  produce  excitement ; 
and  the  parties  to  disperse  them  were  men  who  had 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  203 

insultingly  told  the  President  his  call  for  seventy-five 
thousand  men  was  "INHUMAN  AND  DIABOLICAL."  The 
publication  of  this  agreement  fell  like  a  black  cloud  upon 
the  hopes  of  the  Unionists,  and  it  was  apparent  that  only 
one  party  (General  Harney)  was  observing  it. 

The  publication  of  the  agreement  with  Price  was  pre 
faced  by  the  folio  wing  address  : 

To  the  People  of  the  State  of  Missouri: 

I  take  great  pleasure  in  submitting  to  you  the  folio w- 
ing  paper,  signed  by  General  Price,  commanding  the 
forces  of  the  State,  and  by  myself^  on  the  part  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  f  It  will  be  seen  that 
the  united  forces  of  both  governments  are  pledged  to  the 
maintenance  of  the  peace  of  the  State,  and  the  defense 
of  the  rights  and  the  property  of  all  persons  without  dis 
tinction  of  party.  This  pledge,  which  both  parties  are 
authorized  and  empowered  to  give  by  the  governments 
which  they  represent,  will  be  by  both  most  religiously 
and  sacredly  kept ;  and,  if  necessary  to  put*  down  evil- 
disposed  persons,  the  military  powers  of  both  govern 
ments  will  be  called  out  to  enforce  the  terms  of  the  hon 
orable  and  amicable  agreement  which  has  been  made. 

I  therefore  call  upon  all  persons  in  this  State  to 
observe  good  order,  and  respect  the  rights  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  and  give  them  the  assurance  of  protection 
and  security  in  the  most  ample  manner. 

WM.  S.  HARNEY, 
Brigadier-  General^  Commanding. 

Two  GOVERNMENTS  !  What  right  had  General  Har 
ney  to  treat  with  an  officer  created  under  a  law  which 
himself  had  denounced  and  proscribed  ? 

LYON   DISSATISFIED. 

Both  Lyon  and  Blair  viewed  with  profound  disgust 
the  temporizing  policy  of  General  Harney,  and  they  knew 
just  exactly  what  the  truce  was  worth.  Lyon  paced  his 
room  in  gloomy  thought,  conscious  that  in  the  pending 


204  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

interregnum  the  benefits  would  all  accrue  to  the  rebel 
side.  He  was  well  posted  as  to  the  character  of  Jackson, 
and  he  felt  himself  incapable  of  trusting  Price.  He 
denounced  in  private  the  policy  of  postponing  hostilities 
until  the  rebels  were  in  sufficient  force  to  consummate 
their  plans.  He  felt  like  saying  to  Union  men  :  "  Go 
ahead  !  pour  out  the  deep  feelings  of  your  soul  in  grate 
ful  expressions  to  the  good  God  for  the  blessings  of  this 
free  Government ;  be  just  as  enthusiastic  as  ye  please  for 
the  right ;  meet  in  public,  and  fill  the  air  with  your  Union 
oratory,  under  skies  illuminated  by  your  rockets  ;  fling  to 
the  breeze  the  starry  banner  of  the  Republic, and  challenge 
for  it  the  admiration  of  men,  women,  and  children,  here 
and  everywhere;  sing  Union  songs,  talk  Union  talk, 
strike  Union  blows,  and  none  shall  molest  ye  or  make 
ye  afraid."  Under  the  Price-Harney  arrangement,  all 
this  was  to  be  suppressed,  and  Union  men  were  decreed 
to  move  around,  like  those  guests  who,  as  the  story  says, 
with  their  hands  upon  their  lips,  and  their  heads  bowed 
upon  their  breasts,  wandered  in  frightful  and  mysterious 
silence  through  the  splendid  halls  of  Eblis. 

JUSTIFICATION    OF   LYON   BY    THE    SAFETY    COMMITTEE. 

Immediately  upon  the  publication  of  the  foregoing, 
and  learning  of  the  efforts  being  made  at  \Yashington 
to  remove  Lyon  from  the  department,  Mr.  James  O. 
Broadhead,  at  the  request  of  his  brother-members  of  the 
Safety  Committee,  prepared  the  following,  and,  each 
member  having  signed  it,  forwarded  the  document  to 
the  party  addressed : 

ST.  Louis,  May  22,  18G1. 
HON.  MONTGOMERY  BLAIR  : 

DEAR  SIR — We,  who  have  been  selected  by  the  Union 
men  of  St.  Louis  as  a  committee  to  attend  to  their  inter 
ests  in  the  present  crisis,  deem  it  just  to  the  authorities 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  205 

at  Washington,  as  well  as  to  the  people  of  St.  Louis  and 
the  officers  of  the  General  Government  in  authority  here, 
to  make  a  brief  statement  of  the  events  which  have 
taken  place  within  the  last  two  weeks. 

It  cannot  have  escaped  public  attention  that  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  State  and  a  majority  of  the  members  of 
the  Legislature  have  from  the  beginning  sympathized 
with  the  rebellious  movement  in  the  seceding  States,  the 
object  of  which  is  to  overthrow  the  Government  of  the 
United  States.  The  insulting  message  of  Governor 
Jackson  in  reply  to  the  proclamation  of  the  President 
calling  for  troops  to  put  down  this  rebellion ;  his  mes 
sage  to  the  extra  session  of  the  Legislature,  in  which  he 
says,  "  The  similarity  of  our  social  and  political  institu 
tions,  our  industrial  interests,  our  sympathies,  habits,  and 
tastes,  our  common  origin  and  territorial  contiguity,  all 
concur  in  pointing  out  our  duty  in  regard  to  the  separa 
tion  which  is  now  taking  place  between  the  States  of 
the  old  Federal  Union,"  and  that  "  in  the  meantime  it  is 
in  his  judgment  indispensable  to  our  safety  that  we  should 
emulate  the  policy  of  all  the  other  States,  in  arming  our 
people  and  placing  the  State  in  a  proper  attitude  of  de 
fense  ;"  the  iniquitous  legislation  of  the  General  Assem 
bly  of  Missouri,  at  the  extra  session,by  which,  to  the  pre 
judice  of  the  credit,  the  commercial  prosperity,the  educa 
tional  interests  of  the  State,  all  available  means,  honest 
and  dishonest,  were  to  be  diverted  to  the  single  object 
of  arming  the  State,  when  she  had  no  enemy  to  contend 
with,  unless  she  chose  to  make  an  enemy  of  the  Union — 
all  show  too  plainly  to  be  misunderstood,  that  the 
authorities  of  the  State  government,  against  the  well- 
known  wishes  of  the  people  of  Missouri,  were  preparing, 
as  rapidly  as  circumstances  of  the  case  would  admit,  to 
carry  Missouri  out  of  the  Union. 

The  Military  bill,  by  the  very  oath  required  to  be 
taken  by  those  who  were  to  be  enrolled  under  it,  in 
effect  repudiated  all  allegiance  to  the  Federal  Govern 
ment.  In  the  meantime,  companies  of  minute-men  were 
being  organized  all  over  the  State,  under  the  flag  of  the 
"  Confederate  States,"  and  an  encampment  was  formed 
here  at  St.  Louis,  under  the  very  eye  of  the  United  States 
officers  commanding  this  military  post.  Of  this  encamp- 


206  GEtf.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

ment,  General  Frost  was  the  chief  officer  in  command  ; 
a  man  notoriously  hostile  to  the  Government,  known 
and  recognized  as  an  unqualified  secessionist;  a  man  who 
had  threatened  time  and  again  that  he  would  take  the 
United  States  arsenal.  His  command  was  composed 
chiefly  of  companies  of  minute-men,  most  of  whom  had 
been  organized  and  drilled  at  the  headquarters  of  the 
minute-men  under  a  rebel  flag.  Under  that  flag  recruits 
were  being  daily  mustered  into  the  State  service  and 
sent  out  to  this  encampment ;  arms  were  being  procured 
and  manufactured  in  the  city,  and  secretly  taken  out  to 
this  camp ;  arms  and  ammunition  were  being  brought 
up  from  the  rebel  States  in  a  boat  bearing  the  rebel 
flag,  falsely  labeled  and  directed,  and  taken  thence 
directly  to  this  encampment ;  under  these  circumstances, 
and  in  view  of  many  other  facts,  too  numerous  to  be 
mentioned  in  this  communication,  but  all  pointing  to  the 
same  end,  the  military  authorities  here  came  to  the  wise 
conclusion  that  duty  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  as  well  as  to  the  Union  men  of  Missouri,  required 
that  the  encampment  should  be  broken  up  ;  which  was 
done. 

That  there  were  some  good  Union  men  and  loyal  citi 
zens  in  that  encampment  we  have  no  doubt ;  and  all  that 
we  can  say  of  them  is  that  they  were  caught  in  bad 
company,  and  they  were  discharged  so  soon  as  a  dispo 
sition  was  evinced  on  their  part  to  recognize  their  alle 
giance  to  the  Government  The  accidents  resulting  from 
the  act  we  deplore  ;  but  the  result  has  been  most  beneficial 
to  the  cause  of  the  Union  and  of  peace  throughout  the 
State.  The  first  impulses  of  passion  on  the  part  of  those 
disaffected  toward  the  Government,  brought  together  a 
body  of  men  at  the  State  capital,  evidently  designed  to 
be  set  in  hostile  array  against  the  General  Government ; 
and  we  think  they  might  very  properly  have  been  dis 
persed  as  an  unlawful  combination  under  the  circum 
stances  ;  but  the  authorities  here  have,  perhaps  wisely, 
refrained  from  taking  any  such  step.  Through  General 
Price,  their  commander-in-chief,  they  have  within  the 
last  few  days  arranged  terms  of  settlement  with  General 
Harney  on  the  part  of  the  General  Government.  These 
terms  contain  a  pledge  that  the  peace  of  the  State  and 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  207 

the  rights  of  loyal  citizens  shall  be  protected  by  the 
State  authorities.  Our  friends  here  and  the  friends  of 
the  Government  were  very  much  dissatisfied  with  the 
terms  of  the  arrangement,because  they  feared  that  it  would 
not  secure  the  object  so  much  desired  by  us  all — the 
peace  of  the  country  and  the  safety  of  the  Union  men, 
who  have  been  driven  from  their  homes  in  various  parts 
of  the  State — inasmuch  as  it  seems  to  leave  that  pro 
tection  in  the  hands  of  the  very  power  by  which  it  was 
imperiled.  Very  much  complaint  has  been  made  of  Gen 
eral  Harney  for  making  such  an  arrangement  without 
exacting  some  guarantee  that  the  pledge  of  peace  and 
security  implied  in  it  would  be  faithfully  carried  out. 

It  is  further  objectionable  because  secession  is  not  dis 
tinctly  repudiated ;  because  there  seems  to  be  an  implied 
recognition  of  the  right  of  the  State  authorities  to  arm 
the  State  under  the  provisions  of  the  military  law,  which 
sets  at  defiance  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,and 
the  authority  of  the  General  Government ;  and  because 
there  were  no  provisions  for  disbanding  the  military 
organizations  which  had  been  gotten  up  in  different  parts 
of  the  State ;  and  we  fear  that  no  good  will  come  of  the 
arrangement,  but  that  it  will  only  result  in  putting  off 
the  evil  day  until  such  time  as  the  enemy  will  be  better 
prepared  to  make  resistance.  But  hoping  that  a  faithful 
and  literal  execution  of  the  arrangement  will  be  required, 
we  are  disposed  to  acquiesce  in  what  has  been  done,  and 
await  the  developments  of  the  future  ;  satisfied,  however, 
that  the  spirit  of  insubordination  and  relentless  hostility 
to  the  Government  and  to  all  those  who  uphold  it,  on 
the  part  of  those  having  control  of  the  State  Govern 
ment,  is  of  such  a  character  that  the  strictest  vigilance 
on  the  part  of  Government  and  its  officers  is  necessary 
to  save  Missouri  to  the  Union ;  that  every  conces 
sion  made  to  treason  emboldens  it  the  more ;  and 
that  nothing  but  the  stern  enforcement  of  military 
rule  will,  in  times  of  revolution,  when  men  have 
thrown  off  all  restraints  of  the  law,  preserve  the  peace  of 
the  community  and  the  authority  of  the  Government 
against  the  machinations  of  such  men. 

It  is  folly,  and  worse  than  folly,  to  deal  with  the  rebel 
lion  in  any  other  way.  We  have  deemed  it  proper  to 


208  GEX.    NATHANIEL    LYOX, 

present  these  views  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the 
administration;  and  we  confidently  believe  that  we  rep 
resent  in  this  behalf  the  opinions  of  the  Union  men  not 
only  of  St.  Louis,  but  of  the  State,  whatever  the  enemies 
of  the  administration  may  say  to  the  contrary.  We  are 
aware  that  a  different  coloring  has  been  attempted  to  be 
given  to  the  affairs  that  have  taken  place  in  Missouri,  by 
persons  claiming  to  be  Union  men ;  but  they  are  known 
and  avowed  enemies  of  the  administration,  and  would 
not  be  displeased  at  any  embarrassment  that  might  be 
thrown  in  the  way  of  its  policy.  We  would  further 
respectfully  suggest  that,  under  the  arrangement  made 
between  General  Harney  and  General  Price,  it  may  be 
difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  the  State  authorities,  if 
they  were  so  disposed,  to  protect  the  lives  and  property 
of  the  Union  men,  who  are  being  treated  most  outrage 
ously  in  some  parts  of  the  State.  The  General  Govern 
ment,  with  its  present  force  here,  is  fully  able  to  protect 
them ;  and  the  commanding  officer  here  ought  to  be 
instructed  to  give  them  such  protection  by  sending  an 
armed  force  for  that  purpose,  if  necessary,  or  by  estab 
lishing  temporary  military  posts,  which  may  be  rallying 
points  for  the  Union  men  when  driven  from  their  homes ; 
and  he  should  be  further  instructed  that  if  an  effort  is 
made  to  organize  the  militia  of  the  State  under  the  act 
of  the  Legislature  above  referred  to,  that  he  should 
instantly  put  a  stop  to  it,  after  having  given  due  notice 
to  the  State  authorities  that  any  proceedings  under  that 
act  is  inconsistent  with  the  allegiance  due  by  the  citizens 
of  the  State  to  the  General  Government. 

He  ought  also  to  require  a  surrender  to  him  of  all  the 
arms  taken  from  the  Liberty  arsenal  and  from  Kansas 
City,  as  the  property  of  the  Government. 

Respectfully  yours, 

JAMES  O.  BROADIIEAD. 
F.  P.  BLAIR,  JR. 
SAMUEL  T.  GLOVER. 
OLIVER  I).  FILLET. 
JOHN  HOW. 
JOHN  J.  WITZIG. 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  209 

LYON    A    BRIGADIER-GENERAL    OF    VOLUNTEERS. 

On  the  20th  of  May,  Mr.  C.  Davisson  arrived  in  St.  Louis 
from  Washington,  with  dispatches  for  Colonel  Blair. 
Upon  opening  them  he  found  the  following  official  docu 
ment  for  "  General  Lyon."  That  officer  happened  to  be 
present,  and  as  he  received  and  read  it  he  expressed  his 
thanks  to  Colonel  Blair  for  his  generous  interest  in  him, 
and  thought  the  appointment  had  better  contain  his  own 
name.  The  Colonel  appreciated  the  compliment  and 
thanked  him,  and  then  followed  general  congratulations. 
Here  is  the  "  Pub.  Doc. :  " 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,  May  17,  1861. 
SIR— You  are  hereby  informed  that  the  President  of 
the  United  States  has  appointed  you  Brigadier-General 
of  the  volunteer  force,  raised  in  conformity  with  the  Pres 
ident's  proclamation  of  May  3,  1861,  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  to  rank  as  such  from  the  1 8th  dav  of  Mav 
1861.  *  *  *  *  ** 

SIMON  CAMERON, 

Secretary  of  War. 

Brigadier-General  NATHANIEL  LYON, 
U.  S.  Volunteers, 

St.  Louis,  Mo. 

The  following  was  also  in  the  package : 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,          ) 
ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE,  j 

WASHINGTON,  May  16,  1861. 
Special  Order  No.  135. 

I.  Brigadier-General  W.  S.  Harney  is  relieved  from 
command  of  the  Department  of  the  West,  and  is  granted 
leave  of  absence  until  further  orders. 
By  order, 

L.  THOMAS, 

Adjutant-  General. 


210  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

At  the  same  time  Colonel  Blair  received  the  following 
letter,  in  the  handwriting  of  Mr.  Lincoln : 

PRIVATE  LETTER  FROM  MR.  LINCOLN. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  May  18,  18G1. 
Hon.  F.P.BLAIR: 

MY  DEAR  SIR — We  have  a  good  deal  of  anxiety  here 
about  St.  Louis.  I  understand  an  order  has  gone  from 
the  War  Department  to  you,  to  be  delivered  or  withheld 
in  your  discretion,  relieving  General  Harney  from  his 
command.  I  was  not  quite  satisfied  with  the  order  when 
it  was  made,  though  on  the  whole  I  thought  it  best  to 
make  it ;  but  since  then  I  have  become  more  doubtful  of 
its  propriety.  I  do  not  write  now  to  countermand  it, 
but  to  say  I  wish  you  would  withhold  it,  unless  in  your 
judgment  the  necessity  to  the  contrary  is  very  urgent. 
There  are  several  reasons  for  this.  We  better  nave  him 
a,  friend  than  an  enemy.  It  will  dissatisfy  a  good  many 
who  otherwise  would  be  quiet.  More  than  all,  we  first 
relieve  him,  then  restore  him ;  and  now  if  we  relieve  him 
again  the  public  will  ask,  "Why  all  this  vacillation?" 

Still,  if  in  your  judgment  it  is  indispensable^  let  it  be 
so.  Yours  very  truly, 

A.  LINCOLN. 

[Private.] 

Colonel  Blair  pocketed  the  letter  and  the  order.  He 
fully  entered  into  the  spirit  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  letter,  and 
talked  frankly  with  Lyon,  under  the  seal  of  confidence, 
regarding  it.  It  was  determined  the  order  should  not 
be  handed  to  Harney,  until  it  should  be  criminal  to 
longer  withhold  it.  On  the  next  day  appeared  the  ar 
rangement  between  Price  and  Harney,  and  under  the 
circumstances  Colonel  Blair  concluded  to  give  Harney  an 
opportunity  of  more  completely  testing  his  policy.  He 
was  not  disposed  to  part  with  Harney,  if  he  could  avoid 
it.  He  admired  the  man  in  his  military  capacity,  and 
thought,  if  he  could  once  divest  himself  of  the  influences 
surrounding  him,  he  would  do  well  enough.  But  day  by 
day  events  multiplied,  and  the  arsenal  was  thronged 


AND    MISSOURI    IX    1861.  211 

with  messengers  from  every  quarter  of  the  State,  com 
plaining  of  the  organization  of  the  "  Missouri  State 
Guard"  under  the  Military  bill,  and  the  depredations 
committed  by  the  secessionists.  Colonel  Blair  endeavored 
to  rouse  Harney  to  a  just  appreciation  of  the  demands 
of  the  occasion,  but  that  officer  could  not  agree  with  the 
policy  of  the  Colonel.  As  an  instance  of  the  manner  in 
which  General  Harney  would  manage  things  I  give  the 
following : 

The  letters  which  reached  Colonel  Blair  from  different 
parts  of  the  State  every  day  occupied  the  time  of  his 
secretary,  Major  Chauncey  P.  E.  Johnson,  from  morning 
until  night,  in  filing  and  replying  to  them.  Among 
other  letters  explaining  the  way  matters  were  going  on 
in  the  State,  Colonel  Blair  sent  the  following  to  General 
Harney : 

[TELEGRAM.] 

SPRINGFIELD,  May  24,  1861. 
I  sent  dispatch  on  yesterday,  as  follows : 
"  GENERAL  STERLING  PRICE — I  hope  you  will  forth 
with  order  General  Rains  to  cease  the  organization  of 
militia  under  the  military  law.     Answer. 

PHELPS." 

— and  another  to  Governor  Jackson,  and  another  to-day 
to  General  Price.  They  refuse  to  reply.  What  does  it 
mean  ? 

JOHN  S.  PHELPS. 
To  STEBBINS, 

President  Mo.  River  Telegraph  Co. 

SPRINGFIELD,  May  24,  1861. 

To  STEBBINS — Is  it  fully  understood  that  the  execution 
of  the  military  law  is  to  be  suspended  ?  If  no  invasion 
from  Arkansas  and  Indian  country,  there  will  be  no  diffi 
culty  in  Southwest.  It  is  reported  Governor  Reynolds 
passed,  on  his  way  to  Arkansas — why  ?  Colonel  Free 
man,  of  Polk,  has  also  gone  to  Arkansas.  Is  Reynolds 
in  St.  Louis  ?  He  said,  near  this  place :  "  The  military  law 


212  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

shall  be  enforced."  There  is  a  rumor  that  guns  and  men 
are  expected  from  Arkansas.  The  following  letter  was 
found  in  one  of  the  overland  stage-coaches  after  General 
Rains  passed : 

"SARCOXIE,  Mo.,  May  3,  1861. 

"  General  J.  S.  RAINS  :  DEAR  SIR — From  latest  advices 
we  learn  that  the  Cherokee  Indians  and  probably  other 
tribes  are  anxious  to  lend  their  aid  to  our  State.  Ross 
states  that  he  can  furnish  fifteen  thousand  men  well  armed. 
I  suggest  the  propriety  of  Governor  Jackson  appointing 
commissioners  to  visit  them  and  secure  their  services. 
Things  are  about  as  when  you  left.  The  Republicans 
are  all  leaving  for  Kansas.  We  fear  there  is  a  bad  motive 
in  view.  Arm  us  as  quick  as  possible. 

(Signed)  A.  M.  PATTERSON." 

On  the  back  of  the  letter  is  this  indorsement  to 
Governor  Jackson. 

"I  would  advise  your  opening  a  correspondence  at 
once  with  Ross. 

(Signed)  RAINS." 

The  document  is  here  in  hands  of  County  Clerk. 

Governor  Reynolds  was  in  the  stage  for  Fayetteville, 
and  Major  Russell,  formerly  of  Arkansas,  was  with  him, 
entered  on  way-bill  "  Major  Russell  and  friend" 
Governor  R.  pretends  to  be  frightened,  and  says  the 
people  of  St.  Louis  would  not  permit  him  to  go  home 
and  see  his  sick  wife,  <fcc  ,  but  that  he  intends  to  avenge 
himself  on  the  people  of  St.  Louis  and  the  submissionists 
of  Missouri.  A  reliable  gentleman  states,  from  expres 
sions  used  by  secessionists  he  is  convinced  a  movement 
on  us  from  the  South  is  expected ;  hence  stopped  the  tele 
graph  in  Arkansas.  I  have  appointments  till  Tuesday ; 
will  be  here  to-morrow  night,  and  will  leave  Sunday 
morning  for  Hickory  county. 

JOHN  S.  PIIELPS. 

General  Harney  telegraphed  General  Price  relating 
what  had  been  told  him,  and  intimating  the  probability 
of  his  sending  a  regiment  to  Springfield  to  protect 
peaceable  citizens.  In  reply  to  this,  Price  sent  the  fol 
lowing  : 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  213 

[BY    TELEGRAPH.] 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  May  24,  1861. 
General  W.  S.  HARNEY,  IT.  S,  Army: 

I  am  satisfied  your  information  is  incorrect.  It  cannot 
be  that  arms  or  men  are  crossing  into  Missouri  from  any 
quarter  without  the  knowledge  of  the  Governor  or  my 
self,  and  we  have  no  such  information.  I  advise  that  you 
do  not  send  a  regiment  into  the  Southwest — it  would 
exasperate  our  own  people. 

I  have  attended  to  dispatches  inclosed  me  by  you, 
from  Springfield  and  St.  Joseph.     I  am  dismissing  my 
troops,  and  I  will  carry  out  my  agreement  faithfully. 
(Signed)  STERLING  PRICE, 

Major-  General,  Commanding  Mo.  8.  Gr. 

[NOTE.] 
(General  Harney  to  Colonel  Blair. 

FRIDAY  MORNING,  May  24,  1861. 

DEAR  COLONEL — I  send  you  a  copy  of  a  telegraph  just 
received  from  General  Price. 

It  is  what  I  expected  and  hoped. 
I  consider  it  entirely  satisfactory.     Don't  you  ? 
Yours  truly, 

WM.  S.  HARNEY, 
Brigadier- General^  <&c.,  <&e. 
To  Colonel  F.  P.  BLAIR,  St.  Louis  Arsenal. 

NO  !  Blair  could  not  be  satisfied,  and  he  was  not 
satisfied. 

THE  EFFECTS  OF  THE  "  ARRANGEMENT." 

The  following  selections,  about  the  first  arrived  at,  will 
reveal  the  contents  of  almost  several  bushels  of  letters 
sent  to  Colonel  Blair  at  that  time.  I  am  under  obliga 
tions  to  Major  Chauncey  P.  E.  Johnson  for  the  use  of  the 
originals.  It  will  be  seen  how  much  confidence  was  to 
be  put  in  the  representations  of  General  Price. 
[By  telegraph  to  the  Missouri  Republican.] 

INDEPENDENCE,  Mo.,  June  1,  1861. 

General  Rains  was  here  to-day,  and  according  to  pre 
vious  notice  had  some  of  the  military  companies  asseni- 


214  GKN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

bled.  Sixty-one  of  Captain  Thurston's  cavalry  company 
was  sworn  in  under  the  recent  law,  besides  twenty-five 
more  of  another  company,  whose  members  were  not  all 
present.  H.  B.  Halloway  was  appointed  Inspector-Gen 
eral  of  this  Division,  and  K.  N.  Hill,  Adjutant.  The 
remaining  appointments  will  be  made  in  other  parts  of 
the  district. 

[Of  course  this  was  not  the  work  of  Price  ;  only  of 
Rains .] 

[EXTRACT.] 

ALEXANDRIA.  Mo.,  May  2G,  18G1. 
SAMUEL  T.  GLOVER: 

DEAR  SIR — I  heard  one  of  a  committee  appointed  by 
the  traitors  in  this  country  to  solicit  arms  from  the  Gov 
ernor,  state  that  Jackson  promised  to  ship  arms  to  this 
county  in  the  next  eight  or  ten  days  for  the  purpose  of 
arming  the  secessionists. 

Respectfully, 

WM.  BISHOP. 

[ABSTRACT.] 

(From  S.  M.  Wirt  to  Dr.  D.  B.  Hillis.) 

This  letter  is  dated  Edina,  Mo.,  and  sent  to  Keokuk, 
thence  forwarded  to  Colonel  Blair  at  St.  Louis.  It 
states  the  rebels  are  organizing  and  arming,  and  begs 
that  Government  may  be  induced  to  arm  the  Union  men, 
else  the  latter  will  be  crushed  or  driven  out.  Speaks  of 
activity  of  the  rebels  and  raising  of  secession  flags  in 
other  counties.  Mr.  Wirt  desires  all  correspondence 
shall  come  through  Dr.  Hillis,  as  the  Postmaster  at 
Edina,  Knox  county,  Mo.,  is  a  secessionist,  and  is  not  to 
be  trusted. 

[ABSTRACT.] 

C.  Glover,  Medora,  Osage  county,  Mo.,  in  a  letter 
dated  May  24,  writes  to  Colonel  Blair :  Desires  to  know 
if  Union  men  of  Osage  county  can  procure  powder, 
lead,  and  caps,  and  states  that  a  good  deal  of  excitement 
is  produced  by  "  Jackson's  ruffians,"  who  travel  through 
the  county  shouting  at  every  station  for  Jeff  Davis,  and 
threatening  to  tear  down  Union  flagstaff's;  reports  that 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  215 

he  has  good  reason  to  believe  that  Jackson  has  been  dis 
tributing  the  powder  formerly  taken  to  Jefferson  Qity 
to  secession  localities.  Six  kegs  were  left  at  Chamois 
(Osage  county),  where  they  have  organized  a  secession 
company  ;  a  number  of  kegs  were  sent  to  Castle  Rock, 
on  the  Osage  river,  and  it  has  been  seen  going  down  the 
railroad  in  small  lots.  "  All  this  means  something,  and 
Union  men  know  it  means  no  good  to  them.  Osage 
county  is  all  right  on  the  Union  question,"  but  Union 
men  want  ammunition. 

[COPY.] 

ST.  CHARLES,  June  1,  1861. 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR  : 

DEAR  FRIEND — From  various  indications  I  see  that 
they  are  seeking  to  enforce  the  Military  bill,  commencing 
with  the  secessionists  (who  are  in  fact  the  men  they 
design  to  enlist) .  While  I  do  not  think  they  will  attempt 
to  enforce  the  bill  among  the  Union  men  (for  they  do 
not  in  fact  want  them,)  yet  the  effect  will  be  that  dis 
union  ists  will  be  organized  and  armed,  while  the  Union 
clement  will  not  have  the  benefit  of  an  organization. 
We  proposed  drawing  together  on  the  Fourth  day  of  July 
our  whole  Union  Guard,  and  I  wish  you  to  write  fully  to 
me  as  to  your  views  and  wishes  in  the  premises. 
Yours,  etc., 

A.  KREKEL. 

[From  the  Memphis  Bulletin,  May  81,  18G1.] 

"-Lieutenant-Governor  Reynolds,  of  Missouri,  was  at 
Little  Rock  last  Monday.  He  made  a  speech  there 
which  was  strongly  in  the  interest  of  the  Southern 
cause." 

[ABSTRACT.] 

A.  Brunson  and  John  1ST.  Hummer,  refugees  from 
Macon  City,  in  a  joint  letter  to  Messrs.  Blair  and  Glover, 
dated  Keokuk,  Iowa,  May  25,  1861,  state  that  Mr.  E. 
Littrell,  recently  appointed  Postmaster  at  Macon  City, 
was  refused  possession  by  the  present  incumbent,  A.  Lar- 
rabee.  Speeches  were  made  by  leading  secessionists,  and 
a  mob  so  seriously  threatened  Mr.  Littrell  that  he  was 
forced  to  leave  Macon  City  in  haste,  and  at  a  sacrifice  of 


216  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

from  six  to  ten  thousand  dollars.  Letters  through  the 
Post  Office  at  Macon  City,  if  handed  at  all  to  Union  men, 
were  delivered  with  envelops  torn  open  in  most  every 
instance.  J.  M.  Smith,  D.  McCord,  D.  D.  Fowler,  R.  M. 
Holt,  and  others  are  referred  to  to  prove  truth  of  state 
ments. 

[COPY.] 

ST.  Louis,  May  2  t,  1861. 

General  L vox— The  Rev.  E.  S.  Schenck,  of  the  Boys' 
Military  School,  has  a  brass  cannon. 

Dr.  Ludwig  E.  Powell  has  a  brass  cannon. 
Dr.  McElhiney,  Dr.  Powell,  and  Judge  Yoste  have  each 
a  six-barrel  rifle. 

Walton  &  Evans  have  from  ten  to  fifteen  kegs  of 
powder. 

Search  MacBryde's  house  for  powder. 

SPY. 
[EXTRACT.] 

SPRINGFIELD,  Mo.,  May  30,  1861. 
O.  D.  FILLEY,  Esq. : 

DEAR  SIR — Everything  is  quiet  here,  but  both  parties 
appear  feverish  and  restless.  The  Union  men  hope  the 
Price  and  Harney  arrangement  may  be  carried  out,  but 
they  have  no  confidence  in  its  being  done.  Rains  has 
commenced  organizing  under  the  Military  bill,  and  if  he 
once  gets  his  secession  bands  armed  we  will,  no  doubt, 
have  war  in  our  midst.  Some  of  our  secessionists  from 
Missouri  are  in  Arkansas,  soliciting  aid,  but  to  what 
extent  I  am  unable  to  inform  you.  Arkansas  is  doing 
what  she  can  to  concentrate  troops  near  our  border. 
They  are  entrenching  themselves  at  Harmony  Springs, 
near  Maysville. 

Your  friend, 

JOHN  M.  RICHARDSON. 

[COPY.] 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  May  15,  1861. 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR  : 

DEAR  SIR — The  Jacksonites  are  expecting  fifteen  or 
twenty  cannon  to  reach  here  within  twenty  or  thirty 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  217 

days  at  furthest?  They  are  to  come  through  Arkansas. 
They  have  about  fifteen  hundred  men  here,  and  compa 
nies  and  squads  are  arriving  daily. 

A  FRIEND. 

Same  information  in  a  letter  from  A.  Fulkerson. 

[COPY.] 

SPRINGFIELD,  Mo.,  May  30,  1861. 
O.  D.   FILLET,  St.  Louis. 

MY  DEAR  SIR — Gentlemen  of  respectability  and  of 
unquestioned  veracity,  residents  of  our  place,  heard 
Reynolds  and  Russell  make  speeches  in  Arkansas, 
urging  Arkansans  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  Southern 
men  in  Missouri.  Five  thousand  of  them  are  assem 
bling  on  the  Missouri  line.  Reynolds  went  to  Little 
Rock  in  furtherance  of  these  damnable  purposes. 
There  now  rests  no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  the 
people  out  here  of  the  business  of  Reynolds,  Freeman, 
and  Russell,  into  Arkansas.  I  saw  a  young  man  on  my 
way  home,  near  Warsaw,  and  he  told  Kimbrough  and 
myself  that  three  or  four  wagons  had  started  for 
Arkansas  for  arms.  I  received  a  letter  from  Colonel 
Williamson,  of  Mellville,  Dade  co.,  Mo.,  yesterday,  and 
he  says  a  military  company  of  Cedar  county,  headed  by 
Captain  Walker  (under  the  late  military  law),  has 
ordered  his  (Williamson's)  Home  Guards  to  disband,  and 
on  refusal  to  do  so  they  will  march  upon  them.  Since 
my  return  home  I  have  messengers  and  letters  from  all 
parts  of  the  Southwest,  inquiring  of  me  what  the  Gov 
ernment  will  do  for  their  safety.  The  people  are  over 
whelmed  with  terror  and  fright.  Rains  is  still  enlisting 
men.  On  the  llth  of  June  a  general  mass  meeting  of 
secessionists  is  advertised  to  come  off  at  this  place. 
Deviltry  is  intended  by  it,  we  greatly  imagine.  The 
Monday  after  I  left  here  for  St.  Louis,  our  home  guard 
mustered  into  service  800  men,  300  of  whom  had  toler 
ably  effective  arms.  Yet  the  secesh  have  better  arms 
than  we.  They  are  ordering  good  citizens  throughout 
the  Southwest  to  leave.  Governor  Jackson  telegraphed 
to  Hancock  and  others  living  here,  inquiring  who  it  was 
informed  Harney  about  Reynolds,  Freeman,  and  Russell 
going  into  Arkansas.  They  told  him  in  answer  it  was 
JO 


218  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

all  a  lie.  I  have  since  then  taken  the  statements  of  four 
gentlemen,  over  each  of  their  signatures,  to  the  correct 
ness  of  the  statements  made.  Richardson  and  others 
are  writing  to  our  friends  in  St.  Louis  for  some  definite 
action  in  our  behalf.  We  feel  confident  of  the  treachery 
of  Price  and  Jackson. 

Yours,  &c., 

S.  II.  BO  YD. 

The  following  is  added  to  the  above  : 
Every  word  of  the  statement  sent  Harney  on  Monday 
is  fully  confirmed. 

OWEN. 

[EXTRACT.] 

KANSAS  CITY,  Mo.,  June  1,  1861. 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR  : 

DEAR  SIR— Indications  are  accumulating  that  we  are  yet 
to  have  trouble  in  this  quarter.  The  traitors,  as  some  of 
them  allege,  are  availing  themselves  of  the  contract 
between  Harney  and  Price  merely  for  security,  while 
secretly  and  energetically  preparing  to  set  it  at  defiance. 
I  am  just  informed  that  Shields  and  others  are  about 
establishing  a  manufactory  for  arms  in  Independence ;  the 
capital  for  the  enterprise  doubtless  comes  from  the  per 
verted  funds  of  the  State.  A  German  manufacturer  in 
this  city  has  been  engaged  for  that  service,  to  be  paid 
quarterly  in  advance. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

G.  C.  BINGHAM. 

[EXTRACT.] 

HERMANN,  GASCONADE  Co.,  May  28,  1861. 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIB: 

DEAR  SIR  — *  *  *  *  Teams  are  constantly  cross 
ing  the  river  here  on  their  way  to  the  North — Union 
people  driven  from  their  homes,  mostly  from  the  South 
west.  All  the  Union  men  here  have  fears  that  this  peace 
will  not  amount  to  anything,  only  allow  the  secession 
leaders  to  arm  and  organize  the  State.  * 
Your  obedient  servant, 

C.  CAMPBELL  MANWARING 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  219 

[EXTRACT.] 

HARRISONVILLE,  CASS  Co.,  June  8,  1861. 
Colonel  F.  P.  BLAIR  : 

DEAR  SIR—*       ******* 

There  is  much  uneasiness  amongst  the  Union 
men  in  this  neighborhood,  on  account  of  the  enrollment 
of  Jackson's  "  State  Guard,"  and  the  oath,  and  most  of 
its  members  being  secessionists;  and  some  of  them  being 
armed.  About  four  weeks  ago  there  were  two  wagons 
loaded  with  ammunition  came  to  this  place  on  a  Sunday 
morning.  Since  then  I  learn  that  it  has  been  distributed 
or  moved  away,  as  it  was  only  guarded  for  three  or  four 
nights.  I  have  been  told  by  several  that  Senator  Pey 
ton,  in  one  of  his  speeches  at  Austin  or  Dayton,  said 
that  what  they  could  not  get  at  the  ballot-box,  they 
would  take  with  the  bayonet  and  bullet. 

On  last  Monday,  the  would-be  General,  Rains,  was  in 
this  office,  and  at  the  same  time  Representative  W.  M. 
Briscoe  came  in.  Amongst  the  first  remarks  after  the 
ordinary  salutation  was  congratulating  him  (Rains)  on 
his  success  in  obtaining  the  aid  of  the  Cherokees ;  to 
which  he  (Rains)  replied  they  were  all  right,  and  that 
the  Democrat  was  out  on  him  for  it ;  at  the  same  time 
remarking  that  they  were  very  near  as  white  as  us,  and 
equally  as  intelligent.  *  * 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  CHRISTIAN,  P.  M. 

The  following  was  captured : 

WARRENSBURG,  June  1,  1861. 
General  STERLING  PRICE  : 

SIR — We  have  here  a  company  of  about  fifty  mounted 
men.  We  wish  to  know  whether  the  State  can  arm  us 
or  not.  If  it  cannot,  are  our  services  wanted  or  not  ? 

EMORY  S.  FOSTER, 

Clerls  Jolmson  County. 

So  strong  was  the  testimony  of  the  evil  effects  of  this 
treaty,  continually  received  at  Washington,  that  the 
President  directed  the  following  to  be  sent  to  General 
Harney  : 


220  GEN.  NATHANIEL  LYON. 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S  OFFICE,          ) 
WASHINGTON,  May  27,  1861.  j 

Brig. -General   TV.  S.  HARNEY,    Commandiny    Depart 
ment  of  the  West : 

SIR — The  President  observes  with  concern  that,  not 
withstanding  the  pledge  of  the  State  authorities  to 
co-operate  in  preserving  peace  in  Missouri,  that  loyal 
citizens,  in  great  numbers,  continue  to  be  driven  from 
their  homes. 

It  is  immaterial  whether  these  outrages  continue 
through  inability  or  indisposition  on  the  part  of  the 
State  authorities  to  prevent  them.  It  is  enough  that 
they  continue,  to  devolve  on  you  the  duty  of  putting  a 
stop  to  them  summarily  by  the  force  under  your  com 
mand,  to  be  aided  by  such  troops  as  you  may  require 
from  Kansas,  Iowa,  and  Illinois.  The  professions  of 
loyalty  to  the  Union  by  the  State  authorities  of  Missouri 
are  not  to  be  relied  upon.  They  have  already  falsified 
their  professions  too  often,  and  are  too  far  committed  to 
secession  to  be  entitled  to  your  confidence ;  and  you  can 
only  be  sure  of  their  desisting  from  their  wicked  pur 
poses  when  it  is  out  of  their  power  to  prosecute  them. 
You  will,  therefore,  be  unceasingly  watchful  of  their 
movements,  and  not  permit  the  clamor  of  their  partisans 
(and  opponents  of  the  wise  measures  already  taken)  to 
prevent  you  from  checking  every  movement  against  the 
Government,  however  disguised  under  the  pretended 
State  authority.  The  authority  of  the  United  States  is 
paramount ;  and  whenever  it  is  apparent  that  a  move 
ment,  whether  by  color  of  State  authority  or  not,  is  hos 
tile,  you  will  not  hesitate  to  put  it  down. 

L.  THOMAS, 

Adjutant-  General. 

HARNEY   HAS    NO    NECESSITY   FOR   TROOPS. 

About  the  26th  of  May  a  delegation  of  officers,  then 
engaged  in  organizing  the  "  American  Zouaves,"  a  regi 
ment  intended  for  the  war  (afterward  renowned  as  the 
Eicjliih  Regiment  Infantry  Missouri  Volunteer*),  called 
upon  General  Harney  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  au- 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  221 

thority  to  be  mustered  into  the  service,  or  at  least  some 
encouragement  in  their  patriotic  designs.  The  General 
received  them  peevishly,  told  them  they  had  better  go 
home  and  attend  to  their  regular  avocations  ;  that  there 
was  too  much  of  the  spirit  of  fight  abroad,  and  that  the 
Government  had  too  many  troops  already.  The  inter 
view  lasted  but  a  few  moments,  and  when  the  officers 
withdrew  they  proceeded  to  the  arsenal.  Colonel  Blair 
introduced  them  to  General  Lyon.  They  told  the  General 
their  story  and  asked  for  advice,  stating  their  ability,  if 
they  could  be  mustered  in  immediately,  to  present  very 
nearly  a  maximum  regiment.  In  reply,  General  Lyon 
said :  "  You  are  a  fine-looking  body  of  men,  and  no  doubt 
ought  to  be  accepted.  But  General  Harney  has  the 
power;  I  have  not.  Had  I  the  authority,  I  would  take 
you,  and  all  others  presenting  themselves.  I'd  finish 
this  business  up  at  once,  by  putting  the  traitors  in  such 
a  position  they  could  not  organize.  You  had  better 
keep  up  your  spirits  and  organization.  The  present 
state  of  affairs  cannot  last  long." 

There  were  deputations  from  the  country  present,  and 
General  Lyon  remarked  they  were  in  the  same  position, 
and  that  the  secesh  were  having  it  all  their  own  way. 
He,  however,  advised  those  officers  to  send  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  for  authority,  and,  to  assist  in  the  matter, 
himself  and  Colonel  Blair  wrote  special  requests  to  the 
Secretary  that  the  American  Zouaves  be  accepted. 

REMOVAL  OF  GENERAL  HARNEY. 

Colonel  Blair,  finding  General  Harney  persistent  in  his 
course  of  faithful  neutrality,  and  being  daily,  aye,  hourly 
in  receipt  of  letters  like  the  foregoing  from  every  section 
of  Missouri,  and  convinced  that  the  Union  cause  was 
sinking  under  the  Price-Harney  arrangement,  and  that, 
in  the  language  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  it  was  "indispensable" 


222  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

to  the  safety  of  the  cause  to  get  rid  of  Harney,  deter 
mined  to  act.  Consequently,  on  the  30th  of  May,  he 
gave  to  General  Harney,  by  the  hands  of  Benjamin 
Farrar,  Esq.,  the  order  of  the  War  Department  (No.  135), 
dated  May  16,  and  at  once  dispatched  to  the  President 
the  following  letter,  in  explanation  of  his  conduct : 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  May  30,  1861. 

To  THE  PRESIDENT — On  the  16th  of  May,  an  order  was 
issued  by  the  War  Department,  relieving  General  Harney 
from  the  ccmmand  of  the  Department  of  the  West,  grant 
ing  him  leave  of  absence. 

By  order  of  the  President,  this  order  was  sent  to  me, 
to  be  delivered  to  General  Harney  when  in  case  the 
public  interest  required  it.  During  the  time  that  Brig 
adier-General  Lyon,  acting  under  special  orders  of  the 
President,  was  in  command  of  United  States  troops  at 
this  post,  in  view  of  the  hostile  attitude  assumed  by  the 
Governor  and  authorities  of  this  State  toward  the  United 
States  Government,  General  (then  Captain)  Lyon,  seeing 
the  formidable  preparations  which  were  being  made  by 
the  authorities  to  commence  war  upon  the  United  States, 
and  knowing  that  these  preparations  had  long  been  on 
foot,  and  extended  to  all  parts  of  the  State,  felt  it  to  be 
his  duty  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  at  the  enemy,  at  a 
time  when  his  forces  were  relatively  so  much  the  larger  ; 
so  that  such  a  course  of  action,  accompanied  with  the 
power  to  successfully  keep  it  up,  would  intimidate  and 
subdue  the  rebels  before  they  had  gained  strength 
or  confidence.  The  capture  of  Camp  Jackson,  while  it 
furnished  conclusive  evidence  of  the  treasonable  purpose 
of  those  who  controlled  it,  served  greatly  to  intimidate 
the  leaders  of  the  rebellion.  Had  it  been  followed  up 
by  blows  struck  at  the  enemy  in  other  parts  of  the 
State,  the  rebellion  would  speedily  and  effectually,  and 
at  small  cost  of  life  or  treasure,  have  been  suppressed 
in  this  State;  and  it  was  the  policy  and  intention  of 
General  Lyon  to  pursue  such  a  course.  In  this  policy  I 
sustained  General  Lyon. 

Just  at  this  point  General  Harney  assumed  the  com 
mand,  and  before  the  order  relieving  him  reached  me  he 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  223 

had  made  an  arrangement  with  General  Price,  command 
ing  State  forces,  the  purport  of  which  I  presume  is  known 
to  the  President.  Satisfied  that  evil  results  would  follow 
from  that  arrangement,  I  should  at  the  time  have  deliv 
ered  the  order  to  General  Harney:  but  felt,  under  the 
responsibility  placed  upon  me,  that  it  was  proper  for  me 
to  wait  and  see  if  any  good  might  come  under  the  ad 
ministration  of  General  Harney.  From  that  day  to  this 
it  has  been  perfectly  apparent  to  me  that  matters  were 
growing  worse,  and  that  said  arrangement  served  only 
as  a  cover  and  a  protection  to  rebels  throughout  the 
State.  I  have  to-day  delivered  to  General  Harney  the 
order  of  the  16th  of  May,  above  mentioned,  relieving  him, 
feeling  that  the  progress  of  events,  and  condition  of 
affairs  in  this  State,  makes  it  incumbent  upon  me  to 
assume  the  grave  responsibility  of  this  act,  the  discre 
tionary  power  in  the  premises  having  been  given  me  by 
the  President,  and  I  make  a  brief  statement  of  the  rea 
sons  therefor. 

We  have  conclusive  evidence  that  extensive  prepara 
tions  within  this  State  are  on  foot  to  raise  and  arm  large 
forces  to  make  war  upon  the  United  States  Government. 
From  every  neighborhood  in  the  central  and  southwest 
portion  of  the  State  men  are  drilling  and  arming,  and 
both  arms  and  men  will  speedily  be  brought  to  the  State 
from  Arkansas.  A  large  number  of  wagons  have  been 
sent  from  Jefferson  City  to  the  southern  part  of  the 
State  to  transport  arms  and  other  munitions  of  war.  For 
the  last  ten  days  I  have  had  most  of  my  time  occupied 
by  persons  from  all  parts  of  the  State,  who  have  come 
here  expressly  to  give  information  of  this  state  of  facts, 
and  ask  the  aid  of  the  Government  to  protect  Union 
men. 

Should  these  things  be  permitted  longer  to  go  on,  the 
Union  men  would  be  crushed  or  driven  out  from  all 
parts  of  the  State,  and  the  State  be  completely  given 
over  to  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  Day  after  day  I  have 
made  known  to  General  Harney  what  was  occurring  in 
the  interior,  and  I  have  urged  upon  him  the  necessity  of 
taking  measures  to  protect  the  peaceful  part  of  the 
people.  His  answer  has  been — "  I  will  tell  Price  about 
it ;  I  will  get  Price  to  correct  it ; "  and  he  has  treated  the 


224  GEX. 

statements  of  these  men  from  the  interior  as  untrue,  or 
too  insignificant  to  deserve  attention.  At  times  he  has 
promised  me  that  he  would  interpose,  but  afterward 
would  say  that  there  was  no  occasion  for  doing  anything. 
I  ascribe  the  conduct  of  General  Harney  to  the  influences 
by  which  he  is  constantly  surrounded.  His  friends  and 
advisers  are  bitter  enemies  of  the  Government,  some  of 
them  pretended  Union  men,  others  undisguised  seces 
sionists.  Constantly  surrounded  by  these  enemies  of  the 
administration,  and  yielding  to  the  advice  and  requests 
of  such  men,  his  conduct  is  such  that  under  him  the 
cause  of  the  Union  is  rapidly  sinking,  and  that  of  its 
enemies  rapidly  attaining  power  ;  and  I  feel,  and  know, 
that  his  removal  has  become  absolutely  necessary.  The 
preparations  of  the  enemy  are  now  so  active  and  formi 
dable,  that  I  am  satisfied  the  President  should  order  a 
large  increase  of  United  States  forces  in  this  State,  so 
that  troops  may  be  enlisted  and  stationed  at  Jefferson 
City,  Lexington,  St.  Joseph,  Hannibal,  Macon  City, 
Springfield,  and  other  points. 

In  other  States,  where  there  are  no  domestic  enemies, 
much  larger  forces  have  been  authorized,while  in  Missouri, 
where  the  enemy  is  large  and  powerful,  and  is  being  re- 
enforced  from  the  South,  the  number  authorized  is  inade 
quate.  I  therefore  urge  upon  the  President  that  he  issue 
such  orders  for  the  increase  of  the  forces  in  this  State  as 
will  enable  the  loval  citizens  to  protect  their  homes  and 
the  Government  from  the  rebels.  Forces  raised  in  Mis 
souri  will  be  better  able  to  accomplish  this  purpose  than 
those  from  other  States.  I  have  reliable  information  of 
the  disloyalty  of  many  of  the  United  States  officers  who 
have  been  stationed  in  New  Mexico  and  Utah,  and  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  they,  with  such  parts  of  their 
commands  as  they  may  be  able  to  draw  after  them,  act 
ing  in  conjunction  with  the  Indians  to  the  southwest  of 
this  State,  who  by  emissaries  from  Missouri  and  Arkan 
sas  have  been  incited  to  hostility,  and  with  forces  from 
the  Southwest,  will  combine  in  supporting  the  secession 
ists  within  this  State.  From  abundant  information  I 
regard  this  to  be  an  impending  danger,  and  in  view  of  it 
I  ask,  that  in  addition  to  authority  to  increase  our  force 
in  Missouri,  that  orders  be  issued  for  the  co-operation  of 


AND   MISSOUEI   IN    1861.  225 

the  United  States  regulars  and  State  forces  in  Kansas 
to  be  employed  in  the  southwest  part  of  this  State  and 
Arkansas,  and  the  Indian  territory.  We  are  well  able 
to  take  care  of  this  State  without  assistance  from  else 
where,  if  authorized  to  raise  a  sufficient  force  within  the 
State ;  and  after  that  work  is  done  we  can  take  care  of 
the  secessionists  from  the  Arkansas  line  to  the  Gulf, 
along  the  west  shore  of  the  Mississippi. 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

FRANK  P.  BLAIR,  JR. 

The  following  is  the  letter  referred  to  in  the  letter  of 
Mr.  Dick,  as  accompanying  the  order  to  General  Harney  : 

WASHINGTON,  May  17,  1861. 

GENERAL — I  did  not  intend  that  you  should  be  re 
stored  to  the  command  at  St.  Louis  till  I  heard  the  wishes 
of  the  Union  men  at  St.  Louis  on  that  subject,  and  was 
waiting  for  the  effect  of  your  letter  to  Colonel  O'Fallon 
when  you  went  oif,  without  my  having  decided  the  ques 
tions,  by  an  order  from  the  W  ar  Department .  I  have 
stated  this  to  General  Cameron,  and  have  had  to  say, 
also,  that  I  find  that  our  people  at  St.  Louis  are  not  satis 
fied  that  you  should  command  them  at  this  juncture. 
This  arises  chiefly  from  the  positions  taken  in  the  present 
contest  by  your  relations  at  St.  Louis.  It  is  impossible 
for  men  whose  lives  are  at  stake,  they  say,  to  be  satisfied 
with  the  command  of  one  whose  intimates  are  openly 
against  them.  Upon  this  ground  I  have  urged  that  you 
should  be  relieved  of  the  command  at  St.  Louis,  and  the 
administration  could  not  take  the  responsibility  of  refus 
ing  to  grant  this  request ;  and  the  order  should  not, 
therefore,  be  deemed  by  you  or  by  others  to  reflect  upon 
your  loyalty,  but  as  simply  a  decision  upon  the  safe  side 
under  embarrassing  circumstances. 

Respectfully  yours, 

M.  BLAIR. 
Brigadier-General  W.  S.  HARNEY,  St.  Louis. 

WASHINGTON,  June  4,  1861. 

DEAR  FRANK — Yours  to  the  President  came  to  hand 
and  has  been  read  by  him.     He  is  persuaded  that  you 
were  right,  and  Cameron  sustains  you.     I  learned  from 
10* 


226  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

Henry  Turner,  who  came  on  to  sustain  Harney,  that 
Hitchcock  was  his  guide.  I  showed  Cameron,  also,  let 
ters  from  Gantt,  Glover,  Dr.  Silas  Reed,  and  Dick  How 
ard  the  letters  well  written,  and  saying  that  nothing 
but  the  supposition  that  you  consented  to  the  bargain 
between  Harney  and  Price  satisfied  anybody  with  it. 
Bates  was  satisfied  to  let  things  remain  as  they  are,  but 
wishes  McClellan's  authority  extended  over  Missouri 
To  this  there  can  be  no  objection.  I  hope,  indeed,  that 
McClellan  may  be  induced  to  visit  St.  Louis,  and  order 
some  of  the  Illinois  troops  to  be  quartered  in  Missouri  at 
once,  so  that  there  may  be  a  suppression  of  the  rebellion 
there.  I  have  no  doubt  of  your  information  being  cor 
rect,  and  that  there  will  be  an  invasion  from  Arkansas. 

McClellan,  from  what  I  can  hear  from  him,  will  sympa 
thize  strongly  with  your  people  ;  and  from  his  position 
and  high  character  in  the  West,  it  would  remove  all  idea 
from  the  minds  of  the  Union  men  of  Missouri,  who  do  not 
like  you,  that  the  movements  of  troops  there  were 
dictated  by  mere  partisanship. 

This  is  a  feeling  that  I  see  colors  the  course  of  things 
in  Missouri.  It  is  not  so  much  disunion  as  hostility  to 
the  Republicans  which  gives  Jackson's  clique  power. 
Now,  whilst  I  am  anxious  that  the  Union  feeling  in  the 
State  should  come  to  the  Republicans,  and  it  will  eventu 
ally  do  so,  you  must  be  careful  at  present,  as  far  as 
possible,  not  to  arrest  the  Union  feeling  by  making  it 
too  visibly  your  property.  I  see  that  you  have  acted 
with  this  before  you  in  giving  Lyon  the  position  of 
General,  and  not  taking  it  yourself.  * 

It  is  a  full  justification  and  vindication  of  you,  that 
Harney,  after  denouncing  the  Military  bill  as  unconstitu 
tional,*  proceeded  to  treat  with  Price,  acting  under  its 


*  The  following  extract  is  from  the  first  proclamation  of  General  Harney: 
"  It  is' with  regret  that  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  call  your  attention  to  the  recent 
act  of  the  General  Assembly  of  Missouri,  known  as  the  Military  bill,  which  ia 
the  result,  no  doubt,  of  the  temporary  excitement  that  now  pervades  the  gen 
eral  mind.  This  bill  cannot  be  regarded  in  any  other  light  than  an  indirec 
secession  ordinance,  ignoring  even  the  forms  resorted  to  by  other  States. 
Manifestly  its  most  material  provisions  are  in  conflict  with  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  the  United  States.  To  this  extent  it  is  a  nullity,  and  cannot  and 
ought  not  to  be  upheld  or  regarded  by  the  good  citizens  of  Missouri." 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  227 

authority,  who  did  not,  of  course,  keep  faith,  but  pro 
ceeded  at  once  to  play  out  the  game  intended  by  the  bill 
itself.  ********* 

M.  BLAIR. 
To  Colonel  F.  P.  BLAIR. 

HARNEY  AND  LYON  COMPARED. 

No  man  ought  to  say  that  General  Harney  was  dis 
loyal,  yet  I  heard  many  in  those  days  say  that  he  was 
disloyal.  They  were  not,  however,  among  those  who 
were  the  most  intelligent  and  best  informed.  But  his 
surroundings  were  of  men  hostile  to  the  administration, 
if  not  to  the  Government.  I  believe  he  had  very  little 
sympathy  with  tho  Union  men  of  Missouri.  I  believe 
he  had  the  strongest  kind  of  sympathy  with  the  class  of 
men  then  refusing  to  co-operate  with  the  Government ; 
not  to  say  in  actual  arms  against  the  Government.  It 
always  appeared  to  me  he  would  like  to  have  had  the 
Confederacy  recognized,  yet  he  would  not  himself  fight 
against  the  Union.  It  is  to  me  incomprehensible  how  a 
sound  Union  man,  with  the  splendid  military  ability  of 
William  S.  Harney,  should,  in  that  four  years'  struggle, 
have  raised  his  arm,  in  no  one  instance,  in  behalf  of  the 
Republic.  Save  in  his  agreement  with  Price,  the  fault  I 
find  with  Harney  is  not  in  acts  of  commission,  but  of  omis 
sion.  To  me  the  difference  between  him  and  Lyon  was 
this:  Harney  looked  upon  a  traitor  as  an  "erring 
brother; "  Lyon  as  just  exactly  what  he  was,  a  TRAITOR. 
Harney  deprecated  the  quarr  ,  and  sought  to  avoid  the 
spilling  of  blood  by  acquiescence  in  the  plans  of  the  con 
spirators  ;  Lyon,  while  deprecating  the  quarrel,  thought 
it  the  best  plan  to  visit  upon  the  refractory  prompt  and 
severe  punishment,  and  force  them  back  to  proper  sub 
jection.  Harney  regarded  a  man  according  to  his  condi 
tions  ;  Lyon  disregarded  conditions,  and  looked  upon  each 
man  as  a  priceless  unit  among  the  spiritual  creations  of 


228  GEX.    NATHANIEL    LYON. 

the  Almighty.  Harney  adhered  to  arrangements ;  Lyon 
to  principle.  "Army  Regulations"  might  have  made 
Harney  indirectly  aid  and  abet  the  conspirators ;  Lyon 
said  to  Cavender  and  Broadhead,  "  If  necessary,  you 
shall  have  the  guns  ;  "  no  army  regulations  should  stand 
in  the  way  in  such  a  crisis.  Harney  would  not  have 
molested  Camp  Jackson;  Lyon  captured  it  Harney 
placed  confidence  in  Sterling  Price  and  Claiborne  F. 
Jackson ,  Lyon  did  not.  Secessionists  sought  Harney ; 
they  shunned  Lyon.  Harney  would  not  aid  the  rebel 
lion  ;  on  the  other  hand,  did  he  aid  the  Union  ? 

It  was  not  fully  known  until  the  31st  that  Harney 
had  been  removed.  In  obeying  a  writ  issued  by  Judge 
Treat,  of  the  United  States  District  Court,  in  the  habeas 
corpus  case  of  Captain*  McDonald,  he  replied  by  stating 
that  he  had  been  relieved  from  command,  and  was  no 
longer  in  possesssion  of  authority.  When  the  loyal 
men ;  the  real  and  true  loyal  men  ;  the  loyalists  without 
any  "  ifs  "  and"  buts ;"  the  loyalists  who  were  not  afraid 
of  hurting  rebels — when  that  kind  of  loyal  men,  aye,  and 
loyal  women  also,  heard  that  Harney  was  removed,  and 
Lyon  restored  to  full  command,  there  was  such  an  ex 
pression  of  thankfulness  and  joy  as  had  never  been 
heard  in  Missouri,  since  she  fell  prostrate  under  the  iron 
heel  of  the  slaveocracy. 


GEN.  NATHANIEL  LYON, 

AND 

MISSOURI      I  1ST      1861. 


BOOK    IV. 

WILSON'S    CREEK. 

CONTENTS— LYON  IN  COMMAND— LYON  NO  HALF-WAY  MAN— THE  EAST 
POUKS  IN  ITS  OFFERINGS— LYON  AND  THE  CLERGY— UNION  STATE  ORGAN 
IZATIONS — HOME  GUARDS  AUTHORIZED  BY  LYON — ORGANIZATION  OF  THE 
UNION  PARTY— LYON'S  FIRST  REPORT— INTERVIEW  BETWEEN  GENERAL 
LYON  AND  GOVERNOR  JACKSON— FLIGHT  OF  THE  TRAITOR  GOVERNOR- 
GOVERNOR'S  PROCLAMATION  OF  WAR — MOVEMENTS  OF  UNION  TROOPS — LYON 

MOVES  IN  PERSON  UP  THE  MISSOURI— PROGRESS  OF  LYON's  EXPEDITION— 
ACCOUNT  OF  JACKSON'S  RETURN  TO  JEFFERSON— LYON  MADE  SUBORDINATE 
— MR.  BATES  URGED  TO  WITHDRAW  HIS  OPPOSITION  TO  LYON — CAPTURE  OF 
BOONVILLE— PROCLAMATION  BY  LYON— LYON  AT  BOONVILLE— COLONEL 
HAKDING'S  STATEMENT  OF  THE  OPENING  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  BY  LYON— 
SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  STATE  JOURNAL — CALL  FOR  EXTRA  SESSION  OF  THE 
STATE  CONVENTION— BULL  RUN  AND  MEASURES  TO  PREVENT  OUTBREAK- 
MEETING  OF  THE  STATE  CONVENTION— FREMONT  ASSUMES  COMMAND— THE 
ADVANCE  ON  SPRINGFIELD — BATTLE  OF  CARTHAGE — SWEENEY  RE-ENFORCES 
SIGEL — GENERAL  LYON  AT  SPRINGFIELD — EFFORTS  TO  PROCURE  RE-EN 
FORCEMENTS— GENERAL  LYON  TO  THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT— CORRESPOND 
ENCE — FREMONT  BESIEGED  FOR  HELP — FORSYTH  AND  DUG  SPRINGS — 
FREMONT  IN  ST.  Louis — LYON'S  LAST  DAYS  AT  SPRINGFIELD — ROSTER  OF 
LYON'S  ARMY— THE  NIGHT  BEFORE  THE  BATTLE— BATTLE  OF  WILSON'S 
CREEK— DEATH  OF  LYON— WILSON'S  CREEK  A  VICTORY— FREMONT'S  AC 
TIVITY—IN  MEMORIAM. 

LYON    IN   COMMAND. 

BRIGADIER-GENERAL  NATHANIEL  LYON  is  now  in  com 
mand  of  the  Department  of  the  West.  Delegations  visit 
ing  him  from  the  interior  no  longer  retire  with  mere  words 


232  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

of  encouragement  only,  but  take  with  them  authority  to 
organize  and  weapons  and  ammunition  for  defense. 
Union  men  are  assured  of  protection,  and  loyalty  meets 
with  reward.  Expeditions  are  forwarded  along  the  prin 
cipal  lines  of  railroad  where  rebels  threaten  to  destroy, 
and  secesh  companies  are  ordered  to  disband.  Unionists 
move  about  with  spirit  and  confidence,  for  the  Govern 
ment  begins  to  show  signs  of  life. 

But  in  his  new  rank  Lyon  is  the  same  to  his  associates 
as  before  ;  he  does  not  hasten  to  put  on  his  new  insignia ; 
in  fact  he  never  did  wear  it,  for  when  he  fell  at  Wilson 
Creek  he  had  on  the  blouse  of  a  private  and  an  old  felt 
hat.  He  does  not  make  any  parade  of  staff  assignments  ; 
every  officer  selected  is  absolutely  required  for  the  duties 
he  has  to  perform,  be  his  rank  what  it  may.  Affairs  in 
the  arsenal  begin  to  move  like  clock-work.  Camp  Jack 
son  is  no  longer  cause  for  troubled  rest  at  night ;  and  he 
loves  to  meet  a  chosen  few  after  tattoo,  and  talk  over  old 
times,  and  of  historic  deeds ;  or  recurring  to  the  present, 
his  light  blue  eyes  kindle  with  a  lofty  enthusiasm  as  he 
thanks  God  he  is  an  actor  on  the  great  stage  in  these 
troublous  times — a  leading  character  in  the  dramatis 
personce  of  the  play. 

LYON   NO    HALF-WAY    MAN. 

But  of  all  things  Lyon  loved  decision.  He  wanted  a 
positive  man.  He  had  not  the  least  sympathy  for  that 
class  of  men  who  can  be  better  understood  by  an  exhi 
bition  of  their  own  productions.  I  find  among  the  let 
ters  placed  at  my  disposal  quite  a  number,  of  which  the 
two  following  are  samples.  They  explain  themselves. 
Lyon  had  no  confidence  in,  and  no  respect  for,  such 
Unionism  as  stands  displayed  in  these  two  epistles.  He 
felt  that  every  man  owed  it  to  his  country  to  stand  by 
it  with  his  strong  right  arm  in  time  of  trouble,  and  he 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  233 

regarded  with  very  little  affection  that  cowardly  spirit 
which  would  shrink  from  a  duty  at  any  time.  I  give 
these  letters,  the  first  at  hand,  to  show  the  spirit  of  that 
opposing  influence  to  the  prompt,  vigorous  policy  of 
Lyon.  One  is  dated  in  September,  during  the  adminis 
tration  of  General  Fremont,  but  it  goes  to  show  that 
there  are  people  who  require  much  information  before 
they  can  learn  anything. 

FARMINGTON,  Mo.,  May  17,  1861. 
Hon.  F.  P.  BLAIR,  Jr.  : 

DEAR  SIR — I  need  not  tell  you  there  is  a  great  excite 
ment  all  over  the  country,  which  you  and  a  few  here 
can  measurably  allay.  At  least  we  can  prevent  the 
shedding  of  blood. 

We  are,  as  you  know,  Southern  men,  but  we  never 
have  been  secessionists — that  is,  but  few.  We  had 
commenced,  under  the  late  law,  to  organize  military  com 
panies,  since  which  time  General  Harney  has  issued  his 
proclamation  forbidding  it,  which  changes  the  thing 
very  much.  I  will  say  more :  that  I  am  as  much  opposed 
to  Lincoln's  policy  as  any  man  ought  to  be,  but  I  am  for 
obeying  the  powers  that  be.  And  now  my  proposition  is 
this :  I  will  exert  my  influence  to  prevent  the  raising 
of  any  secession,  or  organizing,  or  drilling,  any  military 
companies,  or  doing  anything  contrary  to  said  proclama 
tion  ;  and  I  ask  you  to  do  as  much  on  the  other  hand ; 
that  is,  to  stop,  if  you  can,  sending  troops  to  this  vicinity. 

All  this  I  undertake   to 

do  individually,  for  I  have  no  authority,  civil  or  military. 
I  hope  to  hear  from  you  at  your  earliest  convenience. 
Respectfully  yours, 

JOHNSON  B.  CLARDY. 

ST.  JOSEPH,  Mo.,  Sept.  6,  1861. 

We,  the  undersigned,  of  different  political  v:ews  upon 
many  of  the  engrossing  questions  of  the  day,  desire  to 
say,  that  at  this  time  and  for  several  days  past  there 
have  been  no  Home  Guards  or  Federal  troops  in  St. 
Joseph,  and  law  and  order  have  been  maintained  as  here 
tofore.  And  it  is  said  by  men  who  claim  to  know  the 


234  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

intentions  of  the  Federal  Government,  that  no  more 
Federal  troops  will  be  stationed  at  St.  Joseph.  And  we 
believe  that  the  peace  and  good  order  of  the  community 
will  be  best  preserved  by  relying  upon  the  prudence  of 
our  own  citizens  and  the  civil  authority  of  our  State, 
pledging  ourselves  to  use  our  utmost  exertions  to  main 
tain  law  and  order  in  our  community,  and  to  protect  the 
persons  and  property  of  all  law-abiding  citizens  without 
reference  to  political  opinions.  And  we  would  respect 
fully  ask  all  our  fellow-citizens  to  co-operate  with  us  in 
this  matter.  It  is  our  earnest  hope  that  the  property 
of  all  corporations,  be  they  railroad  or  others,  will  be 
respected.  By  pursuing  this  course  it  is  obvious  that 
there  can  be  no  necessity  for  stationing  troops  at  this 
point  for  any  purpose.  Whatever  the  result  may  be,  we 
have  but  one  object  in  view,  and  that  is  the  preservation 
of  law  and  order  in  our  midst,  and  that,  in  the  absence 
of  troops,  we  have  no  doubt  but  that  peace  and  quiet 
will  continue  to  prevail. 

(Signed)         BEN.  F.  LOAN,  and  thirty  others. 

THE    EAST   POURS    IN   ITS    OFFERINGS. 

And  now  began  to  pour  into  the  arsenal,  from  the 
loyal  North  and  further  East,  contributions  in  aid  of  the 
noble  spirits  convened  in  the  arsenal,  under  the  command 
of  the  heroic  Lyon.  So  pressing  were  the  wants  of  the 
original  four  regiments,  and  so  slender  the  means  of  the 
people  of  St.  Louis  to  supply  them,  that  stern  necessity 
dictated  an  appeal  to  older  and  wealthier  communities. 
This  appeal  went  forth  in  a  circular,  which  was  directed 
to  prominent  citizens  elsewhere,  known  for  their  gener 
osity  of  nature  and  unswerving  loyalty  to  freedom.  The 
following  is  a  copy  of  the  circular  • 

[APPEAL,  IN  BEHALF  OF  THE  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS.] 

Fellow- Citizens  in  the  Free  States — Placed  on  an 
advanced  post  of  liberty  in  the  present  struggle  for  the 
maintenance  of  our  Government,  we  have,  in  obedience 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  235 

to  the  call  of  our  President,  organized  the  four  regiments 
of  volunteers  from  Missouri.  As  citizens  of  a  State 
whose  first  Executive  ?'s,  as  you  well  Jcnow,  opposed  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  we,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  cannot  expect  support  from  him,  or  the  State 
government,  for  furthering  the  purposes  of  our  Federal 
Government,  We  are,  therefore,  compelled  to  appeal  to 
the  sympathies  of  our  fellow-citizens  in  the  free  States, 
who  have,  with  unprecedented  unanimity,  come  to  the 
support  of  our  Government,  for  the  necessary  means  of 
providing  our  first  equipment.  Many  of  our  men  are 
destitute  of  the  means  to  purchase  the  necessary  uniform, 
blankets,  &c.  Having  no  claim  on  our  General  Govern 
ment  until  after  three  months'  service,  we  appeal  to  the 
sympathy  of  our  Union-loving  fellow-citizens  in  the  free 
States  for  the  necessary  assistance  and  support,  fully 
satisfied  that  a  part  of  that  patriotic  liberality  so  freely 
shown  to  their  own  volunteers  will  not  be  withheld 
from  us.  Anticipating  such  sympathy,  we  will  strain 
every  nerve  to  up/told  the  authority  of  our  Federal 
Government,  in  this  remote  and  important  post  of  the 
great  West,  against  treason  and  rebellion,  in  order  that 
the  wishes  of  the  patriotic  and  Union-loving  men  of  this 
country  may  soon  be  fulfilled,  and  that  rebellion  be 
forever  crushed,  and  the  cause  of  right  and  justice  be 
triumphant  over  treason  and  secession. 

Gov.  Gustavus  Koerner,  of  Belleville,  111.,  has  kindly 
consented  to  act  for  us  as  receiver  and  disburser ;  and, 
without  consultation,  we  feel  at  liberty  to  ask  Isaac 
Sherman,  Esq.,  and  Sigismund  Kaufmann,  Esq.,  of  the 
city  of  New  York,  Evans  Rogers,  Esq.,  of  Philadelphia, 
and  Judge  Thomas  Russell,  of  Boston,  to  act  in  our 
behalf  in  those  cities. 

FRANK  P.  BLAIR,  Col.  1st  Regt.  Missouri 
Volunteers. 

HENRY  BOERNSTEIN,  Col.  2d  Regt.  Mis 
souri  Volunteers 

F.  SIGEL,  Col.  3d  Regt.  Missouri  Volunteers. 

NICHOLAS  SCHUTTNER,  Col.  4th  Regt. 
Missouri  Volunteers. 

St.  Louis,  Mo.,  May  6,  1861. 


236 

Never  was  appeal  so  generously  and  promptly  re 
sponded  to  as  was  this  of  those  sturdy  sentinels  "  placed 
on  the  advanced  post  of  liberty "  in  the  tremendous 
struggle.  Almost  by  return  mail  came  the  most 
encouraging  letters  from  the  patriots  and  philanthropists 
whose  names  were  selected  in  the  circular. 

Letters  from  young  girls  : 

"  1 have  read  your  appeal,  and  I  am  going  to  send  a 
package  of  my  own  sewing  right  away" 

From  young  boys : 

"  I  asked  father  to-day  to  give  me  a  dollar  for  your 
soldiers,  and  he  gave  me  five.  Here  it  is.  I  only  wish  I 
was  a  man,  so  I  could  earn  money  to  send  you  more" 

From  the  mechanic : 

"  Inclosed  I  send  you  a  day's  worJc,  all  I  can  possibly 
spare ;  but  every  little  helps" 

From  the  rich  man : 

"  Colonel  Blair,  I  inclose  you  a  certified  check  for 
$500." 

From  a  poor  woman  : 

"  This  is  the  widow^s  mite — you  are  welcome  to  it." 

From  the  ladies  of  Dr.  Chapin's  church : 

"  The  accompanying  box  of  clothing  please  accept ; 
ice  shall  send  you  more" 

And  so  on  from  cities,  and  villages,  and  farms,  scat 
tered  all  over,  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Penobscot. 

All  these  contributions  were  received  by  S.  R.  Filley 
and  E.  W.  Fox,  who  were  appointed  by  the  Safety 
Committee  to  receive  and  distribute  all  articles  con 
tributed.  The  Safety  Committee  afterward  appointed 
John  Cavender,  Esq.,  to  examine  the  books  of  Messrs. 
Filley  and  Fox,  and  they  were  reported  perfectly  correct. 

LYON    GIVES    A    GENTLE  HINT    TO    THE    CLERGY. 

Dr.  H.  A.  Nelson,  one  of  the  very  few  loyal  clergy 
men  of  St.  Louis,  pastor  of  the  First  Presbyterian  Church, 


AND   MISSOURI    IN    1861.  237 

sent  a  note  to  Captain  Lyonon  the  13th  of  May,  request 
ing  the  Captain  to  accept  from  him  and  wife  some  books 
and  two  quilts,  which  the  Doctor  forwarded  with  the 
note,  as  a  contribution  to  the  Union  cause.  In  the  note, 
the  Doctor  tendered  thanks  to  Captain  Lyon  for  his 
devotion  to  his  country,  and  his  eminent  services. 

Captain  Lyon  returned  by  the  bearer  the  following 
acknowledgment : 

"  Captain  Lyon  tenders  sentiments  of  profound  grati 
tude  to  Dr.  Nelson,  for  devoted  patriotism,  and  for  com 
plimentary  kindness  toward  himself  and  members  of  his 
command,  and  regrets  the  necessity  to  deplore  that  the 
profession  he  much  adorns  is  not  always  identified  with 
faith  and  truth,  but  is,  on  the  contrary,  often  used  as  a 
cloak,  with  which  to  war  upon  the  most  beneficent  insti 
tutions  of  mankind. 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  May  13,  1861." 

UNION  STATE  ORGANIZATIONS. 

Among  the  measures  urgently  demanded  by  Lyon  was 
that  one  particularly  which  authorized  the  enrollment 
of  Home  Guards  in  the  interior.  This  authority  Colonel 
Blair,  and  his  brother,  Montgomery  Blair,  in  the  Cab 
inet,  after  persistent  solicitation,  secured  from  Mr.  Lin 
coln  ;  and  Lyon,  immediately  upon  the  removal  of  Har- 
ney,  arranged  for  the  organization  of  such  bodies  in 
various  localities.  By  this  authorization  he  hoped  to 
include  all  the  real  Union  men  of  the  State  in  military 
corps,  with  a  moral  power  to  back  them,  which  would 
increase  'their  efficiency.  Thus,  under  his  immediate 
orders,  the  following  organizations  speedily  sprang  into 
existence. 

HOME  GUARDS  AUTHORIZED  BY  GENERAL  LYON. 

NO.   OF  COMPANIES. 

Stone  County  Home  Guards,  Col.  Asa  G.  Smith,        7 
Gasconade  County  Battalion,  6 

Greene  and  Christian  counties,  Home  Guards,  13 


238 

NO.   OF   COMPANIES. 

St.  Charles  CountyHome  Guards,  1  2 

Webster  do  do  7 

Kansas  City  Home  Guards,  Colonel  Van  Horn. 

St.  Joseph  Home  Guards,  Major  Peabody. 

Hannibal  Home  Guards. 

Dallas  County  Home  Guards.  4 

Pacific  Battalion  (guarding  Pacific  R.  R.) 

Scott  County  Battalion,  Major  Daniel  Abbey,  4 

Lawrence  County  Battalion,  0 

Osage  do  do  t> 


Cole  Co.  Home  Guards,  Col.  Allen  P.  Richardson, 

1  1 

Knox       do             do 

7 

Benton    do             do 

6 

Brookfield               do 

Capt.  Watson  E.  Crandall, 

1 

Moniteau  County  do 

1 

Potosi           do       do 

1 

Stone  Prairie         do 

1 

De  Soto                   do 

1 

Lexington               do 

1 

Pettis     County     do 

1 

Gasconade  do     2d  Battalion. 

Ozark           do     Home  Guards, 

1 

Marion         do             do 

2 

Shibley's  Point           do 

1 

Pike    County             do 

Col.  G.  W.  Anderson, 

t 

Clinton    do                 do 

1 

Carondelet                   do 

(127  men). 

Pilot  Knob                  do 

(99  men). 

Polk  County               do 

(318  men). 

Sappers  and  Miners  do 

(Company  A,  233  men). 

Franklin  Co.  Regt.    do 

Col.  James  Owens. 

ORGANIZATION    OF    A    UNION    PARTY. 

While  thus  he  was  laying  the  foundation  of  the  mili 
tary  strength  of  the  State,  General  Lyon  was  not  indif- 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  239 

ferent  to  its  political  tone.  He  was  desirous  of  seeing 
all  old  party  lines  abolished,  and  a  new  party  organized 
for  the  war.  He  entered  ardently  into  the  plans  of  the 
Safety  Committee  for  organizing  in  the  State  a  great 
Union  party,  whose  only  plank  should  be,  "THE  UNION, 
now  and  forever"  He  urged  a  total  forgetfulness  of  all 
old  party  animosities,  and  the  reward  of  men  according 
to  present  service.  This  was  the  plan  of  the  Safety 
Committee,  and  with  that  idea  in  view  the  following 
circular  was  prepared,  lithographed,  and,  bearing  the 
signature  of  Honorable  Oliver  D.  Filley,  was  mailed  to 
parties  in  every  locality  in  the  State.  Occasionally  one 
of  these  circulars  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  secessionist,  and 
the  reply  (if  one  was  made)  was  generally  couched  in 
the  most  insulting  and  abusive  language.  But  the  great 
majority  reached  loyal  hands,  and  the  responses  came  in 
by  every  mail,  bearing  records  of  secession  outrages  and 
brutality.  There  was  by  this  channel  indisputable  evi 
dence  that,  while  Harney  was  honorably  observing  his 
convention  with  Price,  the  secessionists  were  organizing, 
and  active  in  the  preparations  for  a  powerful  rebellion 
against  the  national  ascendency  at  St.  Louis. 

I  give  a  copy  of  the  Safety  Committee's  circular : 

ST.  Louis,  May ,  1861. 

MY  DEAR  SIR — The  friends  of  the  national  Union, 
without  regard  to  opinions  which  have  heretofore  divided 
the  people  into  separate  parties,  are  impressed  with 
the  paramount  importance  and  imperative  duty  of  form 
ing  at  once  throughout  the  State  a  great  Union  party, 
opposed  to  secession  and  rebellion,  and  devoted  to  the 
maintenance  of  that  old  Government  under  which  our 
people  have  lived  so  long  and  so  happily. 

To  this  end,  a  full  and  frequent  correspondence 
between  our  friends  throughout  the  State  is  essential. 
We  should  know  our  friends  from  OUT  foes  ;  we  should 
know  what  facilities  and  means  exist  for  promoting  our 
common  object,  and  also  what  steps  are  being  taken  at 


240  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

any  time  to  defeat  our  wishes.  We  are  ready  to  com 
municate  without  delay  such  information  as  you  may 
desire,  and  specially  request  to  be  informed  on  the 
receipt  of  this,  or  as  soon  as  you  can  furnish  a  satisfac 
tory  answer  to  the  following  inquiries :  Has  any  organ 
ization  been  made  or  attempted  in  your  county  or  adjoin 
ing  counties,  under  the  late  Military  bill  of  the  Missouri 
Legislature  ?  If  so,  give  the  number  of  men,  names 
of  officers,  number  and  kind  of  arms,  kind  of  oath  taken, 
and  such  other  facts  as  you  may  deem  material. 

Have  any  vigilance  committees  been  formed  ?  If  so, 
give  names  of  officers,  number  of  men,  purposes  of  such 
committees,  place  of  meeting,  conduct,  <fcc.  Have  any 
persons  been  ordered  to  leave  their  homes  ?  If  so,  state 
their  names,  where  they  have  gone,  when  they  went,  for 
what  cause  ordered  off,  and  by  whom  compelled  to  leave. 
Please  give  us  your  opinion  of  the  extent  of  the  Union 
sentiment  of  your  county,  and  such  other  general  inform 
ation  as  may  be  valuable,  and  write  us  frequently . 

As  regards  the  said  Military  bill,  those  who  are  fully 
competent  to  judge  pronounce  it  unconstitutional  and 
treasonable,  and  hence  its  requirements  may  be  properly 
resisted,  and  OUGHT  TO  BE  RESISTED. 

We  earnestly  recommend  a  perfect  organization  of 
Union  men  as  fast  as  possible — with  arms,  if  to  be  had — if 
not,  without  them.  In  the  agricultural  districts,  where 
population  is  sparse  and  organization  difficult,  we  advise 
a  complete  enrollment  of  the  Union  men.  By  these 
means,  our  friends  will  learn  their  strength,  and,  should 
occasion  require,  can  act  effectually.  This  very  enroll 
ment  will  of  itself  deter  opponents,  and  protect  us 
against  acts  of  oppression.  Finally,  we  feel  fully  justified 
in  predicting  that  our  State  will  not,  under  any  cir 
cumstances,  go  out  of  the  Union.  We  are  fully  convinced 
that  our  Government  possesses  the  will,  the  power,  and 
the  means  for  effectually  crushing  treason  wherever  it 
exists  ;  that  we  shall  soon  become  an  undivided  country, 
and  that  our  country's  enemies  will  be  covered  and 
overwhelmed  with  eternal  disgrace. 

Any  communication  you  may  make  shall,  if  you 
desire,  be  regarded  and  treated  as  perfectly  confidential. 

O.  D.  FILLET. 


AND   MISSOURI    IN    1861.  241 


GENERAL    LYON's    FIRST   REPORT. 

The  following  is  Lyon's  first  report  after  receiving  his 
appointment  as  a  Brigadier-General : 

ARSENAL,  June  6,  1861. 
General  THOMAS: 

SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  by  mail  to-day  : 

First. — The  brigade  monthly  return  for  the  month  of 
May,  1861,  of  the  First  Brigade  of  Missouri  Volunteers, 
composed  of  First,  Second,  Third,  Fourth,  and  Fifth 
regiments,  a  battalion  of  artillery,  and  a  company  of 
sappers  and  miners,  and  one  company  of  rifles,  unat 
tached,  all  mustered  into  service  for  three  months. 

Second. — A  like  return  of  the  five  regiments  of  United 
States  Reserve  Corps,  forming  a  brigade  under  the  com 
mand  of  Captain  T.  W.  Sweeney,  Second  Infantry,  who 
has  been  elected  and  assigned  to  their  command  as  Brig 
adier-General. 

Third. — Monthly  returns  for  the  month  of  May,  1861, 
from  the  regiments  and  other  corps  above  namecl ;  some 
of  these  from  necessity  had  to  be  made  up  before  the 
end  of  the  month. 

Fourth. — Muster-rolls  of  the  brigade  officers,  First 
Brigade  and  United  States  Reserve  Corps,  and  of  the 
field  and  staff,  and  different  companies  of  the  latter.  I 
am  aware  that  these  returns  will  be  found  imperfect  in 
some  respects.  For  instance,  in  some  the  number  of  men 
reported  to  be  on  *•  extra  or  daily  duty  "  is  large,  and 
they  are  not  accounted  for  by  name,  as  required.  Men 
reported  absent  are  not  accounted  for  by  name,  but  their 
absence  was  merely  temporary,  on  leave  for  a  few  hours 
in  most  cases.  In  the  face  of  the  great  danger  which 
has  threatened  and  now  threatens  the  interest  of  the 
Government  in  this  quarter,  my  time  and  attention  have 
been  occupied  with  organizing  and  providing  for  the 
volunteers,  who  came  to  its  assistance  in  greater  numbers 
than  had  been  expected ;  arid  I  could  not  give  my  per 
sonal  supervision  to  the  details  of  reports  and  returns, 
except  to  a  limited  extent;  and  as  the  various  staff 
officers  were  taken  from  civil  life,  with  no  previous  expe- 
11 


242 

rience  in  the  line  of  their  respective  duties,  perfect  accu 
racy  at  the  outset  could  not  reasonably  be  looked  for. 

I  would  take  this  occasion  to  remark  that  but  for 
these  volunteers  the  authority  of  the  Government  in 
this  State,  in  my  opinion,  could  not  have  been  maintained. 
I  will  state,  further,  that  they  have  submitted,  with 
scarcely  a  murmur,  to  the  hardships  which  my  restricted 
accommodations,  and  limited  supply  of  camp  and  garri 
son  equipage,  and  other  necessaries,  have  compelled 
them  to  undergo.  They  have  been,  and  are  now,  with 
out  proper  barracks  and  hospital  room,  or  an  adequate 
supply  of  tents,  blankets,  knapsacks,  haversacks,  &c., 
necessary  for  their  comfort,  as  well  as  of  cartridge- 
boxes,  cap-pouches,  and  other  accoutrements  required  for 
their  efficient  equipment.  Having  received  definite  in 
formation  that  cartridge-boxes,  cap-pouches,  bayonet 
scabbards,  and  belts  cannot  be  furnished  ty  the  Govern 
ment  at  present,  I  have  ordered  a  quantity  to  be  made 
at  this  place,  thinking  that  the  necessities  of  the  case 
will  justify  the  irregularity.  These  accoutrements  can 
be  furnished  here  complete,  and  fully  equal  to  the 
Government  standard,  at  the  same  price,  or  nearly  the 
same,  which  is  paid  for  them  by  Government  in  the  East. 
The  Assistant  Quartermaster  at  St.  Louis  reports  his  ina 
bility  to  pay  for  supplies  which  have  been  furnished.  It 
is  important  for  the  good  of  the  service,  and  in  order  to 
keep  up  the  enthusiasm  which  is  manifested  by  loyal 
citizens  here  in.  behalf  of  the  cause,  that  means  to  make 
prompt  payment  of  Government  obligations  should  be 
furnished.  It  is  proper  in  this  connection  to  mention 
the  indebtedness  of  myself  and  the  Government  to  the 
numerous  loyal  citizens  of  this  city,  for  their  earnest  and 
untiring  zeal  and  industry  in  behalf  of  our  country,  and 
their  bounteous  contributions  for  its  support. 

Besides  the  numerous  individuals  deserving  special 
notice,  I  will  mention  Messrs.  Franklin  A.  Dick,  Chester 
Harding,  Jr.,  Horace  A.  Conant,*  Cary  Gratz,f  Samuel 
Simmons,  and  B.  G.  Farrar,  who  as  members  of  my  staff 
have  devoted  themselves  with  joint  industry  and  intelli 
gence  to  the  duties  whiclf  I  have  devolved  upon  them  ; 
and  in  contributing  immeasurably  to  my  relief  th°y 

*  Died  in  the  service.         t  Killed  at  Wilson's  Creek. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  243 

deserve  the  thanks   and  gratitude  of  myself  and  our 
country. 

Yours  truly, 

N.  LYON, 

Brigadier-  General   Commanding. 

To  General  L.  THOMAS,  Adjutant-General,   Washington, 
D.  C 

INTERVIEW    BETWEEN    LYON    AND    JACKSON. 

Governor  Jackson  and  General  Price,  learning  that 
General  Harney  had  been  relieved,  and  that  General 
Lyon  was  now  in  command,  desired  to  learn  the  policy 
of  the  new  authorities  from  Lyon  himself,  and  therefore 
sought  an  interview  with  the  latter.  The  truth  is,  they 
had  been  so  successful  in  deceiving  Harney  that  they 
felt  quite  confident  of  blinding  the  eyes  of  Lyon.  They 
had  underrated  the  latter,  and  felt  confident  of  success 
if  they  could  only  be  assured  of  safety  while  endeavor 
ing  to  procure  an  audience.  Lyon  wanted  just  such  an 
interview ;  he  wanted  to  tell  those  men  exactly  what  he 
intended  doing,  and  how  far  they  could  go  in  their  work 
of  treason ;  therefore,  he  granted  the  request  of  Jackson, 
and  wrote  out  the  necessary  safeguard. 

Accordingly  Jackson  and  Price  visited  St.  Louis,  and 
put  up  at  the  Planter's  House.  Upon  notifying  General 
Lyon  of  their  arrival,  that  officer  invited  them  to  the 
arsenal,  but  they  declined  going  to  that  (hateful)  locality, 
and  returned  word  that,  as  they  had  come  all  the  way 
from  Jeiferson,  General  Lyon  certainly  ought  to  travel 
the  distance  between  the  arsenal  and  the  Planter's 
House.  General  Lyon  complied  with  the  request  of 
Jackson,  and,  accompanied  by  Colonel  Blair  and  his  own 
Aid-de-camp,  Horace  A.  Conant,  proceeded  to  the 
Planter's  House,  where  the  interview  was  held.  Major 
Conant  reported  in  full  for  the  Missouri  Democrat  this 
important  conference,  and  it  was  published  with  the 


244 

approval  of  General  Lyon.     I  find  it  in  the  Democrat  of 
June  13,  1861,  as  follows: 

THE     INTERVIEW     BETWEEN     LYON     AND     JACKSON-PRICE. 

Governor  Jackson  and  General  Sterling  Price  bavin sr, 
through  T.  T.  Gantt  and  Judge  William  A.  Hall, 
solicited  an  interview  with  General  Lyon,  and  agreeing 
to  come  to  St.  Louis  for  such  purpose,  General  Lyon, 
at  the  request  of  Mr.  Gantt,  signed  the  following  paper, 
guaranteeing  them  from  arrest  on  their  journey  to  and 
from  the  city,  and  during  their  sojourn  here  up  to  the 
12th  : 

HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  TITT:  WEST,  ) 
ST.  Louis,  June  8,  1801.  J 

It  having  been  suggested  that  Governor  Claiborne  F. 
Jackson  and  ex  Governor  Sterling  Price,  are  desirous  of 
an  interview  with  General  Lyon,  commanding  this  De 
partment,  for  the  purpose  of  effecting,  if  possible,  a  pacific 
solution  of  the  domestic  troubles  of  Missouri,  it  is 
hereby  stipulated  on  the  part  of  Brigadier-General  N". 
Lyon,  U.  S.  A.,  commanding  this  military  department, 
that,  should  Governor  Jackson  or  ex-Governor  Price,  or 
either  of  them,  at  any  time  prior  to  or  on  the  12th 
day  of  June,  1861,  visit  St.  Louis  for  the  purpose  of  such 
interview,  they  and  each  of  them  shall  be  free  from 
molestation  or  arrest  on  account  of  any  charges  pending 
against  them,  or  either  of  them,  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  during  their  journey  to  St.  Louis  and 
their  return  from  St.  Louis  to  Jefferson  City. 

Given  under  the  hand  of  the  General  commanding, 
the  day  and  year  above  written, 

N.  LYON, 

Brigadier-  General,  Commanding. 

This  being  sent  or  presented  to  the  parties  to  whom 
the  passport  was  given,  they  left  Jefferson  City  by  spe 
cial  train  and  arrived  as  is  already  known.  Yesterday 
morning  General  Lyon  sent  them  an  invitation  to  visit 
the  arsenal,  which  they  felt  unwilling  to  accept,  notwith 
standing  General  Lyon  offered  them  an  escort.  They, 
however,  sent  word  to  Thomas  L.  Price,  Esq.,  that  they 
thought,  as  they  had  come  all  the  way  from  Jefferson 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  245 

City  to  see  General  Lyon,  he  should  meet  them  at  the 
Planter's  House.  This  the  General  did  not  hesitate  to 
do,  as  he  desired  to  treat  them  courteously,  and  meet 
them  in  a  spirit  of  peace,  if  they  so  desired,  and  only 
invited  them  to  the  arsenal  because  it  was  his  headquar 
ters,  and  being  so  occupied  with  necessary  calls  upon 
him  felt  loth  to  leave  his  important  post  for  so  long  a 
time.  He,  however,  as  soon  as  was  made  known  to  him 
the  wish  of  Governor  Jackson,  at  once  ordered  his  horse, 
and  invited  Colonel  F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  and  Major  Conant 
to  accompany  him.  They  went  at  once  to  the  Planter's 
House,  and  were  soon  in  company  with  Governor  Jack 
son,  ex-Governor  Sterling  Price,  and  Thomas  L.  Snead, 
the  latter  private  secretary  to  the  Governor.  The  con 
ference  was  of  some  four  hours'  duration,  and  the  views 
of  the  parties  were  very  freely  given.  Governor  Jackson 
opened  the  conversation  by  making  professions  of  peace, 
but  soon  put  General  Price  forward  as  his  mouth-piece, 
only  now  and  then  repeating  his  desire  not  to  have  any 
troops  on  either  side  :  "  The  United  States  troops  must 
leave  the  State  and  not  enter  it,  and  he  would  disband 
his  own  troops,  and  then  we  should  certainly  have  peace." 
General  Price  went  on  at  some  length  to.  justify  his 
course  as  in  perfect  harmony  with  his  understanding  with 
General  Harncy,  and  that  he  had  not  violated  one  iota. 
When  asked  by  General  Lyon  how  his  course  was  in  con 
cert  with  General  Harney's  second  proclamation,  in 
which  General  Harney  denounced  the  Military  bill  as 
treasonable  and  unconstitutional,  and  when  General  Lyon 
said,  "  General  Harney  must  have  sadly  changed,  or  the 
agreement  not  been  lived  up  to,"  General  Price  made 
further  remark  that  he  had  made  no  agreement  whatever 
with  General  Harney  about  the  enforcement  or  carrying 
out  of  the  Military  bill.  At  this  moment  a  kind  friend 
sent  to  General  Lyon  a  copy  of  the  following  memoran 
dum,  which  was  sent  from  General  Harney  as  the  only 
basis  upon  which  he  would  treat : 

MEMORANDUM  FOR  GENERAL  PRICE. 

May  21,  1861. 

General  Harney  is  here  as  a  citizen  of  Missouri,  with 
all  his  interests  at  stake  in  the  preservation  of  the  peace 
of  the  State. 


240  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

Tie  earnestly  wishes  to  do  nothing  to  complicate  mat 
ters,  and  will  do  everything  in  his  power,  consistently 
with  his  instructions,  to  preserve  peace  and  order. 

He  is,  however,  compelled  to  recognize  the  existence 
of  a  rebellion  in  a  portion  of  the  United  States,  and  in 
view  of  it  he  stands  upon  the  proclamation  of  the  Presi 
dent  itself,  based  upon  the  laws  and  Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 

The  proclamation  commands  the  dispersion  of  all 
armed  bodies  hostile  to  the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 

General  Harney  sees  in  the  Missouri  Military  bill 
features  which  compel  him  to  look  upon  such  armed 
bodies  as  may  be  organized  under  its  provisions  as  an 
tagonistic  to  the  United  States,  within  the  meaning  of 
the  proclamation,  and  calculated  to  precipitate  a  conflict 
between  the  State  and  the  United  States. 

He  laments  this  tendency  of  things,  and  most  cordi 
ally  and  earnestly  invites  the  co-operation  of  General 
Price  to  avert  it. 

For  this  purpose  General  Harney  respectfully  asks 
General  Price  to  review  the  features  of  the  bill,  in  the 
spirit  of  law,  warmed  and  elevated  by  that  of  humanity, 
and  seek  to  discover  some  means  by  which  its  action 
may  be  suspended  until  some  competent  tribunal  shall 
decide  upon  its  character. 

The  most  material  features  of  the  bill  calculated  to 
bring  about  a  conflict  are,  first,  the  oath  required  to  be 
taken  by  the  militia  and  State  guards  (an  oath  of  allegi 
ance  to  the  State  of  Missouri  without  recognizing  the 
existence  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States) ;  and, 
secondly,  the  express  requirements  by  which  troops 
within  the  State,  not  organized  under  the  provisions  of 
the  military  bill,  are  to  be  disarmed  by  the  State  guards. 

General  Harney  cannot  be  expected  to  wait  a  summons 
to  surrender  his  arms  by  the  State  troops. 

From  this  statement  of  the  case  the  true  question  be 
comes  immediately  visible  and  cannot  be  shut  out  of  view. 

General  Price  is  earnestly  requested  to  consider  this, 
and  General  Harney  will  be  happy  to  confer  with  him 
on  the  subject  whenever  it  may  suit  his  convenience. 

N.B. — Head  to  General  Price,  in  the  presence  of  Major 
H.  S.  Turner,  on  the  evening  of  the  21st  of  May. 


AND    MISSOURI   IX    1861.  247 

The  confusion  and  mortification  into  which  General 
Price  was  thrown  by  this  paper  made  him  an  object  of 
pity,  and  after  a  few  moments  of  hesitation  he  said  he 
did  not  remember  hearing  the  paper  read.  He  said  Gen 
eral  Hitchcock  and  H.  S.  Turner  were  to  see  him,  but  he 
did  not  see  or  hear  of  such  a  paper.  The  conversation 
then  became  somewhat  animated,  Governor  Jackson 
saying  but  little,  and  General  Price  insisting  that  no 
armed  bodies  of  United  States  troops  should  pass 
through  or  be  stationed  in  the  State,  as  such  would  occa 
sion  civil  war ;  that  Missouri  must  be  neutral,  and  neither 
side  should  arm  ;  Governor  Jackson  to  give  protection  to 
Union  men  and  to  disband  his  State  troops.  On  the 
other  hand,  General  Lyon  laid  down  his  views  as  a  serv 
ant  of  the  Government,  somewhat  to  this  effect :  That, 
if  the  Government  withdrew  its  forces  entirely,  secret  and 
subtle  measures  would  be  resorted  to  to  provide  arms 
and  perfect  organizations  which,  upon  any  pretext,  could 
put  forth  a  formidable  opposition  to  the  General  Go vern- 
men;  and  even  without  arming,  combinations  would 
doubtless  form  in  certain  localities,  to  oppress  and  drive 
out  loyal  citizens,  to  whom  the  Government  was  bound 
to  give  protection,  but  which  it  would  be  helpless  to  do, 
as  also  to  repress  such  combinations,  if  its  forces  could 
not  be  sent  into  the  State.  A  large  aggressive  force 
might  be  formed,  and  advanced  from  the  exterior  into 
the  State,  to  assist  it  in  carrying  out  the  secession  pro 
gramme  ;  and  the  Government  could  not,  under  the  lim 
itation  proposed,  take  posts  on  these  borders  to  meet  and 
repel  such  force.  The  Government  could  not  shrink 
from  its  duties  nor  abdicate  its  corresponding  rights ; 
and,  in  addition  to  the  above,  it  was  the  duty  of  its  civil 
officers  to  execute  civil  process,  and  in  case  of  resistance 
to  receive  the  support  of  military  force.  The  proposi 
tion  of  the  Governor  would  at  once  overturn  the  Gov 
ernment  privileges  and  prerogatives,  which  he  (General 
Lyon)  had  neither  the  wish  nor  the  authority  to  do.  In 
his  opinion,  if  the  Governor  and  the  State  authorities 
would  earnestly  set  about  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the 
State,  and  declare  their  purposes  to  resist  outrages  upon 
loyal  citizens  of  the  Government,  and  repress  insurrec 
tions  against  it,  and  in  case  of  violent  combinations, 


248 

needing  co-operation  of  the  United  States  troops,  they 
should  call  upon  or  accept  such  assistance,  and  in  case 
of  threatened  invasion  the  Government  troops  took  suit 
able  posts  to  meet  it,  the  purj>oses  of  the  Government 
would  be  subserved,  and  no  infringement  of  the  State 
rights  or  dignity  committed.  lie  would  take  good  care, 
in  such  faithful  co-operation  of  the  State  authorities  to 
this  end,  that  no  individual  should  be  injured  in  person 
or  property,  and  that  the  utmost  delicacy  should  be 
observed  toward  all  peaceable  persons  concerned  in 
these  relations. 

Upon  this  basis,  in  General  Lyon's  opinion,  could  the 
rights  of  both  the  General  and  State  Governments  be 
secured  and  peace  maintained.  It  was  proposed  by 
Governor  Jackson  that  they  should  go  into  a  corre 
spondence,  which  General  Lyon  disapproved,  as  their 
views  were  widely  apart,  and  such  a  course  would  not 
make  matters  any  better ;  but  he  was  willing  each  one 
should  briefly  put  down  his  views  and  let  them  be 
published.  To  such  a  statement  Governor  Jackson  was 
not  disposed  to  agree. 

As  General  Lyon  was  about  to  take  his  leave,  he  said  : 
"Governor  Jackson,  no  man  in  the  State  of  Missouri  has 
been  more  ardently  desirous  of  preserving  peace  than 
myself.  Heretofore  Missouri  has  only  felt  the  fostering 
care  of  the  Federal  Government,  which  has  raised  her 
from  the  condition  of  a  feeble  French  colony  to  that  of 
an  empire  State.  Now,  however,  from  the  failure  on  the 
part  of  the  Chief  Executive  to  comply  with  constitutional 
requirements,  I  fear  she  will  be  made  to  feel  its  power. 
Better,  sir,  far  better,  that  the  blood  of  every  man, 
woman,  and  child  of  the  State  should  flow  than  that  she 
should  successfully  defy  the  Federal  Government." 


FLIGHT    OF    THE    TRAITOR    GOVERNOR. 

At  the  close  of  the  interview,  Lyon,  with  Colonel 
Blair  and  Major  Conant,  withdrew,  and  returned  to  t  he 
arsenal ;  Jackson  and  Price  hurried  to  the  Pacific  rail 
road  depot,  and  procuring  a  locomotive  and  tender,  got 
up  steam  and  pushed  for  Jefferson  City,  rushing  the 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  249 

engine  to  its  greatest  capacity.  On  their  way  they  only 
stopped  long  enough  to  wood  and  water  the  tender,  and 
burn  the  Gasconade  and  Osage  bridges.  Arriving  at 
Jefferson  City,  the  Governor  at  once  telegraphed  to 
points  west  and  southwest,  calling  upon  his  friends  to 
arm,  and  did  not  seek  any  rest  until  he  had  sent  to  press 
the  following  proclamation : 

GOVERNOR'S  PROCLAMATION  OF  AVAR. 

To  the  People  of  Missouri  : 

A  series  of  unprovoked  and  unparalleled  outrages 
have  been  inflicted  upon  the  peace  and  dignity  of  this 
Commonwealth,  and  upon  the  rights  and  liberties  of  its 
people?  by  wicked  and  unprincipled  men,  professing  to 
act  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States  Government. 
The  solemn  enactments  of  your  Legislature  have  been 
nullified  ;  your  volunteer  soldiers  have  been  taken  pris 
oners  ;  your  commerce  with  your  sister  States  has  been 
suspended  ;  your  trade  with  your  own  fellow-citizens  has 
been,  and  is,  subjected  to  the  harassing  control  of  an 
armed  soldiery ;  peaceful  citizens  have  been  imprisoned 
without  warrant  of  law;  unoffending  and  defenseless 
men,  women,  and  children  have  been  ruthlessly  shot 
down  and  murdered  ;  and  other  unbearable  indignities 
have  been  heaped  upon  your  State  and  yourselves. 

To  all  these  outrages  and  indignities  you  have  submit 
ted  with  a  patriotic  forbearance,  which  has  only  encour 
aged  the  perpetrators  of  these  grievous  wrongs  to 
attempt  still  bolder  and  more  daring  usurpations.  It  has 
been  my  earnest  endeavor,  under  all  these  embarrassing 
circumstances,  to  maintain  the  peace  of  the  State,  and  to 
avert,  if  possible,  from  our  borders  the  desolating  effects 
of  a  civil  war.  With  that  object  in  view,  I  authorized 
Major-General  Price,  several  weeks  ago  to  arrange  with 
General  Harney,  commanding  the  Federal  forces  in  this 
State,  the  terms  of  an  agreement  by  which  the  peace  of 
the  State  might  be  preserved.  They  came,  on  the  21st 
of  May,  to  an  understanding,  which  was  made  public. 
The  State  authorities  have  faithfully  labored  to  carry  out 
the  terms  of  that  agreement.  The  Federal  Government,  on 
11* 


250  GEN.    NATHAXIEL   LYOX, 

the  other  hand,  only  manifested  its  strong  disapproba 
tion  of  it  by  the  instant  dismissal  of  the  distinguished 
officer  who,  on  his  part,  entered  into  it;  but  it  at  once 
began,  and  has  unintermittingly  carried  out,  a  system  of 
hostile  operations,  in  utter  contempt  of  that  agreement, 
and  the  reckless  disregard  of  its  own  plighted  faith. 
These  acts  have  latterly  portended  revolution  and  civil 
war  so  unmistakably  that  I  resolved  to  make  one  fur 
ther  effort  to  avert  these  dangers  from  you.  I,  therefore, 
solicited  an  interview  with  Brigadier-General  Lyon,  com 
manding  the  Federal  army  in  Missouri.  It  was  granted, 
and  on  the  10th  instant,  waiving  all  questions,  personal 
and  official,  I  went  to  St.  Louis,  accompanied  by  Major- 
General  Price. 

We  had  an  interview  on  the  llth  instant  with  General 
Lyon  and  Colonel  F.  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  at  which  I  submitted 
to  them  this  proposition  :  That  I  would  disband  the  State 
Guard,  and  break  up  its  organization  ;  that  I  would  dis 
arm  all  the  companies  which  had  been  armed  by  the 
State ;  that  I  would  pledge  myself  not  to  attempt  to 
organize  the  militia  under  the  Military  bill ;  that  no 
arms  or  munitions  of  war  should  be  brought  into  the 
State ;  that  I  would  protect  all  citizens  equally  in  all 
their  rights,  regardless  of  their  political  opinions  ;  that  I 
would  repress  all  insurrectionary  movements  within  the 
State ;  that  I  would  repel  all  attempts  to  invade  it,  from 
whatever  quarter,  and  by  whomsoever  made  ;  and  that 
I  would  thus  maintain  a  strict  neutrality  in  the  present 
unhappy  contest,  and  preserve  the  peace  of  the  State. 
And  I  further  proposed  that  I  would,  if  necessary,  invoke 
the  assistance  of  the  United  States  troops  to  carry  out 
these  pledges.  All  this  I  proposed  to  do  upon  condition 
that  the  Federal  Government  would  undertake  to  disarm 
the  Home  Guards,  which  it  has  illegally  organized  and 
armed  throughout  the  State,  and  pledge  itself  not  to 
occupy  with  its  troops  any  localities  in  the  State  not 
occupied  by  them  at  this  time.  Nothing  but  the  most 
earnest  desire  to  avert  the  horrors  of  civil  war  from  our 
beloved  State  could  have  tempted  me  to  propose  these 
humiliating  terms.  They  were  rejected  by  the  Federal 
officers. 

They  demanded  not  only  the  disorganization  and  dis- 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  251 

arming  of  the  State  militia,  and  the  nullification  of  the 
Military  bill,  but  they  refused  to  disarm  their  own  Home 
Guards ;  and  insisted  that  the  Federal  Government  should 
enjoy  an  unrestricted  right  to  move  and  station  its 
troops  throughout  the  State,  whenever  and  wherever 
that  might,  in  the  opinion  of  its  officers,  be  necessary, 
either  for  the  protection  of  the  "  loyal  subjects  "  of  the 
Federal  Government  or  for  the  repelling  of  invasion ; 
and  they  plainly  announced  that  it  was  the  intention  of 
the  administration  to  take  military  occupation,  under 
these  pretexts,  of  the  whole  State,  and  to  reduce  it,  as 
avowed  by  General  Lyon  himself,  to  the  "  exact  condi 
tion  of  Maryland."  The  acceptance  by  me  of  these 
degrading  terms  would  not  only  have  sullied  the  honor 
of  Missouri,  but  would  have  aroused  the  indignation  of 
every  brave  citizen,  and  precipitated  the  very  conflict 
which  it  has  been  my  aim  to  prevent.  We  refused  to 
accede  to  them,  and  the  conference  was  broken  up. 

FELLOW-CITIZEXS — All  our  efforts  toward  conciliation 
have  failed.  We  can  hope  nothing  from  the  justice  or 
moderation  of  the  agents  of  the  Federal  Government  in 
this  State.  They  are  energetically  hastening  the  execu 
tion  of  their  bloody  and  revolutionary  schemes  for  the 
inauguration  of  civil  war  in  your  midst ;  for  the  military 
occupation  of  your  State  by  armed  bands  of  lawless  in 
vaders  ;  for  the  overthrow  of  your  State  government ; 
and  for  the  subversion  of  those  liberties  which  that  Gov 
ernment  has  always  sought  to  protect ;  and  they  intend 
to  exert  their  whole  power  to  subjugate  you,  if  possible, 
to  the  military  despotism  which  has  usurped  the  powers 
of  the  Federal  Government. 

Now,  therefore,  I,  C.  F.  Jackson,  Governor  of  the 
State  of  Missouri,  do,  in  view  of  the  foregoing  facts,  and 
by  virtue  of  the  powers  vested  in  me  by  the  Constitution 
and  laws  of  this  commonwealth,  issue  this,  my  procla 
mation,  calling  the  militia  of  the  State,  to  the  number  of 
fifty  thousand,  into  the  active  service  of  the  State,  for  the 
purpose  of  repelling  said  invasion,  and  for  the  protection 
of  the  lives,  liberty,  and  property  of  the  citizens  of  this 
State.  And  I  earnestly  exhort  all  good  citizens  of  Mis 
souri  to  rally  under  the  flag  of  their  State,  for  the  protec 
tion  of  their  endangered  homes  and  firesides,  and  for  the 


252  GEN. 

defense   of    their   most    sacred   rights   and  dearest  lib 
erties. 

In  issuing  this  proclamation,  I  hold  it  to  be  my  solemn 
duty  to  remind  you  that  Missouri  is  still  one  of  the 
United  States ;  that  the  Executive  Department  of  the 
State  government  does  not  arrogate  to  itself  the  power 
to  disturb  that  relation ;  that  that  power  has  been 
wisely  vested  in  a  convention,  which  will,  at  the  proper 
time,  express  your  sovereign  will ;  and  that,  meanwhile, 
it  is  your  duty  to  obey  all  constitutional  requirements 
of  the  Federal  Government. 

But  it  is  equally  my  duty  to  advise  you  that  your  first 
allegiance  is  due  to  your  own  State,  and  that  you  are 
under  no  obligation  whatever  to  obey  the  un-constitu- 
tional  edicts  of  the  military  despotism  which  has  en 
throned  itself  at  Washington,  nor  to  submit  to  the  infa 
mous  and  degrading  sway  of  its  wicked  minions  in  this 
State.  No  brave  and  true-hearted  Missourian  will  obey 
one  or  submit  to  the  other.  Rise,  then,  and  drive  out 
ignominiously  the  invaders  who  have  dared  to  desecrate 
the  soil  which  your  labors  have  made  fruitful,  and  which 
is  consecrated  by  your  homes. 

Given  under  my  hand,  as  Governor,  and  under 
the  Great  Seal  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  at  Jeffer 
son  City,  this  twelfth  day  of  June,  1861. 
By  the  Governor, 

CLAIBORNE  F.  JACKSON. 
B.  F.  MASSET, 

Secretary  of  State. 

Almost  one  of  the  first  to  receive  this  document  was 
General  Lyon  himself.  He  had  determined  upon  a 
movement  as  far  as  Springfield  when  Harney  was  first 
relieved ;  he  had  decided  to  push  forward  such  a  move, 
ment  at  once  when  he  was  informed  Jackson  and  Price 
had  so  precipitately  fled;  but  when  he  heard  of  the 
burning  of  the  bridges  on  the  Pacific  road,  and  saw  the 
proclamation  of  the  traitor  Governor,  he  determined  to 
reach  Jefferson  with  the  greatest  dispatch.  At  once 
issuing  his  orders  for  an  immediate  movement,  he 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  253 

arranged  affairs  at  the  arsenal  for  the  conduct  of  the 
public  business  in  his  absence.  On  the  night  before  he 
started  for  Jefferson  City,  he  had  a  long  interview  with 
Colonel  Harding,  his  Assistant  Adjutant-General,  in 
which  he  stated  to  that  officer  his  intention  of  author 
izing  him  to  sign  his  name  during  his  absence  to  all 
orders  that  he  might  deem  necessary  in  conducting  the 
affairs  of  the  department.  Having  placed  in  Colonel 
Ilarding's  hands  full  control  over  the  department  out 
side  of  his  own  column,  General  Lyon  retired  to  rest, 
preparatory  to  his  movement  to  Jefferson  on  the  morrow. 

MOVEMENTS     OF     UNION    TROOPS     TO     THE    SOUTHWEST. 

And  now  all  is  activity  at  the  several  barracks,  and 
troops  are  making  haste  for  a  forward  movement.  I 
transfer  to  these  pages  the  reports  published  at  the  time 
of  these  movements  in  the  Missouri  Democrat.  The  fol 
lowing  is  from  the  Democrat  of  May  14,  1861  : 

"  The  first  battalion  of  Colonel  Sigel's  regiment,  the 
Third  Missouri  Volunteers,  was  ordered  to  get  ready  for 
instant  inarch ;  and  the  second  battalion  to  prepare  for 
an  early  movement  on  the  morrow.  The  object  was  to 
protect  the  property  and  peace  of  the  State  from  the 
wanton  malice  of  the  incendiary  and  demented  Jackson. 
The  camp  was  speedily  broken  up,  and  the  companies  in 
excellent  marching  order.  The  requisite  steps  were  taken 
to  secure  an  abundance  of  cars  on  the  Pacific  road ;  and  at 
11,  P.  M.,  the  first  battalion,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hassen- 
deubel  commanding,  arrived  at  the  Fourteenth  street 
depot,  and  entered  the  train  of  some  seven  cars.  A  heavy 
amount  of  freight  and  several  field-pieces  were  laden  on 
freight  cars.  The  train  moved  quietly  off  at  about  the 
hour  named,  the  fact  being  known  to  very  few  people  in 
the  city.  Colonel  Hassendeubel  had  instructions  to  take 
possession  of,  and  protect  from  injury,  the  line  of  South 
west  Branch  road,  and  he  will  doubtless  effect  that  laud 
able  purpose.  At  9  o'clock  last  evening,  the  second  bat 
talion  of  the  same  regiment  moved,  with  baggage  and 


254 

artillery,  from  the  arsenal,  and  marched  on  Seventh 
street,  Chouteau  avenue,  and  Fourteenth  street  to  the 
depot.  Thence  they  proceeded  prosperously  by  rail,  to 
take  possession  of,  and  protect,  the  road  to  the  Gasconade 
river. 

"  The  battalion  which  left  at  9  o'clock  last  evening, 
commanded  by  Colonel  Sigel  in  person,  consisted  of  the 
remainder  of  his  regiment,  five  companies  of  infantry, 
and  two  of  riflemen.  They  had  with  them  a  siege  how 
itzer  and  a  battery  of  six  guns,  in  charge  of  Major  Bis- 
choff,  with  a  company  of  cavalry,  sixty  horses,  and  fifty 
men.  Rifle  companies  A  and  B  were  commanded  by  Cap 
tains  Albert  and  Conrad,  and  the  infantry  companies  by- 
Captains  Leis,  Dunkel,  Newman,  Mannott,  and  Indert." 

GEXERAL   LYOX   IX   PERSON   MOVES    UP   THE    MISSOURI 
RIVER. 

"  There  was  a  movement  of  Federal  troops  from  the 
arsenal  yesterday,  on  the  steamers  latan  and  J.  C.  Swon, 
the  destination  of  which  is  not  certainly  known,  but  is 
supposed  to  be  Jefferson  City.  At  11  o'clock,  A.M., 
the  left  wing  of  First  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers, 
under  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Andrews,  and  one 
section  of  Captain  Totten's  light  battery,  and  two  com 
panies  of  regulars,  commanded  by  Captain  Lothrop, 
embarked  on  board  the  latan  and  started  up  the  river. 
The  right  wing  of  the  First,  under  command  of  Colonel 
Blair,  and  the  other  section  of  Captain  Totten's  battery, 
and  a  detachment  of  pioneers,  and  General  Lyon  and 
staff,  left  on  board  the  J.  C.  Swon,  at  2  o'clock,  P.M. 
Horses,  wagons,  and  all  the  necessary  camp  equipage, 
ammunition,  and  provisions  for  a  long  march  accom 
panied  the  expedition  ;  and  the  troops  and  officers,  to  the 
number  of  fifteen  hundred,  got  off  in  good  spirits  and  fine 
style,  amid  the  wildest  cheering  and  enthusiasm  of  the 
expedition  and  the  garrison.  This  is  the  most  important 
expedition  which  has  started  from  here  since  the  war, 
and  upon  its  success  depends,  in  a  great  measure,  the 
destiny  of  Missouri  The  failure  to  effect  a  satisfactory 
arrangement  between  General  Lyon  and  Governor  Jack 
son,  at  their  conference  last  Tuesday,  has  given  rise  to 
these  stirring  movements.  The  duplicity  of  the  Gov- 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  255 

ernor  and  General  Price  was  made  apparent  at  the  con 
ference  ;  and  the  burning  of  the  bridges  on  Pacific  rail 
road  by  order  of  the  Governor,  and  his  proclamation, 
show  unmistakably  the  designs  of  his  rebel  Excellency 
to  bring  about  a  conflict  of  State  and  national  authority ; 
and,  further,  that  this  expedition,  designed,  as  it  undoubt 
edly  is,  to  counteract  the  Governor's  rebellious  schemes, 
was  not  moved  an  hour  too  soon.  We  shall  await  with 
anxiety  the  result  of  this  important  movement ;  and,  if 
we  are  not  mistaken  in  the  mettle  of  the  men  command 
ing  this  expedition,  there  will  be  no  half-way  work  about 
it,  but,  at  least,  Federal  authority  in  Missouri  will  be 
sustained  to  the  extent  of  the  power  that  is  confided  to 
our  gallant  leaders,  Lyon  and  Blair." — [Missouri  Demo 
crat,  May  15.] 

[From  the  Missouri  Democrat,  June  17, 1861.] 

"  Private  telegraphic  advices  received  here  last  night, 
state  that  the  detachment  of  Colonel  Boernstein's  regi 
ment,  which  started  up  the  Pacific  railroad  yesterday, 
arrived  safely  at  Hermann  at  six  o'clock  last  evening, 
and  were  there  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  steamer 
*  Louisiana,'  in  which  to  take  passage  and  overtake  the 
command  of  General  Lyon.  The  '  J.  C.  Swon  '  and 
4  latan '  left  Hermann,  yesterday  afternoon,  for  Jefferson 
City.  All  well  on  board,  and  the  troops  in  high  spirits." 

[Democrat,  June  17,  1861.] 

"The  Fifth  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel 
Solomon  commanding,  left  the  arsenal  at  eleven  o'clock, 
Saturday  night,  and  went  out  on  the  Pacific  railroad  to 
proceed  on  the  Southwest  Branch. 

"  Colonel  Brown's  regiment  also  went  off  on  the  Pa 
cific  train,  accompanied  by  a  corps  of  artillery  with  six 
field-pieces." 

[By  telegraph.] 

HERMANN,  June  15,  1861. 

Colonel  HARDING — Send  to  Colonel  Bates,  at  Keokuk, 
to  come  to  Hannibal  and  junction  of  North  Missouri 
railroad,  and  down  to  Renick,  thence  to  Arrow  Rock, 
where  it  is  said  a  large  party  is  gathering.  Send  about 


256  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

twenty-five  of  the  pioneer  company,  equipped  for  bridge- 
making.  Ammunition  can  come  with  this  party  on  the 
train.  One-half  of  Blair's  tents  only  to  come,  as  troops 
out  on  Southwest  Branch  need  the  rest.  Colonel  Blair 
knows  and  assents  to  this.  No  more  commissary  stores 
at  present.  The  rest  of  the  equipage  can  come  up. 

N.  LYON, 
Commanding. 

PROGRESS    OF    LYON5S    EXPEDITION. 

[Special  Correspondence  of  the  Missouri  Democrat.] 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  WEST,  ) 
ON  BOARD  THE  STEAMER  J.  C.  SWON,      j 

June  13,  18(31. 

We  passed  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri  river  shortly 
after  four  o'clock,  and,  although  detained  a  few  minutes 
in  finding  the  channel,  we  were  soon  coming  swim 
mingly.  About  half-past  five  met  the  steamer  W.  H. 
Russell,  well  loaded  with  freight,  but  with  few  passen 
gers.  Some  enthusiastic  individual  on  her  ventured 
upon  what  was  intended  as  a  cheer  for  Jeff  Davis,  but 
which  sounded  strikingly  like  the  boy  whistling  through 
the  graveyard  to  keep  his  courage  up. . 

At  seven  o'clock  we  passed  the  latan,  which  had  been 
lying  to,  waiting  for  its  companion.  I  had  intended 
sending  this  from  St.  Charles,  but  it  was  deemed  expe 
dient  not  to  stop  there.  We  passed  at  8.30,  just  above 
St.  Charles,  the  steamers  Isabella  and  Minuehaha,  tied  up 
on  the  right  bank. 

June  14,  9,  A.M. 

After  I  closed  my  letter  last  evening,  I  amused 
myself  with  distracting  efforts  to  gain  a  little  sleep. 
Unfavorable  circumstances,  however,  for  some  time  pre 
vented  those  efforts  from  being  crowned  with  success. 
The  Swon,  having  left  the  latan  considerably  behind, 
tied  up  at  Murphy's  landing,  about  eleven  o'clock,  to 
await  her  arrival ;  and  a  council  of  war  was  held,  which 
resulted  in  a  decision  to  remain  there  till  dawn  of  day. 
At  two,  A.M.,  the  steamer  New  Sam  Gaty  appeared,  and 
was  signaled  to  fall  in  the  rear  of  the  two  steamers 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  257 

composing  this  expedition.  A  search  for  contraband 
goods  failed  to  disclose  anything  worthy  of  mention. 
She  brought  the  latest  news  in  the  shape  or  last  evening's 
city  papers.  Very  early  this  morning  the  boats  started 
again  up  stream,  the  Swon  soon  leading  and  the  Gaty  in 
the  rear.  As  we  neared  the  pleasant  village  of  Augusta 
the  Stars  arid  Stripes  were  seen  "  proudly  floating,"  and 
some  fifty  or  sixty  citizens  on  the  wharf  sent  up  tremen 
dous  cheers.  The  joy  they  felt  was  plainly  visible  in 
every  act.  So  may  it  be  wherever  we  go ! 

A  company  of  Home  Guards  were  organized  at 
Augusta  last  week,  under  command  of  B  E.  Hoffman. 
They  will  give  a  good  account  of  themselves.  The 
steamer  Mill  Boy  lay  at  the  wharf  as  we  passed,  tak 
ing  on  flour. 

All  our  troops  are  in  good  health  and  condition,  and 
anxious  to  meet  Ciaib  Jackson  and  his  bogus  50,000.  We 
are  just  reaching  Washington,  and  I  must  close  to  send 
this  by  a  messenger,  who  returns  by  railroad  from  here. 
The  populace  greet  our  arrival  with  tremendous  cheers, 
which,  of  course,  are  heartily  responded  to  by  the  boys. 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  June  15. 

Jefferson  City  taken,  and  "  nobody  hurt."  The  steamer 
latan,  with  General  Lyon,  his  company  of  regulars,  Com 
pany  F,  artillery,  Captain  Totten,  and  the  left  wing  of 
Colonel  Blair's  regiment,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Andrews,  reached  here  a  little  before  two  o'clock,  and 
met  with  an  enthusiastic  reception  from  the  loyal  citi 
zens,  headed  by  Thomas  L.  Price. 

General  Lyon's  company  of  regulars  was  the  first  to 
disembark,  just  below  the  penitentiary.  They  accom 
plished  this  feat  in  good  order,  under  Sergeant  Hare,  and- 
went  up  the  road  fronting  the  penitentiary  on  the 
double  quick,  occupying  the  height  on  the  opposite  side, 
belonging  to  Alfred  M.  Lay,  a  secessionist.- 

General  Lyon  and  his  staff  followed  his  company ;  next 
came  the  volunteers,  in  the  following  order,  headed  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Andrews :  Company  G,  Captain 
Cavender ;  F,  Captain  Gratz ;  E,  Captain  Cole  ;  D,  Cap 
tain  Richardson ;  C,  Captain  Stone. 

These  marched  in  good  order  through  the  city,  cheered 
at  several  points,  and  finally  occupied  Capitol  Hill, 


258  GEtf. 

amidst  tremendous  applause.  W.  H.  Lusk  was  the 
happy  individual  selected  to  raise  again  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  over  the  cupola,  which  he  did,  the  Jefferson  band 
playing  the  "  Star  Spangled  Banner." 

There  were  no  secession  demonstrations  of  any  kind 
whatever.  The  J.  C.  Swon  arrived  just  as  the  volun 
teers  were  occupying  the  capitol.  The  demonstrations 
with  which  the  troops  were  received  were  gratifying  in 
the  extreme.  Old  ladies  wept,  and  every  one  seemed 
overjoyed  at  the  sight  once  more  of  the  old  flag. 

Governor  Jackson  was  at  Boonville  at  8  o'clock  yes 
terday,  14th  instant.  The  Governor  had  a  body-guard 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  with  him.  The  Gover 
nor  afterward  left  Boonville  and  moved  toward  Arkau- 


ACCOUNT  OF  JACKSON'S  RETURN  TO  JEFFERSON. 
[Special  Correspondence  of  the  Missouri  Democrat.] 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  Mo.,  June  13. 

About  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  12th,  the  city 
was  thrown  into  commotion  by  the  rapid  arrival  of  the 
cars  from  St.  Louis.  All  was  commotion  ;  all  was  excite 
ment;  all  having  known  that  Governor  Jackson  and 
General  Price  had  gone  to  St.  Louis  to  hold  another 
conference  with  General  Lyon.  Immediately  on  stepping 
foot  upon  the  depot  platform,  they  cried  out  to  the  engi 
neer  in  charge:  "We  want  two  passenger  cars  and  en 
gine."  General  Price  proceeded,  with  his  own  hand,  to 
cut  the  telegraph  wires,  but  did  it,  I  am  told,  very  bun- 
glingly  indeed,  owing  to  the  terror  which  always  pos 
sesses  a  traitor's  hand  when  about  to  commit  a  deed  of 
treason  to  his  government,  and  plunge  his  people  into 
the  vortex  of  civil  war,  to  gratify  the  hollow-hearted 
ambition  of  a  few  military  office-holders,  office-seekers, 
and  rebels  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  The 
bungling  confusion  then  commenced ;  hasty  messengers 
were  sent  in  every  direction ;  Captain  Kelly's  command 
was  soon  on  the  ground,  and  orders  issued  through 
General  M.  M.  Parsons  to  procure  drills,  crowbars,  and 
powder,  and  make  all  possible  speed  in  their  work  of 
destroying  the  Gasconade  and  Osage  bridges.  The  im 
plements  of  destruction  being  procured,  they  left  in  haste 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  259 

on  their  mission.  They  went  first  to  the  Gasconade 
bridge,  and  put  seven  kegs  of  powder  under  the  turn 
table,  in  order  to  blow  up  the  draw,  laid  a  slow-match  or 
train  of  powder,  and  set  it  off;  but  the  draw  or  turn 
table  being  of  open  work,  the  powder  exploded  its  power 
in  the  open  air  without  removing  a  splinter  from  the 
bridge.  This  wicked  attempt  of  destruction  having 
failed,  they  applied  the  torch  and  burned  the  turn-table, 
consequently  the  draw  fell  into  the  river.  They  then 
returned  and  burned  the  first  span  of  the  Osage  bridge, 
on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  being  the  span  burned 
before  by  the  frightened  fox  "  Jackson."  During  this 
time  of  suspense  and  excitement  in  the  minds  of  the  peo 
ple,  not  knowing  what  had  happened,  Governor  Jackson 
was  preparing  his  treasonable  declaration  of  war  against 
the  United  States,  doubtless  agreed  upon  before  this 
brace  of  traitors  left  here  for  St.  Louis.  It  is  said  by 
many,  both  friends  and  foes,  that  their  mission  was  not 
one  of  peace,  but  to  complicate  the  already  existing  dif 
ficulties.  They  went  to  your  city  with  no  view  to  pro 
pose  any  terms  that  the  United  States  officers  could 
accept  without  virtually  acknowledging  the  supremacy 
of  State  to  Federal  authority.  *  *  *  * 

UNION. 

[Special  Correspondence  of  the  Missouri  Democrat.] 

ON  BOARD  THE  SWON,  ) 

ABOVE  MOUTH  OP  THE  OSAGE,  June  15,  11,  A.  M.  J 
After  leaving  Hermann  yesterday  afternoon,  our  pro 
gress  was  slow,  the  Swon  having  once  or  twice  to  dis 
embark  several  hundred  men  to  enable  her  to  cross  sand 
bars.  At  half-past  nine  o'clock  last  evening,  we  met  a 
skiff  from  Jefferson  City,  containing  the  United  States 
mail,  in  charge  of  W.  H.  Lusk  and  a  party  of  men.  Mr. 
Lusk  came  aboard  the  Swon  and  will  return  to  Jefferson 
City  with  us.  He  confirmed  the  reports  previously 
received  of  the  flight  of  the  State  officers  in  the  direction 
of  Boonville.  They  left  Jefferson  on  Thursday  evening 
on  the  White  Cloud.  Several  wagons  followed  Friday 
morning.  They  also  seized  all  the  rolling  stock  of  the 
Pacific  railroad,  and  with  balance  of  their  force  left  for 
Tipton,  burning  bridges  and  destroying  telegraph  lines 
behind  them. 


260  GKN.    NATHANIEL   LYON. 

Last  night  we  laid  up  a  few  miles  below  St.  Auberts. 
Got  an  early  start  this  morning,  and  at  nine  o'clock  went 
ashore  five  miles  below  the  Os;ige  to  use  the  telegraph 
lines,  while  a  few  companies  of  men  went  up  by  the  rail 
road,  crossing  the  Osage  bridge,  sliding  down  a  plank 
from  the  draw  to  the  wreck  on  the  western  span,  which, 
at  the  time  of  burning,  dropped  from  the  first  abutment 
from  the  bank,  and  now  lies  in  the  water.  A  party  of 
railroad  men  were  engaged  in  repairing  the  bridge. 
Many  of  the  timbers,  &c.,  can  be  used  to  a  considerable 
extent. 

Captain  Yates  discovered  a  few  kegs  of  powder  in  a 
commission  house  at  Osage,  and,  suggesting  to  the  a^ent 
that  he  could  put  it  in  a  safer  place,  ordered  it  aboard  the 
Swon.  The  same  party  had  a  few  hundred  pigs  of  lead 
taken  from  him  by  the  secession  troops  who  burned  the 
bridge,  but  they  failed  to  discover  the  powder.  Captain 
Yates  thinks  he  will  be  able  to  recover  their  plunder  near 
Jefferson  City,  where  it  has  been  hid.  Another  party  in 
a  skiff  was  met  near  the  Osage,  but  they  bring  nothing 
new  of  importance.  We  expect  to  reach  Jefferson  with 
out  any  resistance  whatever,  and  restore  the  flag  of  our 
Union  to  its  place  over  the  capitol  of  the  State,  and  to 
shoot  the  first  and  every  man  who  dares  to  attempt  to 
haul  it  down. 

From  the  reports  of  the  scouts  and  messengers  from 
above,  I  gather  that  the  State  forces  will  endeavor  to 
make  a  stand  at  or  near  Boonville,  and,  if  this  is  a  cor 
rect  inference,  they  are  doomed  to  a  certain  destruction. 
Our  forces  are  now  so  completely  distributed  that  no 
loop-hole  of  escape  is  left  to  the  fugitive  Executive. 
"With  the  hardy  Kansas  volunteers,  accustomed  to  skir 
mishing  with  the  border  ruffians  on  the  one  side  of  them, 
and  our  enthusiastic  volunteers  on  the  other,  the  seces 
sionists  will  hardly  be  able  to  successfully  resist. 

[LATER.] 
(Special  Correspondence  of  the  Missouri  Democrat.) 

CUPOLA  OF  THE  STATE  HOUSE,  ) 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  Mo.,  June  15,  3.30,  P.  M.  j" 
Hot  is  a  word  which  but  faintly  conveys  an  idea  of 
the  unpleasant  sensation  experienced  by  your  correspond- 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  261 

ent  while  marching  through  the  streets  of  the  capital  of 
the  State  with  the  Federal  forces  under  command  of 
General  Lyon.  After  such  a  sensation,  it  is  decidedly 
pleasant  to  sit  here,  in  the  shade  of  the  cupola,  where 
cool  breezes  fan  the  heated  brow,  with  the  glorious 
emblem  of  our  nationality  again  before  the  eyes  of  the 
citizens  here,  who  have  been  strangers  to  its  presence  so 
long.  The  flag  which  has  just  been  raised  by  William 
H.  Lusk  is  the  beautiful  one  presented  in  St.  Louis  to 
Captain  Coles'  company.  Enthusiastic  cheers  greeted 
the  appearance  of  the  flag,  the  city  band  meanwhile 
playing  a  tune  which  delighted  all  hearts  having  still 
left  a  spark  of  loyalty  within  them.  I  have  already 
telegraphed  the  points  of  our  occupation  of  the  city. 
Passing  through  the  principal  streets  of  the  city,  the  five 
companies  of  Colonel  Blair's  regiment,  under  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Andrews,  were  frequently  greeted  with  enliven 
ing  cheers  and  the  display  of  Union  flags  from  windows 
and  doorways.  Not  a  single  appearance  of  the  mob 
spirit  was  visible.  Occasionally  a  wry  face  to  be  seen, 
but  they  were  remarkably  scarce,  certainly  as  much  so 
as  they  would  have  been  in  your  own  city  under  similar 
circumstances. 

Entering  the  capitol  yard  with  a  shout,  they  rapidly 
ascended  the  steps  leading  to  the  east  door.  Captain 
Cavender's  company  occupied  the  halls  on  the  first  floor ; 
Captain  Gratz's  company  were  stationed  on  the  north 
side ;  Captains  Cole  and  Stone,  with  their  companies, 
stacked  arms  on  the  east  side  and  north  of  the  steps ; 
and  Captain  Richardson  south  of  the  steps  on  the  same 
side.  They  will  probably  be  relieved  by  a  portion  of 
Boernstein's  regiment  upon  their  arrival  this  evening. 

Major  Conarit  took  the  command  of  General  Lyon's 
company,  and  made  a  thorough  investigation  of  the 
State  Penitentiary.  Very  little  was  found  therein  to 
reward  the  patience  displayed  in  the  undertaking.  Eight 
cannon  cartridges  and  parts  of  several  carriages  make 
the  sum  total  of  the  contraband  inside  the  walls,  except, 
perhaps,  a  few  of  General  Butler's  bread-eaters. 

Captain  Cole,  already  notorious  for  discovering  seces 
sion  flags  and  printing  Union  newspapers  on  the  enemy's 
type,  also  made  a  search  in  a  few  suspected  houses,  but 


262  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

this  time  found  none  of  that  kind  of  ladies,  every  one 
being  strongly  for  the  Union.  A  search  in  the  basement  of 
the  State  House  displayed  a  fine  supply  of  candles  and 
plenty  of  good  baskets — both  very  useful  articles  in  a 
soldier's  life.  The  Governor's  palace  was  also  to  undergo 
a  similar  investigation.  It  would  surprise  some  people 
if  Governor  Jackson  should  be  discovered  in  any  closet, 
a  prisoner  in  his  own  house. 

General  Lyon  was  honored  this  afternoon  by  a -call 
from  Mr.  Simpson,  publisher  of  the  Examiner,  who 
claims  that  his  paper  is  by  no  means  a  secession  publica 
tion.  Of  course  not.  The  St.  Louis  Journal  could  say 
the  same  thing  with  equal  truth. 

Messengers  have  arrived,  who  left  Boonville  at  an 
early  hour  this  morning.  They  report  they  arrived  there 
on  the  steamer  Emilie,  from  Kansas  City,  about  two 
o'clock  yesterday  afternoon,  where  their  boat  was 
stopped  and  guarded  during  the  night.  A  skiff,  how 
ever,  was  discovered,  and  the  parties  made  their  escape 
about  daybreak.  They  say  there  were,  as  near  as  they 
could  learn,  over  a  thousand  troops  there,  with  several 
cannon,  with  which  they  were  endeavoring  to  fortify 
the  place,  and  make  a  stand.  This  is  highly  gratifying 
intelligence,  for  the  Governor  has  displayed  so  often  such 
admirable  tact  in  running  that  we  are  anxious  to  teach 
him  a  few  other  and  more  manly  qualities,  of  which  he 
is  very  deficient.  The  Mayor  01  Jefferson,  Mr.  Ewing, 
called  on  General  Lyon  to-day,  to  assure  him  of  his 
earnest  desire  to  preserve  the  peace ;  and  such  cordial 
assurances  of  an  intention  to  co-operate  with  the  Federal 
forces  for  that  purpose  were  given  that  no  trouble  need 
be  apprehended  here. 

"  Our  march  is  onward  !  We  hope  soon  to  say  : 
'  We  have  met  the  enemy,  and  they  are  ours.'  " 

B. 

[From  the  Missouri  Democrat,  June  17.] 

Companies  I  and  E  of  Colonel  Brown's  regiment,  under 
command  of  Major  Shaw,  Saturday  morning,  proceeded 
to  St.  Charles  and  vicinity,  for  the  purpose  of  guarding 
bridges,  and  a  general  superintendence  of  the  country. 
Last  evening  Major  Shaw  was  recalled,  and  Captain  W. 
C.  Jones,  of  Company  I,  assumed  command;  everything 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  263 

quiet.  This  morning  they  were  joined  by  Colonel  Kail- 
man's  regiment,  and  went  on  an  expedition  still  further 
up  the  North  Missouri  railroad.  They  proceeded  to 
within  two  or  three  miles  of  Wentzville,  where  tney 
secured  a  notorious  secessionist,  John  G  Cook,  at  whose 
house  they  discovered  and  secured  several  pieces  of  fire 
arms,  some  in  the  hands  of  the  aforesaid  Cook.  Thence 
they  went  to  Wentzville,  and  took  complete  possession  of 
the  town,  searched  the  nouses  of  the  citizens,  and  seized 
all  contraband  articles  found,  taking  several  prisoners, 
who  were  discharged  on  oath,  except  William  M.  Allen, 
railroad  ticket  agent,  whom  with  aforesaid  Cook  they 
retained.  Colonel  Kallman's  command  proceeded  up  the 
road,  Captain  Jones  in  command  of  Companies  I  and  E, 
Fourth  Regiment,  and  Company  F,  Third  Regiment,  and 
a  detachment  from  Company  C,  Second  Regiment.  With 
the  prisoners  and  seizures  in  charge,  returned  to  the 
city  this  evening  at  half-past  nine  o'clock. 

They  took  a  secession  flag  at  Wentzville.  It  was  found 
hidden  away  in  a  hay-loft. 

[From  the  same.] 

Late  on  Saturday  evening  we  received  the  following 
reliable  and  important  information  from  St.  Joseph : 

ST.  JOSEPH,  June  15. 

Colonel  Curtis  arrived  here  at  nine  o'clock.  He  had 
considerable  trouble  on  the  way.  Two  of  the  traitors 
were  killed.  Two  engines  of  the  North  Missouri  rail 
road  were  seized  by  the  troops  at  Macon,  to  prevent 
their  being  destroyed.  Colonel  Curtis's  force  amounts 
to  about  three  thousand  men,  who  are  now  stationed 
along  the  line,  and  at  St.  Joseph,  protecting  the  property 
and  arresting  the  traitors.  The  rebels  threaten  a  great 
deal,  but  have  not  effected  anything  yet. 

[From  the  same.] 

From  the  mail  agent  and  passengers  on  the  Saturday 
morning's  train  on  the  North  Missouri  railroad,  we  learn 
that  two  bridges  were  burned  by  the  traitors  on  that 
road  on  Friday  night  and  Saturday  morning.  These 
bridges  were  both  located  in  the  northern  part  of  Boone 
county,  at  Centralia  and  Sturgeon  stations.  The  party 


264  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

that  burned  the  bridge  at  Sturgeon  was  in  command  of 
a  Captain  Hicks,  who,  it  is  said,  lives  in  that  vicinity.  It 
is  not  known  who  fired  the  Centralia  bridge.  They  are 
supposed  to  be  a  gang  sent  out  from  Jefferson  City  by 
the  Governor. 

The  Centralia  bridge  was  partly  cut,  and  not  entirely 
burned,  and  can  easily  be  repaired.  That  at  Sturgeon  is 
entirely  destroyed.  Other  bridges  below  were  threat 
ened,  but  the  scoundrels  were  arrested  in  their  incendi 
arism  by  the  determined  opposition  of  the  country 
people,  who  are  exceedingly  indignant  at  the  van 
dalism. 

Thus,  from  every  section  of  the  State,  active  opera 
tions  are  begun  on  both  sides.  Colonels  Curtis,  Palmer, 
Smith,  and  McNeil  commence  Federal  operations  on  the 
north  side  of  the  Missouri  river,  directed  in  the  main  by 
General  Hurlburt;  they  are  afterward  joined  by  Colonel 
Grant  and  others,  and  find  additional  leadership  in  Gen 
eral  Pope.  The  rebels  in  North  Missouri  resort  to  the 
"  bushwhacking  "  mode  of  warfare,  and  are  seldom  met 
with  in  considerable  force.  They  do  not  long  maintain 
any  appearance  of  military  organization,  and  only  do 
their  work  at  points  unoccupied  by  the  Federal  soldiery. 
The  strength  of  the  rebellion  is  on  the  south  side  of  the 
river,  and  there  is  Lyon. 

LYON   MADE    SUBORDINATE. 

But  let  it  not  be  supposed  that  the  seed  sown  by  Yeat- 
man,  Gamble,  and  Turner  was  not  productive  of  the  most 
disastrous  results  in  course  of  time.  The  minds  of  Gen 
eral  Scott  and  Edward  Bates  (Attorney-General)  were 
so  prejudiced  against  the  "rash"  and  "impolitic"  Lyon 
that  they  gave  no  rest  to  their  labors  until  they  had  so 
far  succeeded  that,  against  the  entreaties  of  the  Repub 
licans  as  represented  through  the  Blairs,  the  Depart 
ment  of  the  West  was  added  to  the  command  of  Gen 
eral  McClellan,  at  the  time  operating  in  Western  Vir- 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  265 

ginia.  This  movement  was  particularly  unfortunate,  and 
Colonel  Blair  lost  no  time  in  urging  a  restoration  of 
Lyon  to  the  supreme  command  in  Missouri.  But  his 
arguments,  presented  to  the  President,  were  met  by  the 
stubborn  opposition  of  both  Scott  and  Bates.  The  fol 
lowing  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  F.  P.  Blair,  Sr., 
to  Colonel  Blair,  bearing  date  "Washington,  June  18, 
1861,"  will  explain  the  cause  of  the  failure  to  secure  the 
desired  change  : 

*  *  "  Bates  and  Scott  both  unite  in  insisting  that  there 
shall  be  no  change  in  the  order  assigning  the  military 
department  to  McClellan.  Scott  says  :  '  Brigadier-Gen 
eral  Lyon,  under  general  instructions  from  Major-Gen- 
eral  McClellan,  can  carry  out  such  views  in  respect  to 
Missouri  as  seem  most  advantageous — very  much  as  if 
he  were  in  charge  of  a  separate  department.' 

"F.  P.  BLAIR" 

And,  indeed,  on  paper  such  an  arrangement  looked 
well  enough.  Lyon  was  not  personally  ambitious  of 
the  supreme  command ;  all  he  asked  was  that  the  cause 
of  the  Union  should  be  served  with  vigor,  ability,  and 
effect.  So  the  safety  of  the  Republic  were  ensured,  he 
was  willing  to  sink  into,  the  subordinate.  Upon  receiv 
ing  intelligence  of  the  new  order,  whereby  Missouri  was 
added  to  McClellan's  command,  he  at  once  set  about  to 
give  that  officer  an  exact  idea  of  his  plans,  and  solicited 
his  approval.  His  dispatch  of  June  20,  from  Boon- 
ville,  displays  the  alacrity  with  which  he  recognized  the 
change.  On  the  22d  of  June,  he  wrote  in  full  to  McClel 
lan  ;  and  that  officer,  by  telegraph  from  Buckhannon,  Ya., 
under  date  of  July  6,  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the 
letter  and  authorized  Colonel  Harding  to  "  direct  Gen 
eral  Pope,  by  telegraph,  to  place  himself  and  his  brigade 
at  the  disposal  of  General  Lyon,  for  operations  on  the 
line  of  the  Southwest  Branch  of  the  Pacific  railroad." 
At  other  times  other  regiments  were  also  ordered  to 


206  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LTON, 

join  General  Lyon ;  but  before  any  of  them  could  obey 
the  orders  were  countermanded,  and  the  troops  employed 
(or  unemployed)  elsewhere. 

MR.     BATES     URGED     TO     WITHDRAW     HIS     OPPOSITION     TO 
LYON. 

WASHINGTON,  June  19,  1861. 
Hon.  EDWARD  BATES  : 

DEAR  SIR  :  At  my  solicitation  Governor  Chase  yester 
day  called  on  General  Scott  in  reference  to  relieving  our 
friends  in  Missouri  from  the  annoyance  of  being  subjected 
to  an  officer  whose  attention  must  necessarily  be,  to  a 
great  extent,  directed  to  another  field  of  operations, 
showing  him  General  McClellan's  letter,  in  which  he 
confesses  that  he  does  not  understand  the  course  of 
policy  proper  to  be  pursued  in  Missouri,  and  says  that 
he  is  embarrassed  in  the  matters  in  his  more  immediate 
charge  by  having  Missouri  added  to  his  division.  General 
Scott  declined  to  detach  Missouri  from  McClellan's 
division,  on  the  ground  of  your  objection  to  it.  I  con 
jure  you  to  withdraw  that  objection.  Lyon  is  an  older 
officer  than  McClellan.  He  has  seen  much  more  service 
in  the  field,  and  has,  in  his  conduct  of  affairs  in  Missouri, 
exhibited  good  judgment  as  a  commanding  officer.  There 
is,  indeed,  so  far  as  I  can  discover,  no  sufficient  reason 
for  subjecting  his  operations  in  Missouri  to  any  imme 
diate  supervision.  When  the  differences  in  Missouri 
shall  have  been  disposed  of,  and  it  becomes  necessary  to 
combine  the  movements  of  the  forces  of  the  West  upon 
the  South — for  which  purpose  alone  I  understood  you  to 
desire  to  have  Missouri  added  to  the  Ohio  division — it 
may  then  be  restored  to  it.  But  while  the  operations 
are  so  distinct  as  at  present,  McClellan's  attention  being 
exclusively  limited  to  almost  one  field,  and  Lyon's 
entirely  to  another,  it  is  surely  unnecessary  to  place 
the  older  officer  under  the  younger.  Hoping  you  will 
concede  this  to  men  who  are  your  tried  friends,  and  that 
you  will  not  co-operate  with  those  whose  evident  design 
is  to  embarrass  them,  to  deprive  them  of  the  credit  of 
their  success,  whilst  subjecting  them  to  all  the  discredit 
of  defeat,  if  they  meet  it, 

I  remain,  yours  truly,  M.  BLAIR. 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  267 

The  great  difficulty  under  the  new  arrangement  was 
the  impossibility  of  any  officer  operating  in  Virginia  to, 
at  that  time,  appreciate  the  situation  of  affairs  in  Mis 
souri.  And  until  McClellan  could  be  made  to  under 
stand,  Lyon  could  not  expect  to  act.  Influenced  one 
day  by  the  representations  of  General  Prentiss,  at  Cairo, 
another  by  reports  of  secesh  violence  in  North  Missouri, 
and  again  by  reports  of  rebel  movements  from  Memphis, 
he  moved  regiments  from  point  to  point,  or  held  them  in 
reserve,  as  fancy  might  seem  to  dictate.  In  reply  to  a 
message  from  Colonel  Harding,  giving  information  of 
rebel  movements,  and  asking  for  assistance,  he  announced 
his  ignorance  of  the  location  of  Stoddard  county,  and 
stated  that  he  had  no  county  map  of  Missouri.  He  was 
of  no  earthly  use  in  the  Union  contest  in  the  West,  save 
to  aid,  unconsciously,  in  retarding  the  noble  Lyon  in  his 
proper  work.  Conscious  of  the  embarrassment  under 
which  he  labored,  himself  advised  a  separation  of  the 
Missouri  command  from  his  own.  Acting  in  Washing 
ton  as  the  friend  of  Lyon  as  well  as  of  the  Government, 
Judge  Montgomery  Blair  urged  the  commission  of  Lyon 
as  a  Major-General,  and  his  reinstatement  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  Missouri  Department ;  but  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
exceedingly  embarrassed  by  the  firm  opposition  of  Bates 
and  Scott.  Impressed  with  the  importance  of  speedy 
assistance  being  rendered  to  Lyon,  Judge  Blair,  unable 
to  secure  McClellan's  personal  attendance  in  Missouri, 
and  deeply  anxious  for  the  safety  of  the  State,  as  well  as 
of  the  troops  concentrating  at  Springfield,  respected  the 
position  of  the  President,  and  urged  the  appointment  of 
Fremont,  as  an  olive  branch  tendered  the  enemies  of 
Lyon.  Fremont  was  appointed.  The  command  em 
braced,  with  Illinois,  all  the  States  and  Territories  west 
of  the  Mississippi  river  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  includ 
ing  New  Mexico. 


268  GKN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

I  copy  from  Montgomery  Blair's  testimony  before  the 
Congressional  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War : 

"  As  soon  as  he  (Fremont)  was  appointed,  I  urged  him 
to  go  to  his  department.  I  did  so  both  on  my  own 
judgment  and  because  the  President  expressed  to  me, 
every  day  he  delayed,  a  growing  solicitude  for  Lyon's  com 
mand.  Fremont,  however,  after  his  appointment,  went 
to  the  city  of  New  York,  and  remained  for  some  time ;  I 
forget  how  long.  It  seemed  to  me  a  very  long  and  most 
unaccountable  delay.  The  President  questioned  me  every 
day  about  his  movements.  I  told  him  so  often  that 
Fremont  was  oif,  or  was  going  next  day,  according  to 
my  information,  that  I  felt  mortified  when  allusion  was 
made  to  it,  and  dreaded  a  reference  to  the  subject. 
Finally,  on  the  receipt  of  a  dispatch  from  Lyon  by  my 
brother,  describing  the  condition  of  his  command,  I  felt 
justified  in  telegraphing  General  Fremont  that  he  must 
go  at  once.  But  he  remained  until  after  Bull  Run,  and 
even  then,  when  he  should  have  known  the  inspiration 
that  would  give  the  rebels,  he  traveled  leisurely  to  St. 
Louis.  He  stopped,  as  I  learned,  for  the  night,  on  the 
mountains,  and  passed  the  day  at  Columbus." 

CAPTURE    OF    BOONVILLE. 

The  rapidity  of  movement  with  which  Lyon  now  con 
fuses  the  designs  of  the  secessionists  is  bearing  its  legiti 
mate  fruit.  The  more  malignant  and  active  of  the  rebels 
are  no  longer  secured  from  molestation  by  the  very 
power  they  affected  to  despise  and  loudly  ridiculed,  and, 
forced  to  take  sides,  leave  those  whom  their  personal 
presence  intimated  if  they  did  not  influence,  to  submit  to 
the  authority  of  the  national  Government.  Without 
waiting  for  the  enemy  to  consummate  his  plans,  gather 
his  forces,  and  equip  his  army — without  even  consult 
ing  that  antiquated  collection  of  precedents  and  rules, 
tightly  bound  with  red  tape,  "  which  every  old  fogy  in 
the  army  is  supposed  to  have  committed  to  memory," 
this  energetic  soldier,  without  transportation,  without  a 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  269 

commissariat,  and  with  inferior  numbers,  hastens  to  obey 
the  President's  proclamation,  by  speedily  seeking  and  as 
speedily  dispersing  the  armed  bands  engaged  in  the  con 
spiracy  to  destroy  the  Government.  Informing  Colonel 
Harding  of  his  plans,  and  instructing  him  to  use  his 
judgment  in  the  minor  details  of  the  campaign  he  is  open 
ing,  he  leaves  Boernstein  at  Jefferson  City,  and  pushes 
on  with  all  haste  to  Boonville.  He  does  not  stop  to 
count  the  number  of  rations  on  hand,  or  the  disparity 
of  numbers,  that  with  some  might  justify  delay.  His 
desire  is  not  so  much  to  fight  as  to  disperse,  with  the 
hope  that  prompt  action  might  save  many  hundreds  from 
being  precipitated  into  a  rebellion,  which  they  ever  after 
ward  (if  they  should  survive)  would  consider  with  the 
liveliest  regret.  He  believed,  if  he  were  to  hurry  Jackson 
to  the  Arkansas  border,  a  fugitive  without  an  army  he 
could  not  only  save  thousands  of  persons  from  enlisting 
under  the  rebel  banner,  but  could  be  the  means  of  draw 
ing  them  into  the  Union  ranks,  a  blessing  instead  of  a 
curse  to  their  country. 

The  following  is  a  description  of  the  advance  on 
Boonville  by  an  eye-witness : 

[Correspondence  of  the  Missouri  Democrat.] 

HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  WEST,  ] 
BOONVILLE,  Mo.,  June  It.  f 

The  steamers  A.  McDowell,  latan,  and  City  of  Louis 
iana,  left  Jefferson  City  yesterday  afternoon,  at  two 
o'clock,  and  reached  a  point  a  mile  below  Providence 
last  night,  where  it  was  thought  best  to  lay  up  a  few 
hours.  Three  companies  of  Boern stein's  regiment,  under 
his  command,  were  left  to  protect  the  capital.  We  were 
cheered  enthusiastically  by  the  little  town  of  Marion  as 
we  passed  there  yesterday  evening.  This  morning  we 
took  an  early  start,  and  reached  Rocheport  before  six 
o'clock,  where  we  made  a  short  stop,  but  found  the 
people  mostly  surly  and  not  disposed  to  be  communica 
tive.  We  learned,  however,  that  the  enemy  were  in 


270  GEX.    NATHANIEL  LYON, 

considerable  force  a  few  miles  below  this  place,  and 
preparing  to  make  a  vigorous  defense.  Leaving  there, 
and  taking  the  steam  ferry-boat,  Paul  Wilcox  with  us,  we 
ran  up  steadily  till  we  had  passed  the  foot  of  the  island, 
and  at  seven  o'clock,  A.M.,  disembarked  on  the  south 
shore,  where  the  bottom-land  between  the  river  and  the 
bluffs  is  some  mile  and  a  half  wide.  No  traitors  were 
visible  there,  and  the  troops  at  once  took  the  river  road 
for  this  city.  Following  this  road  somewhat  over  a  mile 
and  a  half  to  where  it  ascends  the  bluffs,  several  shots 
from  our  scouts  announced  the  driving  in  of  the  enemy's 
pickets. 

We  continued  to  ascend  a  gently  undulating  slope  for 
nearly  half  a  mile,  when  the  enemy  were  reported  in 
full  force  near  the  summit  of  the  next  swell  of  ground, 
about  three  hundred  yards  from  our  front.  The  enemy 
were  exceedingly  well  posted,  having  every  advantage 
in  the  selection  of  their  ground;  but,  as  you  will  see,  it 
has  been  clearly  demonstrated  that  one  secessionist  is 
hardly  superior  to  many  more  than  his  equal  number. 

Arriving  at  the  brow  of  the  ascent,  Captain  Totten 
opened  the  engagement  by  throwing  a  few  nine-pounder 
explosives  into  their  ranks,  while  the  infantry  filed 
oblique  right  and  left,  and  commenced  a  terrific  volley 
of  musketry,  which  was  for  a  short  time  well  replied  to, 
the  balls  flying  thick  and  fast  about  our  ears,  and  occa 
sionally  wounding  a  man  on  our  side.  The  enemy  were 
posted  in  a  lane  running  toward  the  river  from  the  road 
along  which  the  grand  army  of  the  United  States  were 
advancing,  and  in  a  brick  house  on  the  northeast  corner 
of  the  junction  of  the  two  roads.  A  couple  of  bombs 
were  thrown  through  the  east  wall  of  that  house,  scatter 
ing  the  enemy  in  all  directions.  The  well-directed  fire 
of  the  German  infantry,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Schaeffer,  on 
the  right,  and  General  Lyon's  company  of  regulars  and 
part  of  Colonel  Blair's  regiment  on  the  left  of  the  road, 
soon  compelled  the  enemy  to  present  an  inglorious 
aspect.  They  clambered  over  the  fence  into  a  field  of 
wheat,  and  again  formed  in  line  just  on  the  brow  of  the 
hill.  They  then  advanced  some  twenty  steps  to  meet 
us,  and  for  a  short  time  the  cannons  were 'worked  witli 
great  rapidity  and  effect.  Just  at  this  time  the  enemy 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  271 

opened  a  galling  fire  from  a  grove  just  on  the  left  of  our 
centre,  and  from  a  shed  beyond  and  still  further  to  the  left. 
The  skirmish  now  assumed  the  magnitude  of  a  battle. 
The  Commander,  General  Lyon,  exhibited  the  most 
remarkable  coolness,  and  preserved  throughout  that 
undisturbed  presence  of  mind  shown  by  him  alike  in  the 
camp,  in  private  life,  and  on  the  field  of  battle.  "  For 
ward  on  the  extreme  right " — "  Give  them  another  shot, 
Captain  Totten,"  echoed  above  the  roar  of  musketry, 
clear  and  distinct,  from  the  lips  of  the  General,  who  led 
the  advancing  column.  Our  force  was  2,000  in  all,  but 
not  over  500  participated  at  any  one  time  in  the  battle. 
The  enemy,  as  we  have  since  been  reliably  informed, 
were  over  4,000  strong,  and  yet  twenty  minutes  from 
the  time  when  the  first  gun  was  fired  the  rebels  were  in 
full  retreat,  and  our  troops  occupying  the  ground  on 
which  they  first  stood  in  line.  The  consummate  coward 
ice  displayed  by  the  seceshers  will  be  more  fully  under 
stood  when  I  add  that  the  spurs  or  successive  elevations 
now  became  more  abrupt,  steep,  and  rugged,  the  enemy 
being  fully  acquainted  with  their  ground,  and  strong 
positions  behind  natural  defenses,  orchards  and  clumps 
of  trees  offering  themselves  every  few  yards.  Nothing 
more,  however,  was  seen  of  the  flying  fugitives  until 
about  one  mile  west  of  the  house  of  Wm.  M.  Adams, 
where  they  were  first  posted.  Just  there  was  Camp 
Vest,  and  a  considerable  force  seemed  prepared  to  defend 
the  approaches  to  it.  Meanwhile,  a  shot  from  the  iron 
howitzer  on  the  McDowell  announced  to  us  that 
Voester,  with  his  artillery-men,  and  Captain  Richardson's 
company  of  infantry,  who  were  left  in  charge  of  the 
boats,  were  commencing  operations  on  the  battery  over 
a  mile  below  Camp  Vest.  This  but  increased  the 
panic  among  the  invincible  traitors ;  and  Captain  Totten 
had  but  to  give  them  a  few  rounds  before  their  heels 
were  again  in  requisition,  and  Captains  Cole  and  Miller, 
at  the  head  of  their  companies,  entered  and  took  posses 
sion  of  the  enemy's  deserted  breakfast-tables. 

About  twenty  horses  had  by  this  time  arrived  within 
our  lines  with  vacant  saddles,  and  the  corps  reportorial 
were  successfully  mounted  on  chosen  steeds.  The  amount 
of  plunder  secured  in  Camp  Vest,  or  Bacon,  as  the  citizens 


272  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

here  call  it,  from  the  name  of  the  gentleman  owning  a 
fine  house  close  by,  was  very  large.  One  thousand  two 
hundred  shoes,  twenty  or  thirty  tents,  quantities  of 
ammunition,  some  fifty  guns  of  various  patterns,  blankets, 
coats,  carpet  sacks,  and  two  secession  flags  were  included 
in  the  sum  total. 

Leaving  Captain  Cole  in  command  of  the  camp,  we 
pushed  on  toward  Boonville,  chasing  the  cowardly 
wretches,  who  outmanned  us  two  to  one.  The  McDowell 
now  came  along  up  in  the  rear  and  off  to  the  right  from 
our  troops,  and  having  a  more  distant  view  of  the  enemy, 
from  the  river,  and  observing  their  intention  of  making 
another  stand  at  the  Fair  grounds,  one  mile  east  of  here, 
where  the  State  has  an  armory  extemporized,  Captain 
Voester  again  sent  them  his  compliments  from  the  old 
howitzer's  mouth,  which,  with  a  couple  of  shots  from 
Captain  Totten  and  a  volley  from  Lothrop's  detachment 
of  rifles,  scattered  the  now  thoroughly  alarmed  enemy  in 
all  directions.  Their  flight  through  the  village  com 
menced  soon  after  eight  o'clock  and  continued  until  after 
eleven.  Some  three  hundred  crossed  the  river,  many 
went  south,  but  the  bulk  kept  on  westwardly.  A  good 
many  persons  were  taken  at  the  different  points  of  battle, 
but  it  is  believed  the  enemy  secured  none  of  ours. 

Captain  Richardson  had  landed  below,  and,  with  the 
support  of  the  howitzer  from  the  steamer  McDowell,  cap 
tured  their  battery,  consisting  of  two  six-pounders  (with 
which  they  intended  to  sink  our  fleet),  twenty  prisoners, 
one  caisson,  and  eight  horses  with  military  saddles.  The 
enemy  did  not  fire  a  shot  from  their  cannon. 

After  passing  the  Fair  grounds,  our  troops  came 
slowly  toward  town.  They  were  met  on  the  east  side 
of  the  creek  by  Judge  Miller,  of  the  District  Court,  and 
other  prominent  citizens,  bearing  a  flag  of  truce,  in  order 
to  assure  our  troops  of  friendly  feelings  sustained  by 
three-fourths  of  the  inhabitants,  and,  if  possible,  prevent 
the  shedding  of  innocent  blood.  They  were  met  cordi 
ally  by  General  Lyon  and  Colonel  Blair,  who  promised, 
if  no  resistance  was  made  to  their  entrance,  that  no  harm 
need  be  feared.  Major  O'Brien  soon  joined  the  party 
from  the  city,  and  formally  surrendered  it  to  the  Federal 
forces.  The  troops  then  advanced,  headed  by  the  Major 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  273 

and  General*  Lyon,  and  were  met  at  the  principal  street 
by  a  party  bearing  and  waving  that  beautiful  emblem 
under  which  our  armies  gather  and  march  forth,  con 
quering  and  to  conquer.  The  flag  party  cheered  the 
troops,  who  lustily  returned  the  compliment.  American 
flags  are  now  quite  thick  on  the  street,  and  secessionists 
are  nowhere. 

As  usual,  the  traitors  had  destroyed  the  telegraphic 
communication  with  the  East,  and  I  have,  therefore, 
been  unable  to  transmit  the  news  of  our  victory. 

The  gallant  bearing  of  our  men  is  the  subject  of  con 
stant  remark  and  praise  from  the  officers,  while  Colonel 
Blair,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Andrews,  Adjutant  Hescock, 
Major  Conant,  and  many  other  officers  won  golden 
opinions  from  the  soldiers  for  their  fearless  and  determ 
ined  behavior. 

There  were  two  men  killed  on  our  side. 
[  Special  to  the  Missouri  Democrat.] 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  June  18. 

Mr.  Gordon,  from  St.  Louis,  and  other  gentlemen,  who 
arrived  to-day  from  above,  give  the  following  version  of 
the  battle  at  Boonville : 

General  Lyon  landed  his  troops  four  miles  below 
Boonville,  and  opened  a  heavy  cannonade  against  the 
rebel  army,  who  could  not  long  stand  the  fire,  but  re 
treated  and  took  up  a  position  in  an  adjacent  wood, 
from  where,  hidden  behind  the  bushes  and  trees,  they 
opened  a  heavy  skirmishing  fire  on  our  troops. 

General  Lyon  then  ordered  a  hasty  retreat  to  the 
boats,  and  the  rebels,  encouraged  by  this  movement, 
rallied  in  line  of  battle,  and  followed  the  troops  into  an 
open  wheat  field. 

General  Lyon  now  halted  his  troops,  faced  them  about, 
and,  bringing  his  whole  artillery  in  front,  opened  a  mur 
derous  fire  on  the  rebels.  Three  hundred  of  them  were 
killed. 

Seeing  that  there  was  no  possibility  of  escaping,  they 
threw  away  their  arms  and  ran  in  all  directions,  and 
General  Lyon  took  possession  of  Boonville.  General 
Sterling  Price  fell  sick  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle, 
with  a  violent  diarrhea,  and  was  brought  on  board  a 
steamboat,  which  carried  him  to  Chariton,  his  home. 
12* 


274  GEN. 

Ex-Governor  C.  F.  Jackson  assisted  as  a  spectator  on 
a  hill  two  miles  from  the  field  of  battle,  but  seeing  what 
happened  he  took  a  hasty  retreat  to  parts  unknown.  So 
soon  as  the  telegraphic  lines  from  Boonville  to  Syracuse 
shall  be  re-established,  I  will  send  you  more  particulars. 

It  is  reported  that  ex-Governor  Jackson  escaped  at 
the  beginning  of  the  battle,  and  is  still  running  as  fast 
as  possible.  The  balance  of  his  men  dispersed  in  all 
directions. 

PROCLAMATION   BY   GENERAL   LYON. 

The  day  after  the  surrender  of  Boonville,  General  Lyon 
issued  the  following  proclamation : 

To  the  People  of  Missouri  : 

Upon  leaving  the  city  of  St.  Louis,  in  consequence 
of  the  declaration  of  war  made  by  the  Governor  of  this 
State  against  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
because  I  would  not  assume  in  its  behalf  to  relinquish 
its  duties  and  abdicate  its  rights  of  protecting  loyal  citi 
zens  from  the  oppression  and  cruelties  of  secessionists  in 
this  State,  I  published  an  address  to  the  people,  in  which 
I  declared  my  intention  to  use  the  force  under  my  com 
mand  for  no  other  purpose  than  the  maintenance  of  the 
authority  of  the  General  Government,  and  the  protection 
of  the  rights  and  property  of  all  law-abiding  citizens. 
The  State  authorities,  in  violation  of  an  agreement  with 
General  Harney,  on  the  21st  of  May  last,  had  drawn 
together  and  organized  upon  a  large  scale  the  means  of 
warfare,  and,  having  made  declaration  of  war,  they 
abandoned  the  capital,  issued  orders  for  the  destruction 
of  the  railroad  and  telegraph  lines,  and  proceeded  to  this 
point  to  put  in  execution  their  purposes  toward  the 
General  Government.  This  devolved  upon  me  the 
necessity  of  meeting  this  issue  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
and  accordingly  I  moved  to  this  point  with  a  portion  of 
the  force  under  my  command,  attacked  and  dispersed 
hostile  forces  gathered  here  by  the  Governor,  and  took 
possession  of  the  camp  equipage  left  and  a  considerable 
number  of  prisoners,  most  of  them  young  and  of  immature 
age,  who  represent  that  they  have  been  misled  by  frauds 


AND   MISSOTJEI   IN    1861.  275 

ingeniously  devised  and  industriously  circulated  by 
designing  leaders,  who  seek  to  devolve  upon  unreflecting 
and  deluded  followers  the  task  of  securing  the  object  of 
their  own  false  ambition.  Out  of  compassion  for  these 
misguided  youths,  and  to  correct  impressions  created  by 
unscrupulous  calumniators,  I  have  liberated  them,  upon 
condition  that  they  will  not  serve  in  the  impending  hos 
tilities  against  the  United  States  Government.  I  have 
done  this  in  spite  of  the  known  facts  that  the  leaders  in 
the  present  rebellion,  having  long  experienced  the  mild 
ness  of  the  General  Government,  still  feel  confident  that 
this  mildness  cannot  be  overtaxed  even  by  factious  hos 
tilities  having  in  view  its  overthrow ;  but  if,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  late  Camp  Jackson  affair,  this  clemency  shall 
still  be  misconstrued,  it  is  proper  to  give  warning  that 
the  Government  cannot  be  always  expected  to  indulge  it 
to  the  compromise  of  its  evident  welfare. 

Having  learned  that  those  plotting  against  the  Gov 
ernment  have  falsely  represented  that  the  Government 
troops  intended  a  forcible  and  violent  invasion  of  Mis 
souri  for  the  purposes  of  military  despotism  and  tyranny, 
I  hereby  give  notice  to  the  people  of  this  State  that  I 
shall  scrupulously  avoid  all  interferences  with  the  busi 
ness,  rights,  and  property  of  every  description  recog 
nized  by  the  laws  of  this  State,  and  belonging  to  law- 
abiding  citizens ;  but  that  it  is  equally  my  duty  to  main 
tain  the  paramount  authority  of  the  United  States  with 
such  force  as  I  have  at  my  command,  which  will  be 
retained  only  so  long  as  opposition  shall  make  it  neces 
sary  ;  and  that  it  is  my  wish,  and  shall  be  my  purpose, 
to  devolve  any  unavoidable  rigor  arising  in  this  issue 
upon  those  only  who  provoke  it. 

All  persons  who,  under  the  misapprehensions  above- 
mentioned,  have  taken  up  arms,  or  who  are  now  prepar 
ing  to  do  so,  are  invited  to  return  to  their  homes,  and 
relinquish  their  hostile  attitude  to  the  General  Govern 
ment,  and  are  assured  that  they  may  do  so  without  being 
molested  for  past  occurrences. 

N.  LYON,    • 
Brigadier- General  IT.  £  Vols.,  Com'g. 

BOONVILLE,  Mo.,  June  18,  1861. 


276  GEN". 

GENERAL   LYON   AT   BOONVILLE. 

BOONVILLE,  Mo.,  June  18,  1861. 

DEAR  HARDING — You  have  heard  of  us,  and  our  leav 
ing  Jefferson  City  on  the  16th.  We  debarked  the  next 
morning  a  little  above  Rocheport,  and  had  not  proceeded 
more  than  two  miles  before  we  met  their  advanced  pick 
ets,  and  soon  after  their  whole  force.  At  first,  the  seces 
sionists  made  a  weak  effort,  which,  doubtless,  was 
intended  to  lead  us  on  to  their  stronghold,  where  they 
held  on  with  considerable  resolution,  and  gave  us  a  check 
for  a  short  time  and  made  some  havoc.  On  moving  for 
ward,  however,  a  straggling  fire  from  the  right  and  left 
made  it  necessary  to  move  on  with  caution  and  slowness, 
and  we  reached  the  city  about  two  o'clock,  P.M.,  where 
we  were  met  \)j  many  people,  under  consternation  from 
the  erroneous  impression  that  great  violence  would  be 
perpetrated  upon  persons  and  property.  I  have  been  en 
gaged  more  or  less  in  removing  this  impression.  I  regret 
much  that  my  proclamation  was  not  published  promptly, 
so  that  I  could  have  had  it  here  for  distribution.  I  get 
no  news  of  what  is  going  on  around  us,  but  much  fear 
the  movement  from  Texas,  and  hope  the  subject  will  en 
gage  the  attention  of  the  General  Government.  Keep 
McClellan  advised  upon  the  matter.  I  had  hoped  some 
of  our  Iowa  troops  would  have  been  in  this  region  by 
this  time,  but  hear  nothing  from  them.  My  suspense  just 
now  is  painful. 

Yours  truly, 

N.  LYON. 
Col.  CHESTER  HARDING,  Jr.,  St.  Louis  Arsenal. 

BOONVILLE,  Mo.,  June  20,  1861. 

General  MCCLELLAN — I  have  notice  that  Missouri  is 
assigned  to  your  command.  This  Boonville  is  an  import 
ant  point,  and  should  have  at  least  a  whole  regiment, 
with  an  advance  post  at  Warsaw,  which  is  a  nest  of  rebels, 
who,  at  Camp  Cole,  massacred  Union  men.  I  would 
have^you  send  a  regiment  here,  with  a  large  supply  of 
stores.  The  Second  Missouri  Volunteer  Regiment  will 
concentrate  at  Jefferson  City. 

N.  LYON. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  277 

[By  Telegraph.] 

BOONVILLE,  June  24,  1861. 

Colonel  HARDING,  A.  G. — Hope  to  get  off  on  the  26th. 
Think  provisions  now  coming  up  will  be  enough  for 
some  time.  About  four  companies  more  should  be  here. 
A  force  can  go  to  Cape  Girardeau ;  but  an  expedition  to 
Pocahontas  should  be  made  with  care.  It  might  be  cut  off 

N.  LYON, 

Commanding. 

BOONVILLE,  June  26,  1861. 

Colonel  HARDING — The  interests  of  the  Government 
require  that  no  boats  ply  along  the  river  between  this 
and  Kansas  City  for  the  present,  and  you  will  notify  the 
Collector  that  no  boats  will  be  allowed  to  pass  above 
here  until  further  orders.  Much  confusion  attends  my 
train  arrangements  and  delay  is  unavoidable.  Shall  try 
to  get  off  to-morrow,  but  am  not  certain.  I  want 
Colonel  Stevenson  to  come  here  and  take  command  with 
some  of  his  companies.  Schofield  arrived  this  after 
noon. 

N.  LYON, 

Commanding. 

BOONVILLE,  June  27,  1861. 

Colonel  HARDING — Colonel  Stiefel's  command  and 
four  companies  of  the  Seventh  Regiment  arrived.  Pro 
visions  wanted.  Send  at  once  to  Hermann,  by  first  train, 
four  hundred  barrels  of  hard  bread,  nine  bushels  of 
beans,  three  thousand  three  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  of 
rice,  two  thousand  pounds  of  sugar,  and  six  hundred 
pounds  of  coffee.  The  rains  are  terrible.  I  cannot  get 
off.  Steamer  goes  down  to  Hermann  to  meet  provisions. 
Answer. 

K  LYON, 

Commanding. 

BOONVILLE,  July  1,  1861. 

Colonel  HARDING — What  is  going  on  in  the  south 
east  ?  You  sent  me  word  that  McClellan  would  attend 
to  that  quarter.  He  says  I  may  have  one  regiment  from 


278  GEN. 

Quincey  and  one  from  Casey  ville ;  and  Prentiss  is  author 
ized  to  send  for  four  more  regiments,  if  he  wants  them. 
Cannot  all  these  be  put  in  motion  to  meet  the  danger 
threatened  ?  See  what  Prentiss  Bays,  and  send  word  to 
McClellan. 

1ST.  LYON, 

Commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS,   CAMP  CAMERON,  ) 
BOONVILLE,  June  29,  1861.         j 
Special  Order  No.  1. 

Colonel  John  D.  Stevenson,  Seventh  Regiment  Mis 
souri  Volunteers,  is  assigned  to  the  command  of  the  Mis 
souri  river  from  Kansas  City  to  its  mouth,  and  the 
adjacent  country.  His  headquarters  will  be  at  this 
place. 

Colonel  Stevenson  will  move  as  soon  as  practicable, 
with  that  portion  of  his  regiment  now  armed,  to  posts 
assigned,  leaving  the  remainder  to  join  him  as  soon  as 
it  shall  be  in  proper  condition. 

He  will  establish  and  maintain  at  Lexington,  Boon- 
ville,  and  Jefferson  City,  posts  of  sufficient  strength  to 
hold  possession  of  those  places,  and  furnish  detachments 
for  operations  into  the  surrounding  counties. 

He  will  keep  two  armed  boats,  patroling  between 
Hermann  and  Kansas  City,  one  above  and  one  below 
Boonville,  exercising  a  strict  surveillance  over  ferry 
boats  and  others  navigating  the  river,  and  prevent  their 
being  used  in  transporting  hostile  troops,  or  in  other  ille 
gitimate  traffic ;  and  if,  in  his  opinion,  it  shall  be  neces 
sary  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  above  purpose,  he 
will  seize  and  keep  possession  of  such  boats. 

The  armed  boats  will  make  frequent  landings,  and 
send  parties  to  scour  the  surrounding  country,  gather 
information  of  the  formation  of  hostile  parties,  and  break 
them  up,  concerting  measures,  if  necessary,  with  the 
adjoining  post  for  this  purpose,  and  give  effectual  pro 
tection  to  the  loyal  citizens.  Boats  passing  up  and 
down  the  river  will  habitually  be  required  to  go  in  com 
pany  with  the  armed  boats. 

Colonel  Stevenson  will  detail  intelligent  and  trust 
worthy  officers  to  attend  to  the  transportation,  preser- 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  279 

vation,  and  issue  of  supplies  for  the  troops  under  his 
command,  and  will  give  as  much  as  possible  of  his  per 
sonal  attention  to  the  matter,  to  the  end  that  the  strict 
est  economy  may  be  enforced,  and  the  comfort  and  effi 
ciency  of  the  troops  secured. 

The  proper  garrison  for  each  post  will  be  about  six 
companies,  and  the  force  for  each  boat,  two  companies. 

Each  post  should  have  at  least  one  field-piece,  and 
each  boat  a  twenty-four-pounder  howitzer. 

Colonel  Chester  Harding  will  designate  the  troops 
necessary,  in  addition  to  Colonel  Stevenson's  regiment, 
to  carry  into  execution  this  order. 

As  soon  as  Colonel  Stevenson  shall  be  prepared  to  gar 
rison  the  posts  specified  above,  Colonel  Henry  Boern- 
stein  will  proceed  with  his  regiment  to  St.  Louis,  and  take 
post  at  the  arsenal  or  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  as  may  be 
determined  by  Colonel  Harding,  when  the  regiment 
will  have  an  opportunity  to  reorganize  for  three  years' 
service. 

By  order  of  General  LYON, 

J.  M.  SCHOFIELD,  A.  A.  G. 

BOONVILLE,  July  2,  1861. 

Colonel  HARDING — I  hope  to  move  to-morrow,  and 
think  it  more  important  just  now  to  go  to  Springfield. 
My  force  in  moving  from  here  will  be  about  twenty-four 
hundred  men.  Major  Sturgis  will  have  about  twenty- 
two  hundred  men,  and  you  know  what  force  has  gone  to 
Springfield  from  St.  Louis,  so  that  you  see  what  amount 
01  provisions  we  shall  want  supplied  at  that  point. 
Please  attend  to  us  as  effectually  as  possible.  Our  line 
should  be  kept  open  by  all  means.  I  must  be  governed 
by  circumstances  at  Springfield.  You  will,  of  course, 
have  due  attention  to  the  Southeast.  The  State  Journal 
is  outrageous  and  must  be  stopped ,  you  will  take  such 
measures  as  you  think  best  to  effect  this.  Our  cause  is 
suffering  from  too  much  indulgence,  and  you  must  so 
advise  our  friends  in  St.  Louis.  Colonel  Stevenson  must 
have  pretty  strong  garrisons  at  the  points  he  occupies  on 
the  river,  and  he  must  have  support  from  other  States, 
as  the  occasion  seems  to  require.  Colonel  Curtis  is,  I 
suppose,  on  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  railroad ;  rig- 


280  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

orous  measures  should  be  shown  the  disorderly  in  that 
region.  Our  operations  are  becoming  extensive,  and 
our  staff  officers  must  keep  up  with  our  emergencies. 
We  need  here  a  regular  quartermaster  and  commissary. 
Cannot  something  be  done  for  us  from  Washington  ? 

Yours  truly, 

N.  LYON, 

Commanding. 

P.  S. — I  cannot  spare  more  than  three  hundred  stand  of 
arms  for  Home  Guards  at  Jefferson.  I  shall  not  be  able 
to  supply  other  portions  of  the  State  with  the  same  pro 
portion.  N.  L. 

HEADQUARTERS  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS,  ) 
CAMP  CAMERON,  July  2,  1861.          j 

General  Orders  N^o.  4. 

The  following  troops,  under  command  of  Brigadier- 
General  N.  Lyon,  will  take  up  the  line  of  march  for  the 
South  at  seven  o'clock,  A.  M.,  to-morrow,  viz. : 

OFFICERS.  MEX. 

Brigadier-General  and  Staff 4 

Company  B,  Second  Infantry 61 

Company  F,  Second  Artillery      ....  1  60 

Recruits,  United  States  Army  ....  1  134 

First  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers    .     .  29  860 

Two  companies  Second  Regt.  Mo.  Vols.  6  205 

Pioneer  Detachment 1  46 

Artillery ]  13 

First  Regiment  Iowa  Volunteers     ...  34  892 

77        2,277 

The  following  troops  will  remain  for  the  present  at 
this  place: 

COMPANIES.      OFFICERS.  MKX . 

Second  Regiment  Missouri  Vols.     .       4  10         381 

Seventh         do  do         do      .         4  13         349 

Fifth  Regt.  Mo.  "  Reserve  Corps  "  .       8  30         558 

Total 16  53 

Left  behind  sick  .     . 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  281 

The  troops  which  take  the  field  under  General  Lyon 
will  be  joined  by  a  force  of  two  thousand  two  hundred 
regulars  and  Kansas  volunteers,  under  command  of 
Major  Sturgis,  United  States  Army,  at  Osceola,  Missouri. 
The  united  command  will  then  proceed  toward  Spring 
field,  Missouri.  Colonel  Chester  Harding,  Adjutant- 
General  Missouri  Volunteers,  will  forward  to  Springfield 
the  commissary  supplies  necessary  for  this  command,  in 
addition  to  that  already  in  the  field  in  that  portion  of 
the  State.  *  *  *  * 

By  order  of  General  LYON. 

J.  M.  SCHOFIELD,  A.  A.   a. 

[Missouri  Democrat,  July  6,  1861.] 

BOONVILLE,  July  2,  1861. 

The  "  Louisiana  "  arrived  from  Jefferson  City,  bring 
ing  six  companies  of  the  Fifth  Reserve  Corps,  under 
Lieutenant-Colonel  White,  and  a  quantity  of  provisions, 
arms,  and  ammunition.  *  *  *  The  following  order 
is  published : 

HEADQUARTERS  MISSOURI  VOLUNTEERS,  ) 
BOONVLLLE,  Mo.,  July  1,  1861.        ) 
Special  Orders  JVb.  2. 

The  present  emergencies  of  public  affairs  require  of  all 
loyal  persons  the  utmost  prudence  and  moderation,  in 
order  to  secure  their  own  individual  welfare,  and  that  of 
their  country,  and  avoid  by  all  possible  means,  the 
unhappy  consequences  of  indiscretion.  By  such  means 
only  can  the  unavoidable  hardships  of  a  toilsome  cam 
paign  be  endured  with  patience  and  cheerfulness.  The 
readiness  with  which  the  troops  of  this  command  have 
responded  to  the  call  of  their  country  in  its  present  dan 
gers,  their  zealous  devotion  to  its  cause,  and  patient 
endurance  of  privations  thus  far  give  an  encouraging 
hope  of  much  satisfaction  upon  these  points,  on  occa 
sions  of  more  severe  hardships  than  those  heretofore 
incurred  in  our  late  movements.  With  a  view  to  these 
objects  the  following  rules  will  be  observed : 

[NOTE — The  rules  laid  down  are  taken  from  Army  Regulations.] 

N.  LYON, 
Brigadier-  General,  Commanding. 


282  GEN.   NATHANIEL   LTON, 

The  lack  of  Colonel  Blair's  energetic  spirit  has  been 
apparent  in  every  attempt  at  progress  since  he  left  for 
Washington.  In  the  absence  of  Colonel  Blair,  the  Gen 
eral  lacks  a  strong  right  hand.  The  adroitness  and  facil 
ity  with  which  he  grasped  the  State,  then  madly  reeling 
under  secession  influences,  and  pinned  the  Star  with 
increasing  firmness  to  the  Constellation  of  the  Union, 
will  in  due  time  cause  grateful  recollections  to  spring  up 
in  the  breast  of  every  honest,  loyal  citizen.  Turn  which 
way  we  will,  we  can  find  no  one  who  contributed  more 
successfully  to  this  great  object  than  Colonel  Blair.* 

*  [From  the  Missouri  Democrat,  June  26,  1861.] 

F.  P.  BLAIR,  JR. 

Colonel  Blair  left  this  city  on  Monday  last  for  the  East.  The  situation  of 
things  in  Missouri  at  the  moment  not  calling  for  his  presence  at  the  head  of 
his  regiment,  he  has  departed  for  the  East,  to  render  a  more  valuable  service  to 
Missouri  and  to  the  whole  country.  The  time  that  must  elapse  between  this 
and  the  Fourth  of  July,  on  which  day  Congress  will  meet,  is  short  enough  for 
the  duties  he  has  undertaken  to  discharge  before  he  will  be  required  to 
resume  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

That  he  will  do  "  well  and  quickly  "  what  is  in  his  hands  to  do  none  can 
doubt.  From  the  moment  that  Colonel  Blair  entered  on  public  life,  he  has  had 
this  confidence  from  his  friends.  From  that  moment  he  has  commanded  this 
respect  from  his  opponents.  Boy  or  man,  all  have  conceded  to  Frank  Blair 
the  will  and  the  ability  to  meet  the  responsibilities  of  every  occasion  in  which 
it  has  been  his  duty  to  act.  With  the  expansive  vig^or  of  a  superior  intellect, 
he  has  developed  new  powers  in  every  crisis,  and  risen  equal  to  the  demands 
of  every  emergency.  To-day  he  fills  a  higher  place  in  the  popular  estimation 
than  he  has  ever  fified.  He  has  left  Missouri  with  a  greater  reputation,  a  more 
extended  influence,  and  larger  capabilities  for  good,  than  she  has  yet  enjoyed. 
It  is  but  just  to  Colonel  Blair  to  record  that,on  his  return  to  this  city  in  April  last, 
his  talents  were  subjected  to  a  most  severe  and  trying  experiment.  The  grand 
object  before  him,  at  that  time,  was  to  arrest  the  State  or  Missouri,  then  trem 
bling  on  the  verge  of  revolution,  and  bind  her  fast  to  the  Union.  The  means 
by  which  this  great  and  patriotic  end  was  to  be  accomplished  were  of  the  most 
difficult  and  delicate  nature.  They  consisted  in  the  organizing  and  arming  in 
this  city  of  a  military  force  sufficient  to  protect  its  loyal  inhabitants  against 
armed  bands  of  secessionists,  already  organized  and  officered  and  drilled,  and 
backed  up  by  a  traitorous  State  government,  and  a  city  government,  which,  if 
not  traitorous  in  fact,  was  hostile  to  the  Union  and  sympathizing  strongly  with 
secession.  Who  does  not  remember  the  haughty  bearing  of  the  secessionists 
at  that  time  (so  chopfallen  withal  and  humbled  now)  ?  Our  Commissioners 
of  Police  had  discovered  that  Captain  (now  General)  Lyon,  who  had  only  some 
two  hundred  men  in  the  arsenal,  had  no  authority  to  bring  his  men  outside  its 
walls.  They  had  procured  the  opinion  of  a  certain  traitor  lawyer  that  to  do  so 
was  unconstitutional.  They  had  posted  sentinels  around  the  arsenal  to  spy  out 
the  movements  there,  and  bring  into  contempt  the  national  flag,  and  put  under 
the  law  of  a  rebel  city  police  the  men  who  bore  it.  Brigadier-General  Frost 
(who  has  since  melted  quite  away)  had  announced  his  purpose  to  plant  batteries 
on  the  high  grounds  commanding  the  arsenal,  and  General  Harney  had  decided 
that  it  would  not  be  '"prudent"  in  Lyon  to  take  any  step  to  prevent  it,  and  that 
no  such  attempt  s/iould  be  made.  St.  Louis  trembled  and  cowered  beneath  the 
overwhelming  power  of  secession. 

The  difficulty  of  organizing  such  a  military  force  as  Blair  desired  was  three 
fold.  There  was  difficulty  in  overcoming  the  fears  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the 
Union  men,  who  knew  their  motions  were  watched  by  a  sharp  and  hostile 
police.  There  was  danger  that  the  first  small  body  of  Union  men  who  might 
initiate  the  work  would  be  set  upon  and  cut  to  pieces  by  the  "minute-men," 


AND   MISSOUEI   IN    1861.  283 

COLONEL  HARDING'S  OFFICIAL  STATEMENT  OF  THE  OPEN 
ING   OF   THE    CAMPAIGN   BY   LYON. 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  July  7,  1861. 
To  General  L.  THOMAS,  Adjutant- General,  Washington 

City: 

SIR — At  the  suggestion  of  General  Lyon,  I  write  to 
inform  you  of  the  movements  of  troops  in  this  State. 
Three  columns  are  in  the  field,  with  the  design  to  unite 
at  or  near  Springfield,  Missouri,  and  then  to  proceed 
into  Arkansas.  General  Lyon's  intention  was  to  go  to 
Little  Rock,  but  movements  of  the  enemy  in  the  south 
eastern  portion  of  the  State  may  change  his  plans.  Be 
sides  garrisoning  Jefferson  City,  Boonville,  and  Lexing 
ton,  General  Lyon  has  marched  southward  with  twenty- 

who  had  garrisoned  and  fortified  with  cannon  the  building  on  the  corner  of 
Fifth  and  Pine,  or  by  Frost's  brigade,  who  were  at  that  time  quartered  in  the 
city. 

But  another  most  imposing  difficulty  to  be  overcome  lay  in  the  hesitation 
and  timidity  of  many  men  or  influence  among  the  Union  men  themselves.  It 
was  dangerous,  said  these,  to  organize ;  it  was  rash  to  arm  ;  it  would  excite 
secessionists,  provoke  attack,  draw  down  upon  us  the  city  police,  and  lead  to 
bloodshed.  But  all  these  difficulties  were  surmounted ;  it  was  in  the  genius  of 
Colonel  Blair  to  overcome  them  all.  He  moved  right  on.  His  quiet,  steady, 
and  unpretending  courage  inspirited  the  faltering  Union  men.  His  discretion 
and  celerity  of  action  overreached  both  the  police  and  the  minute-men.  The 
crganization  was  perfected  with  so  much  secrecy  and  dispatch  that  an  army 
seemed  to  have  been  created  in  an  hour.  It  was  in  this  way  that  Colonel 
Blair  held  up  and  sustained  the  Union  men  with  one  hand,  while  with  the 
other  he  smote  and  discomfited  the  secessionists. 

The  rest  is  known.  The  capture  of  Camp  Jackson,  that  nucleus  of  the 
secession  army,  which  was  to  take  Missouri  out  of  the  Union,  the  most  gal 
lant  feat  in  the  history  of  the  war,  was  but  one  of  the  results  of  the  wisdom 
we  have  been  attempting  to  portray. 

The  battle  of  Boonviue,  another  brilliant  feat  of  arms,  whose  splendors 
have  covered  our  little  army  as  with  a  mantle,  might  have  been  won  by  any 
officer  with  less  than  a  tithe  of  the  credit  for  talents  which  rightfully  belong  to 
Colonel  Blair.  These  victories  were  won,  in  fact,  last  winter  and  spring,  wnen 
Frank  Blair,  and  the  iriends  who  followed  after  him  in  their  self-denying  work 
of  patriotism,  threaded  the  streets  and  alleys  of  St.  Louis  by  night,  and  met 
with  secrecy  in  halls  and  garrets,  and  collected,  and  officered,  and  drilled,  and 
formed,  and  molded  into  snape  by  slow  degrees  the  Union  army  of  St.  Louis,  six 
thousand  strong,  soon  after  to  be  swelled  by  contributions  from  the  country  to 
nearly  thrice  that  number.  And  when,  in  the  course  of  a  few  days  more,  we 
shall  learn  that  the  heroic  and  accomplished  Lyon  has  routed  and  dispersed 
the  followers  of  the  traitor  Rains  and  the  pirate  McCulloch,  and  set  the  annihi 
lation  on  the  Missouri  rebellion,  and  award  to  the  triumphant  warrior  the 
honors  due  to  the  first  General  of  the  country,  we  shall  not  fail  to  refer,  for  the 
causes  of  his  success,  to  a  small  law  office  in  this  city,  where  Frank  Blair  opened 
to  a  few  friends  last  winter  his  plan  of  dealing  with  secession  in  Missouri.  The 
work  set  on  foot  that  night  is  now  nearly  or  quite  finished.  The  traitors  of  Mis 
souri  are  overthrown.  The  State  is  safe,  and  has  been  saved  by  a  stroke  of 
genius,  with  little  bloodshed,  from  the  horror  of  a  protracted  conflict.  The 
r'  indiscretion  "  of  a  far-reaching  sagacity  and  a  lofty  c  urage  in  a  single  man 
has  done  the  work.  We  do  believe  that  the  same  policy  would  have  saved  Vir 
ginia,  Tenuessee,  and  Arkansas  from  secession.  But  they  had  no  such  man. 


284  GEN.     NATHANIEL   LYON, 

five  hundred  men,  in  round  numbers.  There  are  at 
Springfield,  Mount  Yernon,  and  on  the  way  there  from 
Rolla,  about  three  thousand  men,  under  the  command  of 
Captain  T.  W.  Sweeney,  Second  Infantry,  acting  (under 
election  and  by  order  of  Brigadier-General  Harney)  as 
Brigadier-General  of  the  United  States  Reserve  Corps  of 
St.  Louis.  In  addition  to  these,  there  are  about  one 
thousand  of  the  Home  Guard  and  rifle  battalion  protect 
ing  the  line  of  communication  from  St.  Louis  to  Spring 
field.  As  this  line  has  become  the  most  important  one  in 
the  whole  State,  and  as  it  is  threatened  by  hostile  bands 
under  General  McBride  and  others,  it  has  been  deemed 
best  to  place  it  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Wyman, 
Thirteenth  Illinois  Regiment  Infantry,  who  went  down 
to  Rolla  with  his  regiment  last  night ;  he  will  establish 
his  headquarters  at  Rolla  or  Lebanon,  beyond  the  cross 
ing  of  the  Gasconade  river,  as  he  finds  most  expedient. 

Colonel  Marsh,  Twentieth  Illinois  Infantry,  is  now  at 
this  point  to  be  equipped.  After  being  fitted  out  for 
field  service,  they  will  be  moved  down  to  Cape  Girar- 
deau,  within  fifty  miles  of  Cairo,  where  they  will,  in  case 
of  necessity,  be  subject  to  the  order  of  General  Prentiss; 
but,  if  not  called  for  at  that  point,  will  stop  the  transpor 
tation  of  arms,  munitions,  and  supplies  which  have  been 
carried  on  between  New  Madrid  and  Cape  Girardeau, 
and  break  up  the  rebel  camps  that  have  been  formed  in 
the  vicinity. 

General  McClellan  has  also  placed  the  remainder  of 
General  Pope's  brigade  at  the  disposal  of  General  Lyon. 
No  more  troops  will  be  called  for  at  present ;  but  there 
may  hereafter  be  occasion  for  a  large  force,  with  artillery 
and  cavalry,  in  the  southeastern  counties.  As  soon  as 
General  Lyon's  plan  of  campaign  developed  itself,  the 
secessionists  in  the  Southeast  began  to  organize  their 
forces.  They  have  hitherto  been  met  as  well  as  possible 
by  expeditions  from  Cairo  and  from  this  place,  and  by 
Home  Guards  organized  and  armed  by  General  Lyon's 
authority.  These  expeditions  were  necessarily  confined 
to  temporary  visits  to  disaffected  regions,  and  accom 
plished  little.  The  whole  of  the  Southeast  requires  per 
manent  occupancy  by  our  troops,  as  it  contains  more 
enemies  than  any  other  portion  of  our  State.  Apart  from 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  285' 

tliis,  information  has  been  and  is  received  here  daily 
from  different  sources,  including  the  report  of  our  scouts, 
who  have  gone  as  far  as  Pocahontas,  Arkansas,  that  our 
loyal  citizens  are  being  armed  with  Baton  Rouge  muskets 
brought  up  the  White  river,  and  troops  from  Tennessee 
and  Arkansas  are  concentrating  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
State  line.  These  reports  differ  as  to  numbers,  but  agree 
as  to  all  other  important  particulars. 

It  is  apparent  that  the  enemy  designs  an  invasion  of 
the  southeast  portion  of  the  State  with  a  considerable 
force,  and  rely  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  Swamp 
counties  for  active  co-operation.  The  country  in  the 
lower  part  of  Scott  county,  and  in  Stoddard,  Dunklin, 
Mississippi,  Pemiscot,  New  Madrid,  and  Butler  counties, 
is  what  is  known  familiarly  as  the  "  earthquake  country," 
having  been  turned  from  prairie  into  swamp  lands  by  the 
earthquake  of  1811.  It  is  a  country  as  difficult  to  over 
run,  if  held  by  hostile  people,  as  the  Florida  everglades ; 
and  the  hunters  of  that  region  will  be  hostile  the 
moment  that  an  advancing  column  of  the  rebels  enter  it. 
The  troops  sent  to  Cape  Girardeau  and  to  Greenville  are 
not  designed  to  enter  the  swamp  country,  but  to  hold 
the  approaches  by  which  an  advancing  enemy  must  pass, 
and  to  overawe  and  keep  down  the  organization  of  hos 
tile  bands  of  our  own  citizens,  as  well  as  to  encourage, 
organize,  and  distribute  arms  to  those  who  are  loyal. 
Time  will  show  how  much  this  force  will  have  to  be 
increased. 

There  is  no  occasion  for  immediate  re-enforcements.  I 
will  send  a  communication  upon  another  subject  by  this 
mail. 

Very  respectfully, 

CHESTER  HARDING,  A.  A.  a. 

CALL  FOR  AN  EXTRA  SESSION  OF  THE  CONVENTION. 

Governor  Jackson,  Lieutenant-Go vernor  Thomas  C. 
Reynolds,  and  Secretary  of  State  Benjamin  F.  Massey, 
having  fled  from  the  capital  and  engaged  in  the  rebel 
lion,  the  loyal  people  of  Missouri  were  without  a  State 
government.  It  was  urged  by  the  masses  of  the  Union 


286  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

men  that  the  President  appoint  a  Military  Governor,  and 
in  connection  with  such  an  office  the  name  of  Frank  P. 
Blair  was  without  opposition.  But  Mr.  Blair  would  not 
permit  such  a  movement  to  take  shape,  and  another 
plan  was  adopted.  It  was  concluded  to  call  the  conven 
tion  together,  declare  the  above  offices  vacant,  and  elect 
provisional  officers.  For  that  purpose  the  following  call 
was  published : 

ST.  Louis,  July  6,  1861. 

We,  the  undersigned,  being  a  majority  of  the  commit 
tee  of  the  convention  of  the  State  of  Missouri,  charged 
with  the  duty  of  convening  the  State  convention  at  such 
time  prior  to  the  third  Monday  of  December,  1861,  and  at 
such  place  as  they  may  think  the  public  exigencies  re 
quire,  do  hereby  notify  the  said  convention  to  assemble 
and  meet  at  Jefferson  City,  in  the  State  of  Missouri,  on 
the  22d  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1861. 

R.  WILSON, 
J.  T.  TINDALL, 
J.  W.  McCLURG, 
JAMES  R.  McCORMACK, 
THOMAS  T.  GANTT. 

SUPPRESSION    OF   THE    STATE    JOURNAL. 

On  the  12th  of  July,  Colonel  Harding,  by  orders  from 
General  Lyon,  suppressed  the  State  Journal,  a  seces 
sion  daily  paper  in  St.  Louis,  and  caused  its  editor,  J.  W. 
Tucker,  to  be  arraigned  for  treason.  Colonel  John 
McNeil,  of  the  Home  Guards,  personally  performed  this 
duty,  and  closed  the  office.  The  paper  was  published  by 
M.  Niedener,  to  whom  the  Jackson  Legislature  had 
given  the  contract  for  the  publication  of  "  legal  notices." 
The  suppression  of  the  Journal  was  followed  by  the 
publication  of  the  Missourian,  the  War  Bulletin,  and 
the  Extra  Herald.  These  were  all  suppressed  on  the 
14th  of  July. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  287 

The  arrest  of  J.  W.  Tucker,  editor  of  the  Bulletin, 
which  took  place  on  the  1 4th  of  July,  was  followed  by  an 
examination  of  his  office  and  papers  by  the  Assistant 
United  States  Attorney,  James  O.  Broadhead.  Mr.  Asa 
S.  Jones,  the  Attorney  for  the  Government,  not  being 
considered  sufficiently  competent  for  the  position  he  was 
occupying  at  that  troublous  period,  was  instructed, 
through  the  agency  of  the  Safety  Committee,  to  secure 
the  services  of  Mr.  Broadhead,  who  really  did  the  im 
portant  business  of  the  office.  At  the  time  of  the  search 
an  immense  concourse  of  people  gathered  in  the  street, 
in  front  of  Tucker's  office,  and  Mr.  Jones  surrendered 
the  duty  of  the  search  to  Mr.  Broadhead.  It  was  in 
Tucker's  office  that  the  following  letter  was  found,  which 
more  than  any  other  document  then  in  loyal  hands  just 
ified  the  policy  of  Lyon,  and  proved  him  to  be  a  man  of 
great  foresight  and  wise  judgment : 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  ) 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  April  28,  1861.  j 
J.  W.  TUCKER,  Esq. : 

MY  DEAR  SIR — I  write  this  in  confidence,  and  under  a 
state  of  mind  very  peculiar.  I  know  not  when  I  have 
been  so  deeply  mortified  as  on  yesterday  when  I  read  the 
leading  article  of  the  Republican.  Governor  Price  called 
on  me  a  few  days  since,  when  passing  on  his  way  to  St. 
Louis.  We  had  an  interview  of  ten  minutes,  not  more. 
It  was  strictly  private  and  confidential.  Neither  was  at 
liberty  to  repeat  what  the  other  said,  much  less  was 
either  licensed  to  mistake  and  misrepresent  the  position 
of  the  other.  Governor  Price  asked  me  what  I  thought 
as  to  the  time  of  calling  the  convention.  I  told  him  not 
to  be  in  a  hurry,  but  to  wait  until  the  Legislature  met, 
and  to  be  here  at  that  time,  so  that  we  could  consult 
with  the  members  from  all  parts  of  the  State,  and  fix 
upon  a  proper  time ;  that,  in  my  judgment,  we  should  not 
go  out  of  the  Union  until  the  Legislature  had  time  to  arm 
the  State  to  some  extent,  and  place  it  in  a  proper  position 
of  defense. 


288  GEX. 

This  was  in  substance  the  sum  total  of  all  I  said  to 
him.  Governor  Price  said  many  things  to  me  in  that 
short  interview,  which  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  repeat,  and 
which  I  could  not  do  without  doing  violence  to  my  sense 
of  honor,  violating  every  rule  of  propriety  which  governs 
the  intercourse  of  gentlemen,  and  forfeiting  all  claim  to 
the  position  of  an  honorable  member  of  community.  If 
it  be  the  purpose  of  Paschall  and  Price  to  make  me 
indorse  the  position  of  the  Republican,  and  the  miserably 
base  and  cowardly  conduct  of  Governor  Price's  submis 
sion  convention,  then  they  are  woefully  mistaken.  Lashed 
and  driven  as  they  have  been,  by  an  indignant  and 
outraged  constituency,  from  their  position  of  uncon 
ditional  Union,  they  are  now  seeking  shelter  under  the 
miserable  absurdity  of  "armed  neutrality." 

About  the  only  truth  in  PaschalPs  article  is  that  in 
which  he  states  my  policy  to  be  a  peace  policy.  This  is 
true.  I  am  for  peace,  and  so  is  everybody  except  Lincoln 
and  Frank  Blair.  You  will  do  me  an  especial  favor  to 
inform  Mr.  Paschall  that,  whenever  Governor  Jackson 
wishes  his  position  upon  matters  of  public  interest  prop 
erly  stated  before  the  people,  he  will  take  some  direct 
manner  of  doing  it,  and  not  rely  upon  the  colored  and 
garbled  statements  of  a  set  of  men,  who,  under  the  garb 
of  friendship,  seek  to  obtain  his  confidence  only  to  betray 
it,  and  play  the  part  of  pimps  and  spies.  I  do  not  think 
Missouri  should  secede  to-day  or  to-morrow,  but  I  do  not 
think  it  good  policy  that  I  should  so  disclose.  I  want  a 
little  time  to  arm  the  State,  and  I  am  assuming  every 
responsibility  to  do  it  with  all  possible  dispatch.  Mis 
souri  should  act  in  concert  with  Tennessee  and  Ken 
tucky.  They  are  all  bound  to  go  out,  and  should  go 
together,  if  possible.  My  judgment  is  that  North  Caro 
lina,  Tennessee,  and  Arkansas  will  all  be  out  in  a  few  days, 
and  when  they  go  Missouri  should  follow.  Let  us,  then, 
prepare  to  make  our  exit.  We  should  keep  our  own 
counsels.  Every  man  in  the  State  is  in  favor  of  arming 
the  State.  Then  let  it  be  done.  All  are  opposed  to 
furnishing  Mr.  Lincoln  with  soldiers.  Time  will  settle 
the  balance. 

Nothing  should  be  said  about  the  time  or  the  manner 
in  which  Missouri  should  go  out.  That  she  ought  to  go, 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  289 

and  will  go  at  the  proper  time,  I  have  no  doubt.  She 
ought  to  have  gone  out  last  winter,  when  she  could  have 
seized  the  public  arms  and  public  property,  and  defended 
herself.  That  she  has  failed  to  do,  and  must  now  wait 
a  little  while.  Paschall  is  a  base  submissionist,  and 
desires  to  remain  with  the  North,  if  every  other  slave 
State  should  go  out.  This  he  proved  in  indorsing  all 
those  who  voted  against  Bast's  amendment.  The  people 
of  Missouri,  I  must  think,  understand  my  position.  Pas 
chall  knows  the  people  are  twenty  to  one  against  him, 
and  hence  he  thinks  to  drag  me  into  his  aid  and  support. 
You  should  denounce  his  course  and  expose  his  base 
ness.  To  frighten  our  people  into  the  most  slavish  posi 
tion,  he  parades  before  them,  from  day  to  day,  our  de 
fenceless  attitude,  and  meanly  makes  it  out  a  thousand 
times  worse  than  it  really  is.  Missouri  can  put  into  the 
field,  to-day,  twenty  thousand  men,  better  armed  than 
our  fathers  were  who  won  our  independence.  If  you  can, 
I  would  be  very  glad  to  see  you  here  on  Tuesday  even 
ing.  I  hope  you  will  comprehend  my  whole  policy  fully  ; 
and  without  undertaking  to  shadow  it  forth  specifically 
or  in  detail,  I  only  ask  that  you  will  defend  me  from  the 
false  position  in  which  Paschall  and  Price  seem  disposed 
to  place  me.  Call  on  every  country  paper  to  defend  me, 
and  assure  them  I  am  fighting  under  the  true  flag. 
Who  does  not  know  that  every  sympathy  of  my  heart  is 
with  the  South  f  The  Legislature,  in  my  view,  should 
sit  in  secret  session,  and  touch  nothing  but  the  measures 
of  defense.  Let  the  measures  of  Messrs.  Sturgeon,  Pas 
chall,  Taylor  &  Co.,  in  regard  to  their  railroads,  all  go  by 
the  board ;  I  have  not  the  patience  or  the  time  to  talk  of 
such  matters  now.  Let  us  first  preserve  our  liberties, 
and  attend  to  business  affairs  afterward.  Let  all  our 
energies  and  all  our  means  be  applied  to  our  defense  and 
safety.  Yours  truly, 

C.  F.  JACKSON, 

Governor  of  Missouri. 

BULL    RUN COLONEL     HARDING     PROVIDES     AGAINST     OUT 
BREAK. 

Colonel  Harding,  acting  upon  Lyon's  instructions,  and 
at  times   in  conformity  with   his  own   judgment,   dis- 


290  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

patched  troops  to  Ironton,  Pilot  Knob,  and  beyond  on 
the  line  of  the  Iron  Mountain  railroad  ;  to  Mexico  and 
Montgomery  on  the  Xorth  Missouri ;  to  Louisiana,  Pike 
county,  and  Cape  Girardeau  on  the  Mississippi ;  to  Lex 
ington,  Glasgow,  and  other  points  on  the  Missouri  river, 
and  along  the  entire  line  of  the  Pacific  railroad  from  St. 
Louis  to  Sedalia.  The  correspondence  with  McClellan 
and  the  War  Department  was  carried  on  almost  entirely 
in  the  name  of  Lyon,  by  Adjutant-General  Harding. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  the  telegram  announcing  the  dis 
aster  at  Bull  Run,  Colonel  Harding,  anticipating  disturb 
ance  in  the  city,  prohibited  the  evening  papers  from 
publishing  the  dispatches,  and  made  such  disposition  of 
the  troops  at  hand  as  to  effectually  suppress  any  out 
break.  There  were  but  few  troops  in  the  city,  but  yet 
sufficient,  with  the  assistance  of  the  private  Union  guards, 
to  maintain  the  peace.  The  news,  however,  was  published 
in  the  morning  papers  of  the  following  day,  but  by  this 
time  the  secessionists  were  growing  cautious.  They 
gave  no  public  manifestations  of  their  joy,  but  observant 
Union  men  could  see  an  absence  of  that  care  recently 
noticeable  upon  their  visages,  and  an  elasticity  of  step 
unknown  since  Camp  Jackson.  During  these  days  the 
United  States  detective  force  was  busy,  searching  for 
concealed  materials  of  war,  and  breaking  up  secret  meet 
ings  of  secessionists.  Packages  of  a  suspicious  character, 
arriving  or  departing,  were  overhauled,  and  in  many 
instances  such  searches  were  fruitful  of  results. 

MEETING    OF    THE    STATE    CONTENTION. 

On  the  day  designated  in  the  call,  the  convention  met. 
Instead  of  at  once  recognizing  the  real  wants  of  the 
tim^e,  eight  days  were  occupied  in  debate  upon  the  prop 
osition  to  declare  vacant  the  offices  of  Governor,  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor,  and  Secretary  of  State.  On  the  30th  of 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  291 

July,  however,  a  final  vote  was  arrived  at,  and  the  de 
sired  consummation  was  reached  by  a  vote  of  fifty-six  to 
twenty-five.  On  the  31st,  the  convention  proceeded 
to  select  officers  to  fill  the  declared  vacancies,  and 
without  any  opposition  Hamilton  R.  Gamble  was  elected 
Governor ;  Willard  P.  Hall,  Lieutenant-Governor ;  Mor- 
decai  Oliver,  Secretary  of  State  ;  and  George  A.  Bingham, 
Treasurer.  The  convention  adopted  and  published  an 
address  in  justification  of  their  action;  and  Governor 
Gamble,  in  his  inaugural,  declared  unconditionally  for  the 
Union. 

The  convention  went  further,  and  adopted  an  oath  of 
loyalty,  which  was  to  determine  the  qualifications  of 
voters,  as  well  as  the  continuance  in  office  of  those  hold 
ing  public  trusts.  A  positive  stand  was  taken  in  behalf 
of  loyalty,  and  it  began  to  be  evinced  that  traitors  were 
not  to  be  tolerated.  The  official  business  of  the  State 
government  was  transacted  in  the  city  of  St.  Louis  ;  and 
Missouri,  as  a  State,  now  identified  herself  with  the 
Union. 

FREMONT    ASSUMES    COMMAND. 

On  the  25th  of  July,  Fremont,  then  recently  made  a 
Major-General,  arrived  in  St.  Louis,  accompanied  by  his 
staff",  and  some  German  and  Italian  officers,  and  at  once 
assumed  command  of  the  "  Department  of  Missouri." 
The  Union  men  of  Missouri,  although  full  of  confidence 
in  and  respect  for  General  Lyon,  were  disposed  to 
greet  the  appointment  and  appearance  of  General  Fre 
mont  with  considerable  favor.  Lyon  himself  exhibited 
none  but  the  kindliest  feelings  for  the  officer  that  had 
been  made  his  superior,  and  hastened  to  furnish  him  the 
same  confidence,  advice  and  support  he  had  shown 
McClellan. 

Fremont    came   to   Missouri    with    almost   unlimited 


292  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

power.  The  men  whom  Lyon  turned  away  witli  regret 
because  of  a  want  of  authority  to  receive  into  the  serv 
ice,  Fremont  was  empowered  to  accept.  Had  the  same 
power  devolved  on  General  Lyon  in  May  and  June,  he 
could  have  mustered  in  from  forty  thousand  to  sixty 
thousand  men,  from  Missouri,  Iowa,  and  Illinois  alone. 
The  enthusiasm  had  somewhat  subsided  when  Fremont 
arrived  in  St.  Louis,  and  yet  there  was  sufficient  left  for 
present  purposes.  The  idea  that  the  weight  of  Fre 
mont's  name  was  the  salvation  of  the  Union  cause  in 
the  West,  as  is  loudly  proclaimed  by  his  satellites,  is 
simply  the  blossoming  of  the  most  ridiculous  impudence. 
Fremont's  arrival  in  Missouri  was  a  national  disaster, 
resulting  in  the  loss  of  Lyon,  and  culminating  in  the 
surrender  of  Mulligan,  and  Price's  undisturbed  march  of 
triumph  and  desolation  through  Missouri. 

THE    ADVANCE    ON   SPRINGFIELD. 

Before  leaving  for  Jefferson  City,  Lyon  had  a  confer 
encc  with  Sweeney,  instructing  him,  as  soon  as  he  could 
arrange  matters  in  St.  Louis  so  he  could  leave  with 
safety,  to  take  as  many  troops  as  he  possibly  could, 
move  down  to  Springfield,  and  take  command  of  all  the 
forces  in  Southwest  Missouri  until  he  (Lyon)  should  join 
him.  General  Lyon,  on  the  13th  of  June,  ordered  Sigel 
and  Salomon,  with  their  regiments,  to  move  down  to 
Springfield  and  Neosho,  and  operate  in  the  rear  of  Jack 
son  and  Price,  while  he  (Lyon)  drove  them  away  from 
the  State  capital.  After  the  battle  of  Boonville,  General 
Lyon  occupied  until  the  2d  of  July  in  making  prep 
arations  for  an  advance  upon  the  enemy.  The  great 
cause  of  the  delay  was  the  entire  absence  of  transporta 
tion!  and  camp  and  garrison  material.  He  also  desired 
to  leave  in  Boonville  and  Jefferson  a  sufficient  number  of 
troops  to  protect  those  points,  and  keep  open  the  line  of 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  293 

the  Missouri.  On  the  3d  of  July,  General  Lyon  com 
menced  his  march  for  Springfield,  and  on  Sunday  night, 
July  7,  formed  a  junction  with  Major  Sturgis,  ten 
miles  south  of  Clinton,  in  Henry  county.  He  arrived  at 
Springfield  on  the  13th  of  July. 

Sigel  arrived  (with  a  part  of  his  own  regiment)  at 
Rolla,  about  one,  P.  M.,  on  the  14th  of  June.  His 
troops  were  received  with  enthusiasm  all  along  the  route. 
At  Holla  the  secession  flag  was  flying,  but  was  speedily 
destroyed,  and  the  "Stars  and  Stripes"  raised  in  its 
place.  About  one  hundred  and  eighty  of  the  "  Missouri 
State  Guard,"  who  had  been  mustered  into  the  rebel 
service,  were  stationed  at  Rolla,  but  they  fled  precipi 
tately  upon  learning  of  the  Federal  advance.  Sigel 
remained  at  Rolla  a  few  days,  until  he  was  joined  by  the 
balance  of  his  regiment,  and  then,  being  relieved  by 
Major  Bayles  with  some  three  hundred  men,  who  re 
mained  at  Rolla,  he  marched  to  Neosho.  Colonel  Salo 
mon  followed  on  the  heek  of  Sigel,  and  on  the  1st  of 
July  Colonel  Sigel  was  at  Neosho,  and  Colonel  Salomon 
at  Sarcoxie. 

Captain  Sweeney  had,  shortly  after  the  taking  of  Camp 
Jackson,  been  elected  Brigadier-General  by  the  five  regi 
ments  of  Home  Guards  which  Lyon  had  mustered  into 
the  service;' and  although  not  commissioned  from  Wash 
ington,  his  rank  as  a  Brigadier-General  was  recognized 
by  Lyon  until  the  latter  reached  Springfield,  and  the 
Reserve  Corps  broken  up.  Sweeney  set  out  from  St. 
Louis  with  four  companies  of  "the  Third  Regiment  Re 
serve  Corps,  and  the  entire  Fourth  Regiment  Reserve 
Corps,  Colonel  B.  Gratz  Brown.  Arriving  at  Rolla,  it 
was  ascertained  that  the  transportation  ordered  was  not 
on  hand,  and  leaving  Colonel  Brown  with  his  regiment, 
witli  orders  to  move  forward  so  soon  as  that  should 
come  up,  Sweeney  pushed  on  to  Springfield  with  the 


294  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

four  companies  of  Third  Regiment  Reserve  Corps.  At 
Lebanon  he  was  obliged  to  disband  and  disarm  one  of 
these  companies  for  mutiny,  and  with  the  others  ar 
rived  at  Springfield  on  the  1st  of  July. 

Salomon  was  at  Sarcoxie  when  he  received  orders 
from  Sweeney  to  report  in  person  at  headquarters  in 
Springfield.  On  the  day  previous  to  the  reception  of 
this  order,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wolf  had  left  with  four 
companies  of  the  Fifth  Missouri  Volunteers  to  join  Sigel 
at  Xeosho,  and  Salomon,  disregarding  Sweeney's  order, 
left  one  day  later  with  four  other  companies  for  the  same 
destination.  Major  Cronenbold,  with  two  companies  of 
the  same  regiment,  had  been  left  in  Springfield.  Upon 
reaching  Neosho,  Sigel  informed  Salomon  he  had  received 
orders  from  Sweeney  to  return  to  Springfield,  but  he 
should  do  so  only  by  way  of  Carthage,  as  he  believed 
Jackson  was  pushing  that  way  to  escape  from  Lyon. 
On  the  morning  of  the  3d  of  July,  Sigel,  thus  re-en 
forced  by  Salomon,  moved  to  Carthage. 

BATTLE    OF    CARTHAGE. 
[From  the  Missouri  Democrat,  July  11,  1861.] 

Last  evening  we  had  an  interview  with  Lieutenant 
Tusk,  bearer  of  dispatches  from  Colonel  Sigel,  who  gives 
us  a  highly  interesting  account  of  the  battle  of  Carthage. 

It  would  be  in  vain  for  us  to  attempt  to  portray  the 
many  movements  of  the  contending  parties,  and  the  inci 
dents  of  the  day,  as  they  were  so  graphically  and  intelli 
gently  related  to  us  and  explained  by  Lieutenant  Tusk. 

He  says  that  the  command  under  Colonel  Sigel, 
amounting  to  about  eleven  hundred  men,  at  Carthage, 
heard,  on  the  evening  of  the  4th,  of  the  presence  of 
the  enemy  at  a  point  about  seven  miles  eastward  on  the 
prairie.  The  force  of  the  enemy  was  not  known,  but  the 
troops  were  so  impatient  to  have  a  brush  that  Colonel 
Sigel  decided  to  have  a  battle.  At  three  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  5th,  the  march  was  begun.  The  command 
came  upon  the  rebel  forces  under  Generals  Rains  and 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  295 

Parsons,  at  about  half-past  nine  o'clock  in  fche  forenoon. 
They  were  strongly  stationed  on  a  ridge  or  hill  in  the 
prairie,  having  five  pieces  of  artillery ;  one  twelve- 
pounder  posted  in  front,  and  two  six-pounders  on  the  right 
and  left,  the  cavalry  on  each  flank,  and  the  infantry  in 
the  rear  of  the  artillery.  The  position  was  a  formidable 
one. 

Colonel  Sigel  approached  to  within  a  distance  of  eight 
hundred  yards,  with  four  pieces  of  artillery  in  his  centre, 
supported  on  his  left  by  a  command  of  infantry,  under 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Hassendeubel,  and  a  six-pound  can 
non  ;  on  his  right,  by  the  command  of  Colonel  Salomon 
and  another  six-pounder ;  in  the  rear  of  the  centre  pieces 
of  artillery  was  the  command  of  Major  Bishop.  Before 
opening  fi re,Colonel  Sigel  briefly  and  eloquently  addressed 
the  troops,  reminding  them  of  their  battles  in  the  old 
country,  and  asking  them  to  stand  by  him  in  the  present 
hour.  He  then  opened  fire  with  shrapnels  from  his 
extreme  left,  and  soon  the  engagement  became  general. 
The  rebels,  though  strongly  posted,  had  no  grape,  and 
proved  themselves  to  be  bad  artillerists,  the  most  of  their 
balls  flying  high  and  plowing  up  the  prairie  beyond  the 
Federal  troops.  They  had  Confederate  flags  flying  on 
their  extreme  right  and  left  divisions,  and  the  Missouri 
State  flag  in  their  centre.  Sigel's  men  twice  shot  down 
the  traitors'  flags,  their  first  shots  being  especially  directed 
at  those  objects,  saying  they  had  no  desire  to  fire  upon 
the  State  flag.  In  three-quarters  of  an  hour  the  twelve- 
pounder  in  the  rebels'  front  was  dismounted  and  their 
centre  column  completely  broken.  In  two  hours  more 
their  artillery  was  entirely  silenced.  They  resumed  fire 
after  a  short  interval,  but  were  a  second  and  last  time 
silenced. 

By  this  time,  Colonel  Sigel,  observing  that  a  flank 
movement  was  being  made  by  both  wings  of  the  rebel 
cavalry,  became  concerned  for  his  baggage-wagons, 
which  were  stationed  three  miles  in  his  rear,  and  accord 
ingly  sent  back  one  field-piece  and  a  column  of  infantry 
to  protect  them  and  the  ferry  across  a  small  creek  be 
tween  him  and  them.  The  cavalry  still  pressing  him  on 
the  right  and  left,  he  ordered  a  retrograde  movement  of 
the  whole  command,  which  was  admirably  performed, 


296  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

the  artillery  continuing  to  do  fine  service,  and  fighting 
slowly  every  inch  of  ground.  The  baggage-wagons 
having  been  reached,  they  were  immediately  formed  in 
solid  columns  of  eight,  and  the  infantry  and  artillery 
were  posted  on  all  sides,  presenting  an  impregnable 
array.  In  this  condition,  and  with  perfect  order,  his  com 
mand  continued  the  retrograde  movement  toward  Car 
thage,  fighting  bravely  against  the  superior  odds,  until 
about  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  At  last  they  came 
to  a  place  where  the  road  passed  directly  through  a  high 
bluff,  on  each  side  of  which  the  enemy's  cavalry  were 
posted  in  large  numbers.  By  a  feint,  as  if  intending  to 
pass  round  the  bluffs,  Colonel  Sigel  drew  the  cavalry  in  a 
solid  body  in  the  road  between  the  bluffs,  at  a  distance  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  his  position,  when,  by  a 
skillful  and  rapid  manoeuvre  of  his  artillery,  he  poured  into 
their  ranks  a  most  destructive  cross  fire  of  canister-shot, 
which  did  not  last  but  ten  minutes  before  the  enemy  fled 
in  great  disorder.  Lieutenant  Tusk  says  the  prairie  was 
full  of  flying  and  riderless  horses,  of  which  they  captured 
eighty-five,  and  picked  from  the  ground  sixty-five 
double-barreled  shot-guns.  Up  to  this  time  two  officers 
and  tnvo  hundred  and  fifty  men  were  captured  by  Sigel. 
It  was  still  three  miles  to  Carthage.  Colonel  Sigel 
was  anxious  to  reach  that  point,  and  take  position  in  the 
woods  on  the  north  of  that  place,  on  the  Sarcoxie  road, 
so  that  he  would  not  be  further  annoyed  by  the  rebel 
cavalry.  This  movement  occupied  from  half-past  six 
o'clock  to  about  half-past  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening ; 
and  here  was  the  hottest  fighting  of  the  day,  the  enemy 
evidently  appreciating  Colonel  Sigel's  desire  to  get  into 
the  cover  of  the  woods,  and  disputing  the  ground  most 
stubbornly  with  him.  Finally,  against  the  tremendous 
odds,  he  gained  the  timber,  when  the  enemy  retired  to 
Carthage.  *  *  *  *  *  * 

This  account  goes  on  to  say  that,  when  the  enemy 
retired,  Colonel  Sigel  took  up  the  line  of  march  for  Sar 
coxie,  some  twelve  or  fourteen  miles  distant,  at  which 
place  they  arrived  at  half-past  three  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing.  On  the  same  evening  (6th),  they  marched  to 


AND   MISSOURI  IN    1861.  297 

Mount  Yernon,  where  they  were  cordially  greeted  by 
the  citizens. 

Captain  Conrad's  company,  which  had  been  left  at 
Neosho  by  Colonel  Sigel,  were  surrounded,  on  the  5th  of 
July,  by  some  fifteen  hundred  Arkansans,  and  were  given 
fifteen  minutes'  time  to  surrender.  Before  the  expiration 
of  that  time,  the  enemy  was  increased  to  double  his 
strength,  and  Captain  Conrad  then  surrendered.  Ben 
McCulloch  was  present.  General  Price  and  Governor 
Jackson  demanded  that  their  men  and  arms  be  delivered 
to  the  Missouri  troops,  which  was  denied.  The  com 
pany  was  disarmed  and  paroled;  and  the  Arkansas 
troops  guarded  them  part  of  the  way  on  their  journey  to 
Springfield.  A  large  number  of  Indians  were  present  in 
the  camp  at  Neosho. 

SWEENEY    RE-ENFORCES    SIGEL. 

On  the  morning  of  the  tth  of  July,  Colonel  B.  Gratz 
Brown  with  his  regiment  arrived  at  Springfield,  and  on 
the  evening  of  that  day  word  was  brought  to  Sweeney 
of  Sigel's  disaster.  Sweeney  at  once  issued  orders  for  a 
movement  in  aid  of  Sigel,  to  start  that  night  at  ten 
o'clock,  the  men  to  be  provided  with  rations  for  six  days. 
The  force  thus  ordered  was  composed  of  Brown's  regi 
ment,  three  companies  of  the  Third  Reserve  Corps,  and 
one  company  of  Springfield  Home  Guards,  under  Captain 
Holland,  which  Sweeney  had  armed  with  the  guns  taken 
from  the  mutineers  at  Lebanon.  On  account  of  the  tired 
condition  of  his  men,  as  well  as  want  of  transportation, 
Brown  was  not  ready  at  the  time  mentioned,  and  Sweeney 
set  out  without  that  regiment.  He  overtook  Sigel  at  Mount 
Yernon,  and  was  there  joined  by  Colonel  Brown.  On 
the  10th  of  July,  finding  the  enemy  were  moving  south- 
eastwardly,  Sweeney  returned  to  Springfield  for  the  pur 
pose  of  protecting  that  place.  The  enemy  had  consider- 
13* 


29S  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

able  cavalry,  of  which  our  little  army  was  totally  defici 
ent,  and  by  reason  of  that  could  have  made  a  detour  to 
the  rear  and  seriously  threatened  Springfield.  When 
Sweeney  ascertained  the  command  was  short  of  ammu 
nition,  he  had  dispatched  a  messenger  to  Springfield,  with 
instructions  to  have  cast  as  much  round  shot  as  it  was 
possible  to  have  done,  and  also  to  gather  up  all  the 
powder  that  could  be  found.  The  alacrity  with  which 
this  order  was  obeyed  showed  the  determined  spirit  of 
the  Unionists  there,  upon  whose  efforts  the  loyal  people 
ot  the  State  were  depending  for  their  own  safety.  The 
wagons  bearing  this  shot  were  found  to  have  been  consid 
erably  burned  by  the  hot  castings.  On  the  llth  of  July 
this  little  army  reached  Springfield,  and  Sweeney  found 
there  the  following  communication  from  Lyon,  written 
in  pencil : 

"  Sweeney,  I  have  heard  of  Sigel's  affair  at  Carthage 
and  how  his  men  behaved.  They  fired  too  high  and  did 
but  little  execution.  I  am  marching  at  the  rate  of  forty 
miles  a  day  to  get  to  you.  I  am  afraid  I  will  get  out  of 
provisions." 

Sweeney  wrote  him  in  reply  that  with  the  Home 
Guards  he  had  two  thousand  six  hundred  men  and  eight 
pieces  of  artillery,  and  was  abundantly  able  to  hold 
Springfield  ;  that  he  need  give  himself  no  uneasiness  on 
his  (Sweeney's)  account.  He  also  sent  to  Lyon  two 
wagon-loads  of  provisions.  This  note  from  Sweeney 
quieted  the  apprehensions  of  Lyon  as  to  the  safety  of 
Springfield.  Three  days  later  Lyon  arrived  in  Spring 
field,  and  hafc  ened  to  communicate  with  St.  Louis. 

GENERAL  LYON  AT  SPRINGFIELD. 

HEADQUARTERS  SOUTHWEST  EXPEDITION,  ) 
SPRINGFIELD,  Mo.,  July  13,  1861.      j" 
SIR — I  arrived  at  this  place  early  this  evening,  two  or 
three  hours  in  advance  of  my  troops,  who  are  encamped 


AND   MISSOURI    IN   1861   .  299 

a  few  miles  back  I  have  about  five  thousand  men  to  be 
provided  for,  and  have  expected  to  find  stores  here  as  I 
have  ordered.  The  failure  of  stores  reaching  here  seems 
likely  to  cause  serious  embarrassment,  which  must  be  ag 
gravated  by  continued  delay,  and  in  proportion  to  the 
time  I  am  forced  to  wait  for  supplies.  *  *  *  * 
I  shall  endeavor  to  take  every  due  precaution  to  meet 
existing  emergencies,  and  hope  to  be  able  to  sustain  the 
cause  of  the  Government  in  this  part  of  the  State.  But 
there  must  be  no  loss  of  time  in  furnishing  me  the  re 
sources  I  have  herein  mentioned.  I  have  lost  in  reaching 
this  place  about  four  days'  time,  by  the  high  water  in 
Grand  and  Osage  rivers,  which  made  it  necessary  to 
ferry  them.  The  same  difficulty  prevented  Sturgis  from 
co-operating  with  Sigel  in  time  to  afford  any  aid.  Please 
telegraph  to  McClellan  and  to  Washington  anything  in 
this  letter  you  deem  of  importance  to  these  headquarters. 
Shoes,  shirts,  blouses,  &c.,  are  much  wanted,  and  I 
would  have  you  furnish  them,  if  possible,  inconsideiable 
quantities. 

Yours  truly, 

N.  LYOtf, 

Brigadier-  General,  Commanding. 
Colonel  CHESTER  HARDING,  St.  Louis  Arsenal. 

SPRIXGFIELD,  Mo.,  July  13,  1861. 

My  effective  force  will  soon  be  reduced  by  discharge 
of  three  months'  volunteers  to  about  four  thousand  men, 
including  the  Illinois  regiment  now  on  the  march  from 
Rolla.  Governor  Jackson  will  soon  have  in  this  vicinity 
not  less  than  thirty  thousand  men.  I  must  have  at  once 
an  additional  force  of  ten  thousand  men,  or  abandon  my 
position.  All  must  have  supplies  and  clothing. 

N.  LYON, 
Brigadier-  General,  Commanding. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THL"  WEST, 

SPRINGFIELD,  Mo.,  July  15,  1861. 
COLONEL — General  Lyon  is  now  here  with  about  seven 
thousand  men.  Of  these  fully  one-half  are  three  months' 
volunteers,  whose  term  of  service  has  nearly  expired, 
the  latest  expiring  on  the  14th  of  August.  Governor 
Jackson  is  concentrating  his  forces  in  the  southwest- 


300  GEN.     NATHANIEL   LYON, 

ern  part  of  the  State,  and  is  receiving  large  re-enforce 
ments  from  Arkansas,  Tennessee,  Louisiana,  and  Texas. 
*       Our  troops  are  badly  clothed, 

poorly  fed,  and  imperfectly  supplied  with  tents ;  none  of 
them  have  yet  been  paid ;  and  the  three  months'  volun 
teers  have  become  disheartened  to  such  extent  that  very 
few  of  them  are  willing  to  renew  their  enlistment.  *  * 

J.  M.  SCHOFIELD, 
Captain  Eleventh  Infantry,  A.  A.  G. 

P.  S. — Cannot  Colonel  Curtis's  regiment  be  spared 
from  St.  Joseph  ?  If  so,  send  it  forward. 

N.  LYON, 

Commanding. 

[Telegram.] 

CINCINNATI,  July  15,  1861. 
K.  LYON,  Brigadier- General — 

Positive  advices  from  Memphis  of  6th  instant,  show 
General  Bradley's  command,  Arkansas  troops  and  the 
Bragg  battery,  also  four  thirty-two-pounders  and  two 
or  three  sixty-four-pounders,  were  embarked  on  steam 
boats  for  Pocahontas,  on  the  Black  river,  distant  from 
Sykesville,  the  terminus  of  the  Cairo  and  Fulton  rail 
road,  about  one  hundred  miles  by  fair  country  roads. 
Ammunition  scarce.  One  regiment  not  armed,  but 
expects  to  be.  Bradley,  Hind  man,  and  others  said  thejr 
expected  to  find  six  thousand  Arkansas  and  Missouri 
troops  in  camp  at  Pocahontas  and  Pittman's  Ferry,  on 
the  Arkansas  and  Missouri  line.  Their  route  is  down 
the  Mississippi  to  White  river,  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
seven  miles ;  up  White  river  to  Jacksonport,  two  hun 
dred  and  fortv  miles ;  up  Black  river  to  Pocahontas, 
about  sixty  miles.  Have  advised  General  Prentiss. 

S.  S.  WILLIAMS,  A.  A.  G. 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  July  13,  1861. 

Hon.  SIMON  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War,  Washington  : 
With  cavalry  on  our  prairies,  we  could  crush  secession 
in  our  State  within  two  months.  The  want  of  it  has  not 
only  embarrassed  us,  but  lost  us  the  fruits  of  hard-earned 
victories.  The  rebel  General  Harris  would  now  be  a 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    18G1.  301 

prisoner,  if  we  had  mounted  forces.  Two  regiments  are 
needed.  What  may  we  do  ?  Colonel  F.  P.  Blair  can 
explain.  We  hope  to  catch  Harris  in  any  event. 

CHESTER  HARDING, 

A.  A.  £.,  Mo.  Vols. 

CHICAGO,  July  15,  1861. 

Colonel  CHESTER  HARDING,  Jr.  : 

Have  dispatched  condition  of  affairs  to  General  Frer 
mont,  and  asked  authority  to  take  the  field  with  five 
more  regiments.  Expect  answer  to-night.  Will  go  down 
and  confer  with  you  soon  as  I  hear.  How  did  you  suc 
ceed  with  Harris  ? 

JOHN  POPE, 

Brigadier-  General. 

The  following  letter  was  taken  from  a  captured  spy : 

HEADQUARTERS  RIPLEY  COUNTY  BATTALION,  ) 
CAMP  BURROWS,  July  16,  1861.  j 
DEAR  SIR — If  there  is  any  way  to  communicate  with 
the  Governor,  through  any  person  in  St.  Louis,  please 
let  me  know.  I  am  advancing,  and  General  Yell  will 
follow  me  in  a  few  days  with  five  thousand  men.  He 
will  take  position  between  Rolla  and  Ironton,  and  act  as 
circumstances  dictate.  General  Watkins  will  move  up, 
sustained  by  General  Pillow,  and  if  proper  energy  is 
exercised  we  can  drive  the  enemy  north  of  the  Missouri 
and  into  St.  Louis  in  thirty  days.  You  will  please  let 
me  hear  from  you,  verbally  or  not,  through  the  person 
through  whom  this  passes;  and  please  send  me  the 
Daily  Journal  for  a  short  time,  to  Doniphan,  as  it  will 
be  sent  to  me  by  my  couriers. 

Yours  respectfully, 

M.  JEFF.  THOMPSON, 
Commanding  Ripley  County  Battalion. 
JOSEPH  TUCKER,  Esq., 

Editor  of  the  State  Journal,  St.  Louis. 

EFFORTS    TO    PROCURE    RE-ENFORCEMENTS. 

No  sooner  did  Lyon  reach  Springfield  than  he  at  once 
set  to  work  to  procure  re-enforcements.  When  he  left 


302 

Boonville  he  had  not  anticipated  the  energy  and  determ 
ination  which  the  rebels  were  displaying  in  their 
trans-Mississippi  department.  He  had  but  calculated,  as 
the  only  immediate  necessity,  the  dispersion  of  the 
troops  organized  in  Missouri  under  the  Claib  Jackson 
bureau ;  and  his  haste  to  embarrass  and  destroy,  if  pos 
sible,  that  organization,  was  in  the  hope  of  preventing 
thousands  of  Missourians  from  being  ingulfed  in  the 
secession  waves  which  seemed  to  be  rolling  over  the 
State.  While  at  Boonville,  where  he  met  with  serious 
difficulty  in  carrying  out  his  designs  for  a  prompt  and 
immediate  advance,  he  had  been  annoyed  and  delayed 
by  a  want  of  transportation,  and  also  a  want  of  the 
necessary  authority  to  supply  deficiencies.  Colonel 
Blair,  in  returning  to  Washington,  was  charged  with  the 
business  of  arranging  this  branch  of  the  service,  with  the 
following  result  : 

[By  telegraph.] 

WASHINGTON,  July  6,  1861. 
To  Colonel  CHESTER  HARDING,  St.  Louis  Arsenal : 

I  have  just  telegraphed  to  Major  McKinstry,  as  fol 
lows  :  "  Procure  and  send  to  Rolla,  Missouri,  as  many 
wagons  and  teams  as  may  be  required  to  transport  sup 
plies  from  that  place  to  Springfield  for  General  Lyon's 
command.  Consult  Assistant  Adjutant-General  Har 
ding  as  to  the  number  will  be  necessary,  and  spare  no 
exertions  to  forward  at  once.  Make  arrangements  also 
to  supply  the  animals  with  forage  at  Rolla,  and  while 
employed  in  transporting  supplies  to  Springfield.  Funds 
will  be  immediately  forwarded  to  you. 

M.  C.  MEIGS, 

Q.  M.   General. 

It  will  be  seen  this  order  was  dated  July  6.  Wilson 
Creek  was  not  fought  until  one  month  and  four  days 
had  intervened,  but  the  order  was  of  no  service  to  Lyon. 
SPRINGFIELD,  Mo.,  July  17,  1861. 

SIB — I  inclose  you  a  copy  of  a  letter  to  Colonel  Town- 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  303 

send  on  the  subject  of  an  order  from  General  Scott, 
which  calls  for  five  companies  of  the  Second  Infantry 
to  be  withdrawn  from  the  West  and  sent  to  Washington. 
A  previous  order  withdraws  the  mounted  troops,  as  I  am 
informed,  and  were  it  not  that  some  of  them  were  en  route 
to  this  place  they  would  now  be  in  Washington.  This 
order  carried  out  would  not  now  leave  at  Fort  Leaven- 
worth  a  single  company.  I  have  Companies  B  and  E, 
Second  Infantry,  now  under  orders  for  Washington,  and 
if  all  these  troops  leave  me  I  can  do  nothing,  and  must 
retire  in  the  absence  of  other  troops  to  supply  their 
places.  In  fact,  I  am  badly  enough  off  at  the  best,  and 
must  utterly  fail  if  my  regulars  all  go.  At  Washington 
troops  from  all  the  Northern,  Middle,  and  Eastern  States 
are  available  for  the  support  of  the  Army  of  Virginia, 
and  more  are  understood  to  be  already  there  than  are 
wanted  ;  and  it  seems  strange  so  many  troops  must  go 
on  from  the  West,  and  strip  us  of  the  means  of  defense. 
But  if  it  is  the  intention  to  give  up  the  West,  let  it  be  so  ; 
it  can  only  be  the  victim  of  imbecility  or  malice.  Scott 
will  cripple  us  if  he  can.  Cannot  you  stir  up  this  mat 
ter  and  secure  us  relief?  See  Fremont,  if  he  has  arrived. 
The  want  of  supplies  has  crippled  me  so  that  I  cannot 
move,  and  I  do  not  know  when  I  can.  Everything 
seems  to  combine  against  me  at  this  point.  Stir  up 
Blair. 

Yours  truly, 

N.  LYON,  Commanding. 
Colonel  HARDING. 

GENERAL    LYON   TO    THE  WAR    DEPARTMENT. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  WEST,  j 

SPRINGFIELD,  Mo.,  July  17,  1861. ) 
To  Colonel  TOWNSEND,  A.  A.  6r.,  Adjutant-  General 's 

Office,  WasJiington  : 

SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of 
Special  Order  No.  112,  from  headquarters,  under  date  of 
July  5,  directing  the  removal  from  the  Department  of 
the  West  of  Companies  B,  C,  F,  G,  and  H,  Second  Infant 
ry,  and  of  Captain  Sweeney,  now  acting  Brigadier-Gen 
eral  by  election  of  volunteers.  The  communication 
reached  me  yesterday  at  this  place. 


304  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

I  have  been  drawn  to  this  point  by  the  movement  of 
the  rebel  forces  in  this  State,  and  have  accumulated  such 
troops  as  I  could  make  available,  including  those  in  Kan 
sas.  My  aggregate  is  between  seven  and  eight  thousand 
men,  more  than  half  of  whom  are  three  months'  volua 
teers,  some  of  whose  term  of  enlistment  has  just  expired ; 
others  will  claim  a  discharge  within  a  week  or  two;  and 
the  dissolution  of  my  forces  from  this  necessity,  already 
commenced,  will  leave  me  less  than  four  thousand  men, 
including  Companies  B  and  E,  Second  Infantry,  now  with 
me.  In  my  immediate  vicinity  it  is  currently  reported  there 
are  thirty  thousand  troops  and  upward,  whose  number  is 
constantly  augmenting,  and  who  are  diligently  accumulat 
ing  arms  and  stores.  They  are  making  frequent  lawless  and 
hostile  demonstrations  and  threaten  me  with  attack.  The 
evils  consequent  upon  the  withdrawal  of  any  portion  of  my 
force  will  be  apparent :  loyal  citizens  will  be  unprotected, 
repressed  treason  will  assume  alarming  boldness,  and 
possible  defeat  of  my  troops  in  battle  will  peril  the  con 
tinued  ascendency  of  the  Federal  power  itself,  not  only  in 
the  State,  but  in  the  whole  West.  If  the  interests  of  the 
Government  are  to  be  sustained  here,  and  in  fact  the 
whole  Valley  of  the  Mississippi,  large  bodies  of  troops 
should  be  sent  forward  to  this  State,  instead  of  being 
withdrawn  from  it,  till  by  concentration  there  may  be 
ability  to  overpower  any  force  there  can  be  gathered  in 
the  West  to  act  against  the  Government.  Troops 
properly  belonging  to  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi,  from 
Wisconsin,  Michigan,  Indiana,  and  Ohio,  have  already 
been  withdrawn  to  the  East.  The  moral  effect  of  the 
presence  of  the  few  regulars  in  my  command  is  doubtless 
the  main  consideration  which  holds  the  enemy  in  check, 
and  with  them  I  may  be  able  to  retain  what  has  already 
been  achieved  until  I  am  strengthened ;  but  any  dimi 
nution  will  be  imminently  hazardous. 

The  volunteers  with  me  have  yet  had  no  pay  for  their 
services,  and  their  duties  have  been  arduous.  Their 
clothing  has  become  dilapidated,  and  as  a  body  they  are 
dispirited.  But  for  these  facts  they  would  probably 
nearly  all  have  re-enlisted.  I  have  no  regular  officers  of 
the  Pay  Department,  nor  of  the  Commissary  and  Quarter 
master  ;  the  affairs  of  both  the  last  are,  cousequently} 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  305 

indifferently  administered  from  want  of  experience. 
Nothing  but  the  immense  interests  at  stake  could  ever 
have  induced  me  to  undertake  the  great  work  in  which 
lam  engaged  under  such  discouraging  circumstances.  In 
this  state  of  affairs,  presumed  to  have  been  unknown 
when  the  order  was  issued,  I  have  felt  justified  in  delay 
ing  its  execution  for  further  instruction,  so  far  as  the 
companies  with  frie  are  concerned. 
Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

N.  LYON, 

Brigadier-  General  Commanding. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  TOWNSEND,  A.  A.  G.,  <kc. 

CORRESPONDENCE     BY   TELEGRAPH    AND     MAIL    EXPLAIN 
CONDITION    OF    AFFAIRS    IN    JULY. 

SPRINGFIELD,  Mo.,  July  19,  1861. 

SIR — The  Fourth  and  Fifth  Regiments  Iowa  Volunteers 
are  reported  to  me  as  available  for  service.  They  are  at 
present  at  Burlington,  in  that  State,  and  it  is  desirable 
to  have  them  actively  at  work.  If  they  are  not  other 
wise  needed,  I  wish  you  to  order  them  forward  to  join 
my  column,  with  all  possible  dispatch. 

N.  LYON,  Commanding. 
Colonel  HARDING. 

[By  telegraph  from  Washington,  received  same  date.] 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  July  20,  ]  861. 
Colonel  CHESTER  HARDING,  St.  Louis  Arsenal : 

General  Thomas  authorized  me  to  say  that  you  can 
accept  as  many  three  years'  regiments  as  shall  offer, 
until  further  notice. 

F.  P.  BLAIR, 
Colonel  First  Missouri  Volunteers. 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  July  20,  1861. 
Major-General  FREMONT,  New  York : 

Nothing  later  from  General  Lyon,  but  I  have  obtained 
authority  to  accept  regiments  as  soon  as  offered.  Can 
soon  re-enforce  him.  Will  begin  next  week.  When  will 
you  start  ? 

CHESTER  HARDING, 

Assistant  Adjutant-  General. 


306  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

ST.  Louis,  July  19, 1861. 

It  was  the  design  to  occupy  Southwest  Missouri,  cut 
ting  off  all  approaches  from  Arkansas  by  way  of  Poca- 
hontas,  to  occupy  Poplar  Bluffs,  Bloomfield,  Greenville, 
and  the  line  of  the  Cairo  and  Fulton  railroad.  Accord 
ingly,  one  regiment  is  at  Ironton,  ready  to  advance 
when  re-enforced.  Grant  was  under  orders,  but  his 
orders  were  countermanded.  Marsh  is*  at  Cape  Girar- 
deau,  instructed  to  keep  open  communication  with 
Bloomfield,  where  Grant  was  to  be.  General  Prentiss 
has  eight  regiments  at  Cairo,  and  could  spare  five  of  them 
to  go  into  that  country.  If  we  once  lose  possession  of 
the  swarnps  of  that  region,  a  large  army  will  be  required 
to  clear  them,  while,  if  we  get  possession  first  and  hold 
the  causeway,  a  smaller  force  will  do.  General  McClel- 
lan  telegraphed  that  he  had  authentic  intelligence  of 
a  large  army  gathering  at  Pocahontas,  according  with 
what  I  have  advised  for  weeks.  Expecting  you  here 
daily,  I  have  not  telegraphed  before  ;  but  if  you  do  not 
come  at  once,  will  you  take  into  consideration  the  im 
portance  to  Cairo  that  the  Southeast  should  be  held  by 
us? 

CHESTER  HARDING,  JR.,  A.  A.  G. 

Major-General  FREMONT. 

ST.  Louis  ARSENAL,  July  21,  1861. 
Brigadier-General  LYON,  Commanding  : 

GENERAL — Before  referring  to  your  recent  communi 
cations,  allow  me  to  explain  the  state  of  affairs  in  other 
parts  of  Missouri,  outside  of  your  line  of  operations. 

Before  you  left  Boonville  I  had  the  honor  to  advise 
you  that  large  forces  were  gathering  at  Pocahontas.  In 
accordance  with  your  instructions,  I  communicated  freely 
with  General  McClellan,  and,  as  I  supposed,  succeeded 
in  having  placed  at  your  disposal  sufficient  troops  from 
Illinois  to  hold  the  swamp  counties  of  the  Southeast. 
Accordingly,!  commenced  by  sending  Bland' s  (Sixth  Mis 
souri)  regiment  to  Ironton,  with  directions  to  proceed  as 
for  as  he  could  with  entire  safety  in  the  direction  of  Green 
ville.  At  the  same  time  Colonel  Grant's  regiment  was 
ordered  here,  to  proceed  to  Bloomfield,  and  Colonel 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  307 

Marsh  to  Cape  Girardeau,  where  he  could  have  easy 
communication  with  either  Cairo  or  Bloomfield.  I 
armed  eight  hundred  Home  Guards  in  Cape  Girardeau  and 
Scott  counties,  to  act  as  skirmishers,  scouts,  and  guides  in 
marshes,  and  obtained  authority  from  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  raise  a  force  of  mounted  scouts.  With  these  forces, 
and  with  arms  for  Home  Guards  in  Wayne,  Stoddard,  and 
Butler,  I  expected  to  keep  down  local  rebellion  in  that 
region,  encourage  Union  men,  hold  the  causeway  through 
the  swamps,  and  prevent  the  approach  of  an  army  from 
Pocahontas,  until  the  commanding  Generals  and  the  au 
thorities  at  Washington  became  convinced  it  was  the 
design  of  the  enemy  to  march  upon  Bird's  Point  and  St. 
Louis  as  soon  as  sufficient  strength  was  gathered. 

General  McClellan  countermanded  his  order  to  Grant. 
I  could  get  no  answer  in  regard  to  equipping  Buell's 
battery  (though  now  the  authority  is  here,  and  a  por 
tion  of  the  battery  in  service  on  the  Missouri  river) ;  and 
Bland  and  Marsh  are  at  the  points  they  were  sent  to, 
without  the  force  to  accomplish  the  objects  named. 
General  McClellan's  reason  for  countermanding  the 
order  to  Grant  was  that  Cairo  was  threatened.  There 
fore,  instead  of  occupying  the  country  through  which 
the  enemy  must  come,  eight  regiments  are  lying  in  that 
sickly  hole,  Cairo,  where  General  Prentiss  can  see  the 
whole  of  them  at  once.  He  also  has  cavalry  and  two 
light  batteries. 

A  week  since  General  McClellan  telegraphed  that  he 
had  the  same  definite  information  of  troops  crossing  from 
Tennessee  and  coming  up  from  all  parts  of  Arkansas  to 
Pocahontas,  which  I  had  learned  from  our  scouts  and 
spies  (one  of  them  a  pilot  on  a  Memphis  boat,  wliich 
had  conveyed  some  of  the  troops  over)  and  had  sent  to  him. 

Now,  in  the  Southeast  we  stand  thus :  two  regiments 
not  in  communication  with  each  other :  no  artillery,  and 
a  few  Home  Guards,  against  what  they  expect  to  be, 
twenty  thousand  men  ^regular  troops,  well  provided), 
who  design  marching  upon  St.  Louis.  I  have  explained 
all  this  to  General  Fremont,  who  will  be  here  Tues 
day,  and  who  (as  does  General  Pope)  understands  the 
threatened  movement,  and  will  take  vigorous  measures 
to  meet  it.  So  much  for  the  Southeast. 


308  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

Meanwhile,  your  departure  from  Boonville,  and  the 
necessity  of  having  eighteen  hundred  troops  to  garrison 
Jefferson  City,  Boonville,  and  Lexington,  encouraged  the 
rebels  in  Northeast  Missouri.  Brigadier-General  Tom 
Harris  (rebel)  gathered  a  force  below  Monroe  station,  in 
camp.  I  took  the  liberty  of  ordering  Colonel  Smith,  of 
Illinois,  who  was  lying  eighteen  miles  from  him,  to  break 
up  the  camp.  He  waited  a  day  or  two  until  Harris  had 
got  together  sixteen  hundred  men,  proceeded  part  way, 
shut  himself  up  in  a  seminary,  and  sent  back  for  re-en 
forcements,  as  his  men  had  been  marched  off  in  such  a 
hurry  that  they  forgot  to  fill  their  cartridge-boxes,  and 
had  only  four  rounds  apiece.  He  was  relieved,  and  Harris 
marched  sotithwestwardly  on  his  way  through  Callaway 
county,  to  make  a  combined  attack  on  Jefferson  City,  with 
forces  from  Pettis,  Osage,  and  Linn  counties. 

To  check  this  I  ordered  up  Schiittner's  regiment  from 
Cairo.  As  soon  as  the  boat  arrived  I  gave  Colonel 
Schiittner  his  marching  orders,  and  immediately  went 
to  work  to  equip  his  regiment.  McKinstry  helped,  and 
both  of  us  worked  all  night.  The  field  officers,  except 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Hammer,  and  nearly  all  the  company 
officers,  went  up  town,  and  McKinstry  and  I  were 
colonels,  captains,  adjutants,  and  quartermasters  as 
occasion  required.  I  finally  got  them  off  to  go  to  Jef 
ferson  City,  to  cross  there.  As  the  regiment  was  in  the 
worst  possible  state  of  discipline,  and  as  Hammer  is  no 
soldier  (Schiittner  and  the  balance  I  put  in  arrest  as  soon 
as  they  appeared  at  the  gate  at  reveille),  I  could  not  trust 
him,  and  ordered  McNeil  to  take  seven  of  his  com 
panies  and  follow  him  to  take  command.  Hammer  had 
with*  him  forty-two  mounted  orderlies.  The  two  com 
mands  united  were  to  proceed  to  Jefferson  City,  via 
Fulton  to  Mexico,  between  which  two  places  last  named 
Harris  was. 

At  the  same  time  Colonel  M.  L.  Smith  (Eighth  Mis 
souri  Volunteers),  with  two  companies,  and  four  com 
panies  of  the  Second  Missouri  Volunteers,  under  Schaeffer, 
were  sent  up  to  Mexico  by  rail,  where  it  was  arranged 
with  Hurlbut  that  either  Palmer  or  Grant  should  join 
them  and  scour  the  country  down  toward  Jefferson. 
After  fully  entering  into  the  plan,  and  after  I  had  sent 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1801.  309 

off  our  forces,  Hurlbut  sent  Palmer  on  to  guard  the 
Chariton  bridge  with  his  entire  regiment,  and  left  Smith 
to  do  the  best  lie  could.  I,  of  course,  immediately 
re-enforced  him.  Meanwhile  the  enemy  burned  the 
bridge  above  Mexico. 

Hammer  telegraphed  from  Hermann  that  he  con 
cluded  to  leave  the  river  there,  as  transportation  was 
easily  procured,  and  that  he  had  made  arrangements  to 
effect  a  junction  with  McNeil.  The  next  I  heard  of  him 
he  was  at  New  Florence,  on  the  railroad,  and  McNeil, 
with  four  hundred  and  sixty  men,  was  near  Fulton,  where 
I  then  knew  he  would  meet  Harris.  You  can  imagine 
my  anxiety,  and  afterward  my  relief,  when  I  heard  from 
that  brave  fellow,  McNeil,  ^  that  he  had  fought  and 
routed  the  rebels. 

The  next  day  after  this  affair,  General  Pope  sent  me 
word  that  he  would  go  into  Northeast  Missouri  with  a 
large  force.  He  has  done  so.  Pie  expects  to  have  seven 
thousand  men  there,  two  batteries,  and  four  companies  of 
cavalry.  McNeil  still  lies  at  Fulton.  Hammer  came 
down  from  the  railroad,  and  McNeil  has  ordered  him 
here.  Everything  quiet  in  Callaway.  The  Northeast 
may  be  considered  secure. 

From  Jefferson  I  have  had  nothing  but  trouble.  It 
being  impossible  to  supply  the  places  of  Boernstein's  six 
companies,  I  have  left  him  there,  and — but  I  won't  stop 
to  mention  his  performances. 

At  home  our  friends  are  alarmed,  and  the  city  is 
uneasy.  I  receive  about  five  deputations  per  diem, 
warning  me  that  I  ought  not  to  send  away  so  many 
troops  (two  thousand  two  hundred  United  States  Reserve 
Corps  left),  and  sometimes  hinting  that  I  will  be  over 
hauled  by  higher  powers  for  doing  so.  The  only  danger 
is  an  advance  from  Arkansas.  But  the  first  demonstra 
tion  will  result  in  clearing  St.  Louis  of  its  secession  ele 
ment.  *  *  *  Mismanagement  of  transportation  at 
Rolla,  to  which  place  one  hundred  and  ten  wagons  had 
been  sent  before  Brown  moved,  and  probably  the  inferior 
kind  of  transportation  furnished,  accounts  for  the  delay 
in  getting  supplies  forward.  Arms,  ammunition,  and 
provisions  were  lying  for  weeks  at  Rolla,  while  I  sup 
posed  they  were  going  forward,  and  I  was  not  informed 


310  GEN. 

of  the  fact.  When  I  did  learn  it,  I  telegraphed  to  Wash 
ington,  and  had  instructions  sent  to  McKinstry  to  buy 
everything  I  required.  McKinstry  has  also  had  sent  to 
Rolla,  at  my  request,  one  of  Van  Vliet's  experienced 
clerks,  Thomas  O'Brien,  to  whom  I  have  given  the  entire 
control  of  Quartermaster's  affairs  from  Rolla  onward.  A 
large  number  of  army  wagons,  with  mules,  have  been 
bought  and  sent  down,  and  I  trust  that  there  will  be  no 
more  trouble  there.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
rations  were  ordered  on  the  6th ;  four  thousand  shoes, 
and  clothing  to  match,  were  ordered  on  receipt  of  your 
letter  of  the  1 3th,  and,  I  presume,  are  all  on  the  way.  I 
know  that  part  have  been  shipped. 

The  line  of  communication  from  Rolla  to  Springfield  is 
kept  open  by  Wyman  and  Bayles.  Wyman's  (Thirteenth 
Illinois  Volunteers,  infantry,  is  a  splendid  regiment,  and 
I  am  trying  to  get  other  troops  to  supply  his  place  and 
send  him  forward ;  but  I  am  embarrassed  by  conduct 
which  I  scarcely  think  meets  your  approval,  although  I 
am  informed  you  gave  your  consent  to  it.  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Hassendeubel,  who  arrived  here  yesterday,  but 
has  not  reported  himself,  brought  up  with  him  one 
of  Bayles'  companies  (Company  L,  rifles,  Fourth  Regi 
ment,  formerly,  but  since  organized  with  others  as  a  bat 
talion),  and  has  ordered  Company  M  up,  also,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  forming  a  three  years'  regiment,  of  which  he  is  to 
take  the  command. 

I  have  been  strengthening  Bayles  all  I  could.  There 
are  three  companies  here  now,  mustered  and  ready  to  go 
down  as  soon  as  armed  (by  Tuesday  at  furthest),  and 
the  other  two  companies  will  be  ready  during  the  week 
in  all  probability.  The  ten  companies  were  to  be  com 
manded  by  Saxton.  He  is  said  to  be  on  his  way  here  at 
this  time,  and  ISaxton  would  be  invaluable,  either  in  com 
mand  on  the  line  or  with  you. 

As  to  re-enforcements,  I  shall  reorganize  the  Second 
and  Fourth  under  their  Captains,  and  put  the  first  ten 
companies  formed  into  one  regiment,  without  regard  to 
the  preferences  of  individuals.  This  can  be  done  during 
the  week,  as  Boernstein,  Schaeflfer,  and  Hammer  are  all 
to  come  here  to-morrow.  The  surplus  can  be  organized 
under  a  temporary  battalion  organization,  sent  to  the 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  311 

field,  and  afterward  filled  up.  The  Eighth  Missouri 
can  go  down  this  w-eek,  and  a  splendid  regiment  it 
is. 

Last  night,  the  Adjutant-General  gave  me  authority  to 
accept  any  regiments  that  offered.  Two  are  formed  in 
the  country.  Both  will  be  ready  in  two  weeks.  Others 
will  come.  I  have  caused  the  notice  of  the  authority  to 
be  published.  Bland  can't  be  spared ;  nor  can  Curtis's 
men.  St.  Joseph  and  the  surrounding  country  are 
reported  as  ready  to  rise.  In  fact,  the  whole  State 

is. 

********* 

The  Ninth  and  Tenth  are  filling  up  fast,  and  can  be 
ready  in  two  weeks,  probably.  These  statements  are 
made  upon  the  supposition  that  arms  and  equipments 
will  be  here  as  ordered. 

Mulligan's  regiment,  from  Illinois,  arrived  here  yester 
day  for  arms.  I  sent  some  companies  to  Jefferson  to 
day,  and  the  balance  will  go  up  on  Tuesday. 

But  better  than  all,  General  Fremont  telegraphed  me 
last  night  that  he  would  start  for  St.  Louis  immediately ; 
and  when  1  can  have  the  opportunity  of  going  over  the 
map  with  him,  I  trust  that  he  will  use  his  power  to  fill 
this  State  with  troops.  A  few  weeks'  delay  would  make 
the  whole  State  a  battlefield. 

And  now,  General,  I  can  say  that  to  be  relieved  of 
the  responsibility  which  I  have  had  upon  me  since  you 
left,  without  the  authority,  after  the  change  in  the  de 
partment  command,  to  do  what  I  saw  was  necessary, 
with  my  representations  to  the  department  generally 
unnoticed,  and  without  even  a  competent  clerk  to  aid  me 
in  the  ordinary  routine  of  business,  is  truly  a  relief;  and 
no  one  can  be  so  glad  that  Fremont  is  coming  as  I  am. 
I  have  never  before  had  the  time  to  write  you  fully ;  and 
I  presume  that  now  the  office  is  full  of  people,  who  are 
waiting  upon  the  same  errands  with  which  you  were 
formerly  so  much  annoyed.  I  shall  always  feel  proud  of 
the  confidence  which  you  have  placed  in  me,  and  I  hope 
you  will  think  I  have  endeavored  to  justify  it. 

Very  respectfully,  and  truly, 

CHESTER  HARDING,  JR. 


312  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

General  Lyon  replied  to  the  above,  as  follows : 

SPRINGFIELD,  MISSOURI,  July  27,1861. 
Colonel  CHESTER  HARDING  : 

DEAR  SIR — I  have  your  notes  about  matters  in  St. 
Louis,  &c.,  and  your  proceeding  seems  to  me  perfectly 
correct.  Now  that  matters  Xorth  seem  more  quiet,  can 
not  you  manage  to  get  a  few  regiments  this  way?  I  am 
in  the  deepest  concern  on  this  subject,  and  you  must 
urge  this  matter  upon  Fremont  as  of  vital  importance. 
These  three  months'  volunteers  would  re-enlist  if  they 
could  be  paid ;  but  they  are  now  dissatisfied,  and  if 
troops  do  not  replace  them  all  that  is  gained  may  be 
lost.  I  have  not  been  able  to  move  for  want  of  supplies, 
and  this  delay  will  exhaust  the  term  of  the  three  months' 
men.  Cannot  something  be  done  to  have  our  men  and 
officers  paid,  as  well  as  our  purchases  paid  for?  If  the 
Government  cannot  give  due  attention  to  the  West,  her 
interest  must  have  a  corresponding  disparagement. 
Yours  truly, 

N.  LYON, 
Brigadier-  General,  Com  man  ding. 

CAIRO,  July  23,  1861. 
CIIESTFR  HARDING  : 

I  lave  but  eight  (H)  regiments  here.  Six  (G)  of  them  are 
three  months'  men.  Their  time  expires  this  week ;  are  re 
organizing  now.  I  have  neither  tents  nor  wagons,  and 
must  hold  Cairo  and  Bird's  Point.  The  latter  is  threat 
ened.  I  have  but  two  guns  equipped  for  moving.  Thus 
you  see  I  cannot  comply  with  request.  Again,  news  of 
this  morning  changes  policy  of  rebels  in  Kentucky. 
They  are  organizing  opposite.  Watkins  is  encamped, 
with  two  thousand,  seven  miles  from  Bloomfield.  He  has 
no  cannon,  and  poorly  armed.  This  may  be  the  force  you 
have  heard  from. 

B.  M.  PREXTISS, 
Brigadier-  General. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  WEST,          \ 
SPRINGFIELD,  Mo.,  July  26,  1861.  j 
COLONEL  HARDING  : 

Your  order  relative  to  the  State  Journal  meets  with 
the  approbation  of  the  General.  He  would  like  you  to 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  313 

join  him  as  soon  as  you  can  be  spared  by  General  Fre 
mont.  *  *  *  Officers  fit  for  staff  duties  are  very 
scarce  here.  We  have  heard  of  the  defeat  of  our  troops 
in  Virginia,  though  hardly  enough  to  judge  of  its  extent. 
I  fear  this  will  prevent  our  getting  re-enforcements.  If 
so,  the  next  news  will  be  of  our  defeat  also.  *  *  * 
Many  of  our  men  are  entirely  barefooted,  and  hence 
unable  to  march. 

Yours  very  truly,  \ 

J.  M.  SCHOFIELD.      i 

JEFFERSON  CITY,  July  22,  1861. 
C.  HARDING,  Jr.,  A.  A.  6r.,  St.  Louis  Arsenal: 

All  the  members  of  the  convention  from  the  Southwest 
urge  the  necessity  of  sending  plenty  of  re-enforcements 
to  General  Lyon,  and  request  me  to  so  telegraph  you. 
I  do  so,  of  course.     You  know  what  is  best ;  whether 
they  are  better  informed  than  you  are,  you  can  judge. 
JOHN  I).  STEVENSON, 
Colonel,  Commanding. 

FREMONT    BESIEGED    FOR    HELP. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that,  from  the  time  General  Lyon 
arrived  at  Springfield  until  it  was  too  late,  there  was  a 
full  representation  of  his  condition  and  wants  both  at 
Washington  city  and  St.  Louis.  Not  only  by  letters 
and  telegrams  to  Fremont  himself  were  these  repre 
sentations  made,  but  letters  written  to  prominent  St. 
Louisans  sent  those  gentlemen  also  to  Fremont  in  behalf 
of  the  struggling  braves  in  the  Southwest.  The  great 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  Lyon  was  the  want  of  transporta 
tion.  This  could  have  been  remedied.  McKinstry  had 
orders  dated  July  6,  from  Washington,  to  furnish  Lyon 
all  he  wanted ;  but  instead  of  fulfilling  orders,  McKin 
stry  discharged  all  the  transportation  that  had  been 
hired  by  Sigel,  Sweeney,  and  Gratz  Brown,  when  those 
officers  moved  below.  Had  this  been  retained,  Lyon 
could  have  been  supplied,  and  would  have  received  the 
aid  of  Stevenson  (Seventh  Missouri).  Lyon  also  sent 
14 


314  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

special  messengers  to  Fremont,  in  the  persons  of  John 
S.  Phelps,  Captain  Marble,  Major  B.  G.  Farrar,  Captain 
John  S.  Cavender,  Dr.  F.  G.  Porter,  Colonel  Hammer, 
and  others. 

The  following  memorandum,  in  the  handwriting  of 
General  Lyon,  dated  Springfield,  July  27,  was  handed 
by  the  General  to  Colonel  John  S.  Phelps : 

"  See  General  Fremont  about  troops  and  stores  for  the 
place.  Our  men  have  not  been  paid  and  are  rather  dis 
pirited  ;  they  are  badly  off  for  clothing,  and  the  want 
of  shoes  unfits  them  for  marching.  Some  staff 
officers  are  badly  needed,  and  the  interests  of  the 
Government  suffer  for  the  want  of  them.  The  time 
for  the  three  months'  volunteers  is  nearly  out,  and 
on  returning  home,  as  most  of  them  are  disposed  to, 
my  command  will  be  reduced  too  low  for  effective  opera 
tions.  Troops  must  at  once  be  forwarded  to  supply 
their  place.  The  safety  of  the  State  is  hazarded ;  orders 
from  General  Scott  strip  the  entire  West  of  regular 
forces,  and  increase  the  chance  of  sacrificing  it.  The 
public  press  is  full  of  reports  that  troops  from  other 
States  are  moving  toward  the  northern  border  of  Arkan 
sas  for  the  purpose  of  invading  Missouri. 

"K  LYON." 

As  an  instance  of  the  manner  in  which  these  agents 
and  officers  of  Lyon  were  treated  at  headquarters,  I  here 
relate  the  experience  of  Colonel  John  S.  Cavender  (then 
Captain  of  Company  G,  First  Missouri  Volunteers) ,  who 
visited  St.  Louis,  by  special  order  of  General  Lyon,  to  see 
General  Fremont,  and  impress  upon  him  the  absolute 
necessity  of  immediate  action.* 

Colonel  Cavender  arrived  in  the  city  about  the  time  of 
Fremont's  arrival,  and  at  once  wended  his  way  to 
the  palace,  ycleped  "  Headquarters  Department  of  the 
West."  That  large  and  spacious  marble  edifice,  built 

*  Lyon  instructed  Colonel  Cavender  by  no  means  to  expose  his  plans  to 
Quartermaster  McKinstry,  as  he  was  confident  that  officer  would  do  all  he 
could  to  frustrate  them.  I  have  frequently  been  assured  of  McKinstry's  per 
sonal  ill  feelings  for  Lyon.  but  am  in  possession  of  no  facts  to  prove  their  truth. 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  315 

by  a  wealthy  citizen  of  St.  Louis,  and  in  the  erection  of 
which  no  expense  was  spared  necessary  to  make  it  a 
monument  of  taste  and  grandeur,  was  approached  by 
Cavender  through  files  of  German  soldiery,  who  permit 
ted  him  because  of  his  uniform  to  reach  the  ante-cham 
ber  of  the  reception-rooms.  He  was  not  successful  in 
obtaining  an  interview,  although  he  announced  the 
object  of  his  mission ;  the  General  was  "  engaged." 
After  two  days'  vain  efforts  to  see  Fremont,  Cavender 
concluded  that  he  would  observe  form  no  longer,  and 
with  admirable  determination  and  spirit,  finally  pushed 
his  way  by  the  armed  guards,  and  into  the  presence. 
Advancing  to  General  Fremont,  he  stated  his  desire  for 
an  interview,  and  that  he  was  specially  dispatched  to  St. 
Louis  by  General  Lyon  to  seek  such.  He  then  pro 
ceeded  to  inform  the  General  that  General  Lyon  had 
directed  him  to  say  he  needed  re-enforcements  of  from 
five  to  ten  thousand  men  without  the  least  delay ;  that 
his  Home  Guards  had  never  been  paid  or  supplied  by 
Government ;  that  their  time  was  expiring ;  they 
were  dissatisfied  and  leaving  in  squads ;  large  numbers 
of  them  were  almost  naked  and  absolutely  barefoot, 
and  their  families  distressed  for  want  of  the  necessaries  of 
life ;  that  if  they  could  be  paid  large  numbers  of  them 
would  re-enlist,  which  was  extremely  desirable,  the  men 
being  inured  to  service  ;  a  paymaster  should  be  for 
warded  at  once,  and  the  order  of  General  Meigs  for 
transportation  complied  with  immediately.  Colonel 
Cavender  also  represented  the  partial  despondency  of 
General  Lyon  at  the  neglect  with  which  he  had  been 
treated,  and  explained  Lyon's  views  as  to  the  incalculable 
importance  of  holding  on  to  Springfield,  and  a  thorough 
protection  of  the  rear;  that  McCulloch  was  approaching 
from  Little  Rock,  with  large  numbers  of  troops  from 
Arkansas,  Tennessee,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  and  that  the 


316  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

contemplated  battle  would  be  for  the  possession  of  Spring 
field  ;  that  other  movements  were  but  fictitious,  the  real 
aim  of  the  Confederates  being  for  his  front. 

Fremont  listened  attentively,  and  when  Cavender  con 
cluded  he  said : 

"  How  long  are  you  going  to  remain  in  town  ?  " 

"  I  am  here,"  replied  Cavender,  "  to  attend  to  this 
special  business.  As  soon  as  I  have  accomplished  what 
I  came  for,  I  will  return." 

"  You  had  .better  call  on  me  again,  Captain.  When 
can  you  call  ?  " 

"  At  any  time ;  I  have  nothing  else  to  do  but  to  at 
tend  to  this  business.  My  whole  time  is  at  your 
service." 

"  Well,  then, "  said  Fremont,  "  you  had  better  call 
here  at  nine  o'clock  this  evening,  and  I  will  inform  you 
of  what  will  be  done.  General  Lyon  must  have  re-en 
forcements  and  whatever  he  asks  for." 

"  All  right !  "  said  Cavender,  "  I  will  be  here  promptly 
at  nine  o'clock  this  evening.  I  will  see  you  here,  will  I  ?" 

"  Oh,  yes  !     I'll  be  here  !     Good  morning." 

That  evening  at  nine  o'clock  Cavender  was  on  hand 
according  to  appointment.  Presto  !  The  marble  palace 
was  closed,  and  no  light  shone  from  the  front  win 
dows. 

The  massive  iron  gate  was  locked,  and  the  sentry 
would  admit  no  one.  Cavender,  passing  around  to  the 
rear  of  the  building,  saw  a  light  shining  through  the  win 
dows  of  the  Adjutant-General's  office,  and  no  guard 
being  in  the  rear  he  climbed  over  the  fence  and  was 
soon  tapping  at  the  door  of  the  office. 

"  Come  in  !  " 

Cavender  opened  the  door,  and,  entering  the  room, 
was  in  the  presence  of  Adjutant  General  Kelton.  Taking 
out  his  watch,  he  remarked  : 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    18G1.  317 

"  I  am  here  by  appointment.  It  is  just  a  few  minutes 
after  nine,  and  General  Fremont  appointed  to  see  me 
here  and  now. 

"  General  Fremont  was  fatigued,  and  has  retired ;  he 
can't  be  seen  to-night." 

"  The  devil  he  can't,"  responded  Cavender.  "  He  said 
he  would  certainly  see  me,  and  give  me  an  answer  for 
General  Lyon." 

"  Oh,  as  to  that,"  quoth  Kelton,  "  it's  all  right.  A 
paymaster  has  been  ordered  to  go  in  the  cars  to-morrow 
morning,  and  General  Fremont  has  arranged  to  send  re- 
enforcements  at  once.  At  least  five  thousand  will  go 
forward  as  soon  as  the  orders  can  reach  them.  It's  all 
right,  Captain  ;  you  can  tell  General  Lyon  he  will  be 
attended  to." 

Cavender,  asking  if  he  could  rely  on  that,  and  being 
informed  he  could,  withdrew,  and  by  the  morning  cars 
returned  to  Springfield.  But  there  was  no  paymaster 
on  the  train,  nor  were  the  promised  troops  ordered 
forward.  Lyoii  anxiously  waited  from  day  to-day,  and 
when  he  gave  up  all  hope  it  was  too  late. 

This  expedition  of  Colonel  Cavender  which  I  have 
narrated  above  was  in  the  latter  part  of  July. 

Another  instance :  Dr.  Frank  G.  Porter,  a  gentleman 
well  known  in  St.  Louis  for  truth  and  veracity,  and  who 
has  served  during  the  war  with  eminent  ability  as  Sur 
geon  of  Volunteers,  informs  me  that  he  was  requested 
by  Lyon  to  represent  his  condition  and  wants  to  Fre 
mont.  Dr.  Porter  arrived  in  the  city  a  few  days  after 
Colonel  Cavender,  and  at  once  visited  Quartermaster 
McKinstry.  The  doctor  told  McKinstry  that,  if  Lyon 
could  only  get  the  Thirteenth  Illinois  (then  at  Rolla), 
and  the  Seventh  Missouri  (then  at  Boonville),  he  was 
confident  of  success  in  any  encounter  with  the  enemy. 
McKinstry  did  not  seem  at  all  anxious  about  the  matter, 


318  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

and  stated  the  impossibility  of  furnishing  those  regi 
ments  with  transportation.  He  had  plenty  of  mules,  he 
said,  but  no  wagons.  The  doctor  then  went  to  Fremont, 
and  repeated  substantially  the  information  furnished  by 
Cavender,  and  the  memoranda  furnished  by  Phelps,  and 
told,  in  addition,  that  it  was  the  intention  of  General 
Lyon  to  fight  the  enemy  at  Springfield.  Fremont  re 
plied  that,  if  General  Lyon  made  the  fight  at  Springfield, 
he  must  do  it  upon  his  own  responsibility;  General 
Lyon  has  his  orders  to  fall  back. 

FOBSYTH    AND   DUG    SPRINGS. 

On  the  20th  of  July,  General  Lyon  determined  to 
break  up  the  rebel  recruiting  rendezvous  at  Forsyth,  a 
small  town  on  White  river,  and  for  that  purpose  dis 
patched  Sweeney  with  half  of  the  First  Iowa,  several 
Kansas  companies,  and  regulars  enough  to  make  a  force 
of  twelve  hundred  men,  also  one  section  of  artillery. 
Sweeney  accomplished  the  object  of  the  expedition,  cap 
tured  quite  a  number  of  prisoners,  a  large  lot  of  quarter 
master's  stores,  including  quite  a  number  of  blankets, 
horses,  and  camp  and  garrison  equipage.  He  then 
returned  to  Springfield,  after  destroying  what  he  could 
not  carry  away. 

From  his  own  scouts  and  from  Union  refugees,  Gen 
eral  Lyon  learned  that  McCulloch,  with  forces  from 
Louisiana,  Arkansas,  and  Texas,  was  moving  toward 
Springfield,  collecting  recruits  as  he  marched,  and  pre 
paring  for  a  junction  with  all  the  Missouri  troops  then  in 
arms.  To  prevent  .this  junction,  and  in  the  hope  of  so 
crippling  McCulloch  that  he  would  gain  time  to  increase 
his  own  strength,  General  Lyon  concluded  to  move 
promptly  upon  the  rebel  column  and  give  it  battle.  On 
Thursday,  August  1,  General  Lyon  moved  out  with  his 
command,  and  encamped  that  night  in  the  vicinity  of 


AND   MISSOURI   IK    1861.  319 

Tyrel  creek.  On  Friday  he  advanced  to  Dug  Springs  ? 
and  obtained  intelligence  of  the  enemy.  Dug  Springs  is 
some  nineteen  miles  southwest  of  Springfield.  While 
yet  pressing  forward,  the  Federal  cavalry  in  advance 
fell  into  an  ambuscade,  and  were  surrounded  by  over 
whelming  numbers  of  rebel  infantry.  The  cavalry  con 
sisted  of  only  twenty-seven  men,  but  they  desperately 
fought  their  way  out,  with  a  loss  of  but  five  men,  and 
their  Lieutenant  commanding.  General  Lyon  rapidly 
moved  up  his  artillery,  and  by  a  vigorous  application  of 
shell  and  shot  soon  put  the  rebels  to  flight.  Lyon's 
infantry  were  not  engaged.  The  rebels  continued  their 
flight  southwardly  to  a  point  known  as  McCullough's  store 

On  Saturday  morning,  General  Lyon  moved  forward 
with  great  caution.  On  approaching  Curran,  the  rebels 
were  seen  in  force  on  the  hillside  immediately  southwest 
of  that  place.  Their  advance  was  three  thousand  strong, 
under  General  Rains.  General  Lyon  immediately  formed 
his  army  for  battle,  and  gave  the  order  for  an  advance. 
Captain  Dubois  opened  a  splendid  fire  upon  the  enemy 
from  his  guns,  and  the  rebels  again  fled.  Lyon  camped 
for  the  night  at  Curran. 

On  Sunday  morning,  August  4,  General  Lyon  called  a 
council  of  war ;  all  the  commanding  officers  of  battalions, 
regiments,  and  corps  were  present.  He  stated  to  the 
council  his  force ;  that  he  had  no  rations,  only  about  one 
day's  rations  of  bread ;  that  he  would  necessarily  lose 
the  command  of  the  mills  where  he  obtained  supplies  of 
bread,  if  he  moved  on  ;  that  he  would  be  reduced  to  salt 
and  fresh  beef,  of  which  he  could  get  a  sufficient 
quantity  ;  and  that  Rains  had  been  retreating  before 
him,  apparently  luring  him  on.  The  unanimous  vote  of 
the  council  was  that  they  should  fall  back.  General 
Lyon  stated  the  force  of  the  enemy  to  be  about  fifteen 
thousand,  but  he  fell  short  at  least  five  thousand.  Lyon 


320  GEN.     NATHANIEL    LYON, 

returned  to  Springfield  on  the  morning  of  the   5th  of 
August. 

FREMONT    IN    ST.    LOUIS. 

During  all  these  critical  days  Lyon  was  passing  in  the 
Southwest,  Fremont  held  forth  in  imperial  state  in  the 
marble  palace  of  the  Brants,  surrounded  by  obsequious 
officers  and  obedient  gens  cTarmes.  Special  favors  to 
Prussian  and  Hungarian  admirers  busily  occupied  the 
pen  which  should  have  been  engaged  in  ordering 
re-enforcements  to  Lyon.  Lyon  was  regarded  as  the  out 
post  to  the  St.  Louis  battle-front.  Barracks  that  should 
rival  Versailles,  for  an  army  that  should  shame  the  allies 
of  ]815  ;  defenses  that  should  engage  the  fancy  of 
Kappner  and  Fiala  ;  employments  at  a  profit  satisfactory 
to  Woods,  and  Palmer,  and  Castle,  and  Haskell ;  regal 
display  worthy  of  the  vanity  of  an  Austrian  despot — 
these  all,  the  order  of  the  day.  Governors  danced 
attendance  in  the  anterooms,  among  guards  speaking 
only  a  foreign  language.  Refractory  paymasters  sur 
rendered  their  funds  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  but 
Lyon  enjoyed  none  of  the  fruits  thereof.  Troops  arrived 
arid  departed,  but  Lyon  got  none  of  them.  Of  all  the 
"  stupendous  energy,"  and  "  wonderful  systemization," 
and  "  marvelous  transmission  of  electric  force  and  vital 
ity,"  which  the  satellites  of  the  new  commander  boasted 
for  their  grand  mogul,  not  one  ounce  of  benefit  accrued 
to  that  struggling  and  doomed  band  of  Spartans  at 
Springfield.  Can  it  be  possible,  as  it  has  been  intimated 
to  me,  that  the  unfriendliness  of  McKinstry  retarded 
the  progress  of  Lyon  ?  No  !  I  can  scarcely  think  so. 
Or,  again,  can  it  be  that  in  the  imperial  palace  of  the 
Brants  there  was  a  colossal  statue  of  SELF,  which  shut 
out  every  other  view,  save  the  exceeding  great  glory  of 
the  CHIEF  ?  I  can  scarcely  think  this  either. 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  321 

While  Lyon,  by  letters,  and  telegrams,  and  special  mes 
sengers  besieged  General  Fremont  for  his  notice  and 
favor,  and  received  nothing  in  return,  the  eyes  of  Fre 
mont  were  turned  to  Cairo  and  the  Southeast.  A  "  note  " 
from  General  Prentiss,  at  Cairo,  expressing  apprehensions 
of  an  attack  at  Cape  Girardeau  or  at  Cairo,  sent  midnight 
lamps  flitting  hastily  through  the  Brant  palace,  and 
steam  armadas  crowding  to  the  threatened  points.  Troops 
were  hastened  to  Cairo  and  to  Pilot  Knob,  and  a  dis 
patch  from  Colonel  C.  C.  Marsh,  at  Cape  Girardeau,  call 
ing  for  help,  was  immediately  responded  to  by  the  fol 
lowing  : 
Colonel  C.  C.  MARSH: 

I  re-enforce  you  this  morning  with  a  heavy  battery  of 
twenty-fours  and  one  regiment.  General  Prentiss  re-en 
forces  you  from  below.  Keep  me  posted. 

J.  C.  FREMONT, 
Major-  General,  Commanding. 

Lyon  sent  as  follows : 

To  General  FREMONT,  at  Cairo : 

ST.  Louis,  August  3,  1861. 

General  Lyon  has  sent  a  special  messenger,  Colonel 
Hammer,  to  say  that  he  needs  re-enforcements  ;  that  Jack 
son's  army  is  in  Jasper  and  adjacent  counties,  with  not 
less  than  twenty  thousand  men  ;  that  Lyon's  force  is  not 
much  more  than  one-fourth;  that  the  inhabitants  are 
moving  this  way  as  fast  as  their  teams  will  carry  them, 
leaving  homes  and  crops  desolated ;  that,  to  insure  a  con 
tinuous  and  safe  transport  of  provisions  and  supplies,  the 
road  from  Rolla  should  be  well  protected.  I  have  refer 
red  him  to  Captain  Kelton. 

E.  M.  DAVIS, 
Captain  Staff  of  General  Fremont. 

How  was  this  treated  ?     In  all  this,  note  the  dates. 

On  the  5th  of  August,  an  order  was  issued  to  Captain 
Prince,  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  directing  that  the  Third 
Kansas,  Colonel  Montgomery,  should  at  once  report  to 
14* 


GEN.     NATHANIEL   LYON 


General  Lyon.  An  order  on  the  same  date  was  also  for 
warded  to  Colonel  Stevenson,  Seventh  Missouri  Volun 
teers,  to  report  to  Lyon  with  dispatch. 

Fremont,  at  this  time,  was  at  Cairo.  Prentiss,  tele 
graphing  danger,  caused  the  bustle  and  turmoil  I  have 
described  in  the  Brant  palace;  and  on  the  1st  of  Au 
gust  Fremont  and  his  staff,  occupying  exclusively  the 
splendid  and  capacious  steamer  City  of  Alton,  led  the 
van  of  eight  steamboats,  upon  which  were  two  Illinois 
regiments,  one  regiment  from  Iowa,  one  from  Missouri, 
and  Captain  Buell's  battery,  six  rifled  cannon.  Would 
to  God  that  those  regiments  had  been  sent  to  Lyon ! 
That  hero  would  not  have  been  sacrificed— Missouri  would 
not  have  been  scourged. 

Notwithstanding  Phelps,  and  Cavender,  andFarrar,  and 
Marble,  and  Dr.  F.  G.  Porter  had  all  represented  Lyon's 
danger  and  need,  it  was  not  until  blood  began  to  flow  in 
southwestern  battles  that  Colonel  Hammer,  as  a  last 
effort,  sent  to  try  and  move  Fremont  to  action,  obtained 
for  the  General  the  least  notice.  And  although  Fremont 
had  been  fully  informed,  and  could  learn  more  from 
Colonel  Hammer  if  he  desired,  he  could  find  no  other 
way  to  kill  time  but  by  the  following  : 

HEADQUARTERS,  WESTERN  DEPARTMENT,  ) 
ST.  Louis,  August  6,  1861.       J 
Colonel  WYMAN,  Thirteenth  Illinois,  Holla  : 

I  send,  by  special  engine,  Mr.  Edward  H.  Castle  for 
any  information  you  may  have  of  General  Lyon's  po 
sition.  Mr.  Castle  will  inform  you  of  the  progress  Col 
onel  Stevenson  has  made,  who,  with  his  regiment,  is  on 
his  way  to  General  Lyon's  camp.  Communicate  to  me 
through  Mr.  Castle,  who  is  instructed  to  return  with 
any  information  you  may  have,  all  of  which  you  may 
safely  intrust  to  him.  Inclosed  letters  to  be  forwarded 
as  immediately  as  possible  to  General  Lyon. 

J.  C.  FREMONT, 
Major-  General,  Commanding. 


AND   MISSOURI   IX    1861.  323 

What  could  Colonel  Wyman  tell  "  Edward  H. 
Castle "  that  Lyon's  own  messengers  could  not  better 
tell  to  the  great  mogul  himself? 

The  frequent  dispatches  of  the  commanders  at  Cairo, 
Cape  Girardeau,  and  Ironton  proved  to  be  all  balder 
dash;  and  it  seems  singular  that  the  department  com 
manders  could  have  been  so  completely  bewildered  by 
these  feints  of  the  enemy.  Every  addition  to  the  stock 
of  information  already  at  hand  was  more  and  more  con 
vincing  that  Lyon  held  the  battle-front.  But  Stevenson 
and  Montgomery  never  reached  him.  When  the  former 
got  to  Rolla,  there  was  not  even  an  apology  for  the  want 
of  transportation  necessary  to  move  his  command. 
Lyon  was  left  to  his  fate. 

The  news  from  Cairo  caused  Fremont  to  telegraph  to 
Governor  Morton,  of  Indiana,  for  troops — not  for  Lyon, 
but  for  his  expedition  down  the  Mississippi.  Gover 
nor  Morton  returned  the  following  : 

INDIANAPOLIS,  August  4,  1861. 

Can  send  five  regiments  if  leave  is  granted  by  the  de 
partment,  as  I  am  ordered  to  send  them  East  as  fast  as 
ready.  They  are  mostly  river  men,  and  are  well  adapted 
to  your  expedition.  They  have  been  promised  rifles  by 
the  department,  which  have  not  arrived  as  yet.  What 
kind  of  guns  will  you  give  them,  and  where  are  they  at  ? 
Will  telegraph  the  department.  O.  P.  MORTON. 
Major-General  FREMONT. 

General  Fremont  at  once  telegraphed  Montgomery 
Blair  to  have  those  regiments  ordered  West  immedi 
ately  ;  also  to  Hon.  James  A.  Scott,  acting  Secretary  of 
War. 

CAIRO,  August  6,  1861. 
General  FREMONT  : 

Colonel  McArthur,  with  six  companies  and  four  pieces 
of  artillery,  left  for  Cape  Girardeau  at  half-past  six 
o'clock,  AM.  B.  M.  PRENTISS, 

General,  Commanding. 


324 

ST.  Louis,  August  6,  1861. 
GeneralPREXTiss : 

Heavy  battery  of  six  twenty-four-pounders  and  one 
thousand  men  left  at  midnight  for  Girardeau,  under  an 
experienced  officer. 

J.  C.  FREMONT, 
Major-  General,  Commanding. 

I  can  find  no  such  promptness  displayed  for  Lyon. 


August  9,  1861. — Lyon,  no  wonder,  is  much  per 
plexed.  Something  must  be  done.  He  knows  the  enemy 
is  continually  increasing  in  his  front  and  drawing  grad 
ually  nearer.  His  grand  plan  of  making  Springfield 
his  base,  and  holding  the  enemy  south  of  the  Arkansas 
line,  must  be  abandoned,  for  it  is  plain  now  he  will 
receive  no  aid  from  the  quarter  whence  he  had,  for  some 
time,  forced  himself  into  the  belief  it  would  come.  He 
is  conscious  of  his  own  weakness.  The  Home  Guards — 
Third  and  Fourth  regiments— have  left  him  to  be  mustered 
out.  The  regiments  of  Sigel  and  Salomon  are  much  re 
duced  by  withdrawals  of  the  men,  who  will  not  re-enlist. 
The  First  Iowa  are  remaining  only  in  expectancy  of  a 
fight,  their  term  of  service  having  expired.  For  this  no 
thanks  to  any  but  themselves  and  Nathaniel  Lyon :  they 
will  not  leave  without  Lyon,  and  Lyon  will  not  leave 
until  it  is  demonstrated  beyond  all  cavil  he  cannot  stay. 

On  the  morning  of  the  9th,  the  General  dispatched  to 
Fremont  the  following  communication  : 

"  GENERAL — I  retired  to  this  place,  as  I  before  in 
formed  you,  reaching  here  on  the  5th.  The  enemy 
followed  to  within  ten  miles  of  here.  He  has  taken  a 
strong  position,  and  is  recruiting  his  supply  of  horses, 
mules,  and  provisions  by  forages  into  the  surrounding 
country,  his  large  force  of  mounted  men  enabling  him 
to  do  this  without  much  annoyance  from  me.  I  find  my 
position  extremely  embarrassing,  and  am  at  present 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  325 

unable  to  determine  whether  I  shall  be  able  to  maintain 
my  ground  or  be  forced  to  retire.  I  can  resist  any  attack 
from  the  front,  but  if  the  enemy  move  to  surround  me  I 
must  retire.  I  shall  hold  my  ground  as  long  as  possible, 
though  I  may,  without  knowing  how  far,  endanger  the 
safety  of  my  entire  force,  with  its  valuable  material, 
being  induced  by  the  valuable  considerations  involved 
to  take  this  step.  The  enemy  showed  himself  in  consid 
erable  force  yesterday  five  miles  from  here,  and  has 
doubtless  a  full  purpose  of  attacking  me. 

"1ST.  LYON,   Commanding." 

After  dispatching  this  note  General  Lyon  received 
intelligence  that  one  of  his  cavalry  parties  had  been 
attacked  by  rebel  cavalry,  and  after  a  brief  fight  had 
succeeded  in  driving  away  the  enemy.  He  thereupon 
determined  to  send  out  a  reconnoitering  force  for  the 
purpose  of  ascertaining  if  any  infantry  were  nearer  than 
Wilson's  Creek;  and  for  this  purpose  ordered  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Andrews,  First  Missouri,  to  send  a  company  to 
report  to  him  immediately.  The  company  selected  was 
Company  C,  Captain  G.  Harry  Stone.  Upon  receiving 
instructions  Captain  Stone  departed  upon  his  mission, 
accompanied  by  some  fifteen  United  States  dragoons. 
After  a  march  of  about  four  miles  the  Captain  halted 
his  infantry  and  moved  on  in  advance  with  his  cavalry. 
At  the  distance  of  a  mile  further  a  house  was  reached 
where  were  several  cavalry-men,  who  fled  upon  the 
approach  of  the  Federals.  At  the  house  Captain  Stone 
learned  that  two  of  the  recent  visitors  were  Texans  and 
two  Tennesseans,  and  that  infantry  pickets  of  the  enemy 
were  some  two  miles  off.  The  party  then  returned  and 
reported  to  General  Lyon.  This  information  was  the  first 
Lyon  had  received  of  the  junction  of  any  of  McCulloch's 
forces  with  Price  and  Rains,  the  question  in  his  own 
mind  being  whether,  as  yet,  any  considerable  body  had 
effected  the  junction.  He  decided  that  whatever  he 


326  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

did  must  be  done  quickly,  and  at  once  summoned  his 
commanders  of  regiments,  battalions,  and  brigades,  to 
meet  him  in  council. 

The  council  of  war  (Sweeney  not  present)  unanimously 
voted  to  return  to  Rolla.  This  movement  was  insisted 
upon  on  the  ground  that  the  force  at  hand  was  very 
small,  that  it  was  poorly  equipped  and  had  but  a  small 
supply  of  provisions.  Besides,  the  enemy's  cavalry  could 
harass  their  rear  and  capture  supply-trains,  and  there 
was  but  little  prospect  of  being  re-enforced  before  the 
impending  fight.  There  was  every  indication  that  the 
rebels,  in  vastly  overwhelming  numbers,  intended  mov 
ing  upon  Springfield,  and  if  there  was  to  be  a  fight  it 
must  necessarily  be  victory  or  annihilation. 

In  the  mind  of  Lyon  all  this  was  very  plausible,  but 
he  gave  the  question  a  view  from  another  stand-point. 
A  stubborn  contest  would  be  a  better  guarantee  for 
security  in  case  of  retreat.  A  bold  dash,  skillfully  made, 
would  astonish  the  enemy  and  bewilder  his  judgment, 
even  though  it  might  not  succeed  in  routing  him.  Amid 
the  confusion  of  the  enemy  consequent  upon  such  a 
movement,  the  Union  troops  could  safely  retreat,  where 
as  a  retreat  conducted  as  was  proposed,  with  a  power 
ful  and  un  whipped  enemy  pressing  on  the  rear,  might  be 
the  very  means  of  our  utter  annihilation.  He  appreci 
ated  the  great  calamity  that  would  befall  that  portion  of 
the  State  if  it  were  to  pass  into  rebel  hands — the  en 
forcement  of  a  ruthless  conscription  in  a  country  which 
the  rebels  must  know  they  could  not  permanently 
occupy,  unless  they  could  extend  their  front  to  the  Mis 
sissippi  and  the  Missouri — not  only  the  awful  destruc 
tion  which  would  ensue,  but  the  large  number  of  recruits 
such  a  course  would  give  the  rebels,  from  among  those 
yet  under  the  influence  of  Union  arguments  and  force, 
within  the  Federal  lines.  Besides,  Springfield  was  the 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  327 

place  to  defend  St.  Louis,  and  in  event  of  being  forced 
to  retreat,  that  retreat  could  be  made  either  upon  Kan 
sas  City,  Jefferson  City,  or  Holla.  If  Springfield  were 
abandoned  without  a  fight,  it  might  seriously  damage 
the  prestige  of  the  national  arms. 

The  conference  adjourned,  with  the  understanding 
there  should  be  a  retreat  to  Rolla.  Orders  were  given 
to  break  up  camp  preparatory  to  a  movement. 

Sweeney  and  Florence  M.  •  Cornyn  (Surgeon  of  the 
First  Missouri)  learned  of  the  contemplated  movement, 
and  in  interviews  with  Lyon  strengthened  the  mind  of 
the  General  in  his  individual  views.  Sweeney  presented 
opinions  which  Lyon  already  entertained,  and  urged  the 
latter  not  to  commit  so  grave  a  mistake  as  to  attempt  a 
retreat  under  such  circumstances.  The  two  conversed  for 
some  time  on  the  back  porch  of  a  dwelling  Lyon  was 
occupying  at  the  time,  and  Lyon,  after  a  short  time 
engaged  in  talking  the  matter  all  over,  retired  to  his 
little  room  and  stretched  himself  upon  his  cot.  The 
news  of  another  cavalry  skirmish  was  brought  to  him, 
and  also  other  important  information  from  scouts. 

Cornyn  was  equally  impressed  with  the  impossibility 
of  successfully  retreating  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
before  such  great  odds,  so  largely  supplied  with  cavalry. 
The  retreat  would  become  a  panic,  and  the  loss  of  artil 
lery  and  transportation  would  be  the  smallest  portion  of 
the  disaster ;  that  the  loss  in  men  would  not  be  near  so 
much  in  a  battle ;  and  that  the  encouragement  given  to 
the  rebellion  would  be  in  proportion  to  our  own  demoral 
ization.  All  this  Lyon  comprehended  and  believed. 

Everything  is  ready  for  a  retreat.     Baggage- wagons, 
quartermaster's  and  commissary  stores  all  stowed  awayr 
in  wagons  of  each  department;  men  were  in  line  and 
arms  stacked.     Quartermaster  Alexis  Mudd  repairs  to 
headquarters,  and,  meeting  General  Lyon,  inquires : 


328  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

"  When  do  we  start  back,  General  ?  " 

The  General  fixed  his  keen  blue  eyes  upon  the  Quar 
termaster,  and,  in  a  quiet,  but  firm  voice,  replied : 

"  When  we  are  whipped  back.     Not  until  then." 

Yes !  that  is  the  order.  No  craven  shrinking  from 
imperative  duty  now.  Let  what  will  come,  God  is  eter 
nal,  tmdjust. 

When  the  army  heard  the  order,  they  laudibly  hoped 
to  rival  the  spirit  and  determination  of  their  commander. 

The  order  was  for  every  man  to  be  prepared  to  march  at 
six  o'clock  that  evening  (August  9),  without  unnecessary 
luggage,  and  with  all  the  ammunition  that  could  be  car 
ried.  In  a  council  of  officers,  Sigel  proposed  his  brigade 
(composed  of  his  own  regiment  and  Salomon's  regiment) 
should  move  independently,  and  attack  the  enemy  on  the 
flank  and  rear.  This  proposition  was  unanimously  con 
demned,  and  General  Lyon  withheld  his  consent.  After 
the  breaking  up  of  the  council,  Sigel  induced  Lyon  to 
give  him  the  authority  to  make  the  independent  move 
ment  ;  and  Sigel  received  orders  to  move,  with  one  thou 
sand  four  hundred  infantry,  two  companies  of  cavalry  ? 
and  six  pieces  of  artillery,  along  the  Fayetteville  road 
until  he  should  reach  the  right  flank  and  rear  of  the 
enemy,  when  he  should  vigorously  attack  at  full  day 
light. 

Lyon  himself,  with  three  thousand  seven  hundred  men 
and  ten  pieces  of  artillery,  took  the  Mount  Yernon  road 
with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  enemy  on  the  left 
front  and  flank,  as  the  nature  of  the  ground  would  per 
mit.* 


*  ROSTEII  OF  LYON'S  ARMY.  AUGUST  9. 

GENERAL  AND  STAFF— Nathaniel  Lyon,  General  Commanding :  I.  P.  Shep- 
ard.  Lieutenant-Colonel  and  Aid-de-camp ;  Horace  A.  Conant,  Major  and  Act 
ing  Quartermaster  ;  Gordon  Granger,  Captain  and  Acting  Assistant  Adjutant- 
General;  T.  W.  Sweeney,  Captain  and  Inspector-General. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  329 

In  this  disposition  of  his  forces,  I  contend  General  Lyon 
did  perfectly  right.  To  have  allowed  the  enemy,  with 
undivided  attention,  to  have  concentrated  his  overwhelm 
ing  strength  upon  the  front  and  flanks  Avould  have  been 
the  sure  guarantee  of  complete  destruction  to  our  little 
band.  Lyon  relied  upon  the  movement  in  nowise  as  a 
feint,  but  as  an  active,  vital  necessity,  and  intended  for 
fight,  sharp,  earnest,  and  stubbornly  meant  for  victory. 
Had  the  fight  been  as  determined  and  as  skillfully  man 
aged  as  that  on  which  his  own  eyes  rested,  the  results 
would  have  proved  the  success,  as  they  did,  even  under 
the  discouraging  and  disastrous  circumstances,  the  wis 
dom,  of  his  plans.  Sigel  was  defeated  and  lost  his  artil 
lery  ;  but  the  enemy  were  confused  in  their  calculations, 
and  were  deprived  of  half  their  genuine  strength  as 
against  Lyon. 

THE    NIGHT    BEFORE    THE    BATTLE. 

Lyon  marched  out  from  Springfield  at  dark  (as  did 

BRIGADE  COMMANDERS— Brigadier-General  Franz  Sigel,  Missouri  Volun 
teers  ;  Major  Samuel  D.  Fturgis,  First  United  States  Cavalry. 

CAVALRY— Company  B,  First  Cavalry,  Lieutenant  Canfield ;  Company  C,  First 
Cavalry,  Lieutenant  M.  J.  Kelly  ;  Company  D,  First  Cavalry,  Lieutenant  M. 
W.  Henry  ;  Company  I,  Captain  Milton  T.  Carr  •  Company  C,  First  Dragoons, 
Lieutenant  C.  E.  Farrand  ;  Company  C,  First  Dragoons,  Lieutenant  San 
ford;  Squadron  First  Kansas  Dragoons,  Captain  Wood. 

ARTILLERY — Totteu's  Battery,  six  pieces,  Captain  James  Totten ;  Dubois' 
Battery,  six  pieces,  Lieutenant  J.  V.  D.  Dubois  ;  Sigel's  B  ittery,  six  pieces, 
Captain  SchaefTcr. 

INFANTRY— First  United  States,  four  companies,  Captain  J.  B.  Plummer  ; 
Second  United  States,  two  companies,  Captain  Fred.  K.  Steele;  First 
Missouri  Volunteers,  Lieutenant-Colonel  G.  L.  Andrews  ;  Second  Missouri 
Volunteers,  two  companies,  Major  P.  J  Osterhaus ;  Third  Missouri  Volun 
teers,  Major  Backoff;  Fifth  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  Salomon;  First 
Iowa  Volunteers,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Merritt ;  First  Kansas  Volunteers, 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Learned;  Second  Kansas  Volunteers,  Colonel  Robert  M. 
Mitchell. 

The  above  comprises  a  force  of  five  thousand  three  hundred  men,  actually 
engaged  in  the  operations  of  the  10th  of  August .  Deduct  from  that  about  one 
thousand  four  hundred  men  under  Sigel,  and  it  gave  Lyon  only  three  thousand 
nine  hundred  men  under  his  immediate  command.  There  were  some  five 
hundred  Home  Guards  on  duty  in  Springfield  and  elsewhere. 


330  GEN.   NATHANIEL    LYON, 

also  Sigel  from  his  own  camp),  and  at  one  o'clock  halted 
his  men  within  two  miles  of  the  rebel  camp.  The  latter 
were  little  thinking  their  foe  was  so  near,  as  they  confi 
dently  relied  upon  going  into  Springfield  itself,  to  meet 
him  on  the  very  morrow.  Where  they  halted  the  Fed 
erals  rested.  Notwithstanding  the  drizzling  rain,  each 
man  threw  himself  upon  the  ground — many  slept.  It 
was  known  that,  with  the  breaking  of  day,  there  was 
to  be  a  bloody  and  desperate  fight,  but  the  rear  guard 
announced  no  stragglers — no  disposition  to  straggle. 
Every  man  seemed  to  feel  that  the  morrow's  battle  was 
to  be  the  initiatory  battle  of  a  war  which  none  could 
imagine  where  would  be  the  end.  Perhaps  they  were 
nerved  to  greater  deeds  by  the  recollection  of  that  bloody 
farce  at  "  Bull  Run  ;"  and  they  probably  dreamed  that 
they,  away  oif  there  in  interior  Missouri,  beyond  tele 
graphs  and  railroads,  were  destined  to  give  another  phase 
to  American  character.  Certain  it  is  that  most  of  them 
were  within  sight  of  their  homes,  and  the  spires  of  their 
own  churches,  pointing  to  heaven,  bade  them  have  trust 
in  Him,  in  whose  hands  are  the  issues  of  every  time.  If 
they  were  conquered,  there  remained  no  barrier  between 
the  rebel  incendiary  and  their  own  property.  If  they 
were  conquered,  Missouri  were  laid  waste,  and  the  crack 
of  the  overseer's  whip  would  drown  down  the  swelling 
music  of  a  Christian  civilization.  They  rested,  though, 
very  quietly  that  night — those  modern  Greeks,  upon  that 
modern  Marathon. 

But  that  great  leader,  what  of  him  ?  Did  he  sleep  ? 
Was  he,  too,  allowed  a  habitation  in  that  delightful 
dreamland,  where  the  wand  of  some  mythic  Prospero 
could  exorcise  into  darkness  the  ghouls  and  genii  of  dis 
appointment  and  blasted  hopes  ?  Or  did  he  need  the 
aid  of  sleep  to  quiet  gloomy  forebodings  and  mutterings 
of  despair?  Not  he.  Necessity  prohibited  even  the 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  331 

lighting  of  a  match  or  a  pipe ;  with  equal  emphasis  she 
commanded  the  most  perfect  silence.  In  this,  the  supe 
rior  was  as  completely  subject  as  was  the  subordinate. 
As  the  coming  day  crowded  midnight  into  the  past,  the 
weary  eyelids  fell,  and  the  patriot  was  in  peaceful  sleep. 
Who  is  there  in  that  bivouac  among  those  belted  knights, 
having  knowledge  of  him  of  old,  would  accuse  that  sleep 
of  being  disturbed  by  other  than  sweetest  dreams,  or, 
even  in  waking,  would  suspect  that  mind  preoccupied 
by  other  than  the  loftiest  thoughts  ?  Nature  in  that  hour 
was  in  harmony  with  the  occasion :  the  falling  drops  of 
rain  were  as  so  many  tears  shed  in  bitterest  anguish  over 
the  necessities  of  time.  She  would  not  mock  the  moments 
preceding  such  a  sacrifice  by  a  sky  tinged  with  a  silvery 
hue  and  all  illuminate  with  its  stars. 

It  is  said  that  on  the  march  he  had,  in  a  somewhat 
sorrowful  but  by  no  means  despondent  manner,  hinted 
of  a  presentiment,  and  had  expressed  a  doubt  as  to  his 
surviving  the  battle ;  but  of  the  non-accomplishment  of 
his  designs  in  that  conflict  he  never  for  a  moment  ex 
pressed  any  apprehensions.  He  had  relied  upon  the 
promises  of  Fremont,  as  brought  to  him  by  Cavender 
and  others,  until  he  began  to  feel  he  was  hoping  against 
fate.  And  it  has  been  told  me  that,  when  he  heard  of 
the  Cairo  armada,  he  surrendered,  and  not  until  then, 
all  expectations  of  being  attended  to.  Then  it  was  too 
late  to  retreat — it  was  too  late  to  stay.  With  his  force 
he  could  not  expect  victory ;  and  all  he  could  do  was  in 
a  heroic  eifort  to  so  cripple  his  antagonist  that  that  antag 
onist  could  not  pursue  him  to  his  cover.  The  only  safe 
way  to  Holla  was  through  the  decimated  ranks  of  his 
foe,  over  ground  sanctified  by  battle. 

He  had  great  confidence  in  his  little  army.  He  did  not 
ask  Fremont  to  strengthen  him  so  he  could  outnumber 
his  foe ;  he  only  asked  that  he  might  have  half,  or  at 


332  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

most  two- thirds,  as  many  as  his  enemy.  He  valued  a 
company  of  his  regulars  equal  to  a  regiment  of  the  rebels. 
That  his  men  could  become  panic-stricken,  or  could  pos 
sibly  fail  to  seriously  cripple  the  enemy  so  as  to  make 
retreat  practicable  and  safe,  seemed  to  him  impossible.  * 
He  said  to  Conant  that  his  men  could  not  be  whipped. 
He  agreed  with  Sweeney  that  a  prompt  and  vigorous 
movement  would  enable  him  to  meet  the  enemy  in  detail, 
and  possibly  thus  crush  him.  He  could  not  know  that 
the  enemy  was  at  that  very  time  also  active,  was  massed 
very  near  him,  and  impatiently  waiting  for  the  morrow, 
to  overwhelm  him.  The  facts  of  history  prove  "  WILSON'S 
CREEK  "  to  have  been  a  fatality. 

I  have  said  that  Lyon  was  a  man  of  great  faith. 
Perhaps  in  the  orthodox  sense  he  was  not,  and  some 
professor  of  a  creed  may  confound  my  idea  of  this  feeling 
in  Lyon  with  confidence.  But  it  was  faith.  He  believed 
in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  GOOD.  He  regretted  the  tre 
mendous  obstacles  already  in  the  way  of  Union  success 
by  official  jealousies,  antipathies,  and  imbecilities  ;  but  if 
he  anticipated  temporary  disaster  because  of  these,  it 
would  only  be  to  wash  these  all  away,  and  substitute 
therefor  the  right  and  true.  Under  these  agencies  the 
cause  would  finally  triumph.  To  him  that  cause  was  the 
holiest  for  which  man  had  ever  engaged  in  battle.  The 
government  on  whose  side  he  was  arrayed  was  the 
work  of  the  good  men  of  all  the  ages.  It  had  grown  out 
of  the  blood  of  martyrs  and  the  fires  of  persecution, 
hastened  by  the  mistakes  of  statesmen,  and  the  might  of 
peoples.  He  called  this  Union  "  the  Ark  of  the  Cove 
nant."  It  was  not  that  here  nature  had  exhausted 
herself,  and  had  chiseled  out  unappreciable  beauties ; 
not  merely  that  his  native  land  was  magnificent  with 
forest,  and  prairie,  and  mountain — with  Mammoth  Cave, 
and  Niagara,  and  ocean-lined — whose  northern  limit 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861.  333 

greeted  the  polar  realms,  and  whose  southern  border 
lay  exposed  to  the  enchantments  of  a  climate  burdened 
with  the  gorgeous  elegance  of  the  tropics — not  these 
the  sources  of  inspiration  which  moved  Nathaniel  Lyon. 
He  valued  this  Union  not  as  an  agreement,  but  a  growth 
— not  for  the  sole  purpose  of  commercial  benefit,  but  for 
human  progress.  To  him  it  had  a  sacred  as  well  as  a 
political  significance — an  Eden,  where  spirit  "  as  such  " 
should  find  its  fullest  expression,  no  martyrdom  threaten 
the  sublime  manifestations  of  virtue,  no  bloody  guillotine 
seize  upon  the  advancing  thinker.  It  was  "  a  govern 
ment  by  the  people,  of  the  people,  for  the  people,"  which 
had  been  heralded  by  psalm-singing  dissenters  on  "  bleak, 
wintry  coast  of  Massachusetts,"  and  ushered  into  exist 
ence  by  immortal  declaration,  amid  the  ringing  of 
"  independence  bells, "  and  haftelvjahs  from  so-called 
Yankee  bigots,  who  died  at  Lexington,  at  Concord,  and 
at  Bunker  Hill. 

BATTLE    OF    WILSONS    CREEK. 

At  daylight  the  little  army  was  on  the  march 
toward  the  foe.  After  proceeding  about  a  mile  the 
rebel  pickets  were  captured.  Then  a  detour  to  the 
right,  and  Lyon  marched  until  he  estimated  he  had 
reached  the  rebel  left;  he  then  made  directly  for  the 
enemy.  The  topography  of  the  country  was  much 
broken — a  series  of  hills,  through  which  meandered  a 
little  stream,  which  the  people  in  the  neighborhood  had 
dignified  by  the  name  of  "  creek."  This  creek,  Wilson's 
Creek,  was  fordable  anywhere,  and  on  either  side  the 
bottom-lands  were  covered  with  forest,  save  here  and 
there  a  cornfield,  as  the  width  would  justify,  but  at 
places  the  base  of  the  hills  skirted  the  creek  itself.  Lyon 
approached  the  creek  through  a  piece  of  woods,  between 
which  and  the  former  there  intervened  a  cornfield  of 


334  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

considerable  size.  Here  were  first  encountered  the  rebel 
cavalry  camps  of  Carroll  and  Mclntosh,  which  were 
soon  cleared  by  the  regulars  under  Captains  Fred.  K. 
Steele  and  J.  B.  Pluramer ;  Plummer,  turning  to  the  left, 
swept  across  the  cornfield  until  near  the  Fayetteville 
road  again,  where  he  was  confronted  by  rebel  regiments 
under  Hebert  and  McKea,  supported  by  Woodruff's  Ar 
kansas  battery,  the  very  battery  which  Totten  had  surren 
dered  at  Little  Rock.  All  through  the  battle  these  regu 
lars,  in  one  body,  under  officers  since  become  renowned, 
fought  most  desperately,  and,  supported  only  by  Dubois' 
battery,  maintained  their  position  against  greatly  over 
whelming  odds.  Each  company  or  battalion  of  regu 
lars  seemed  to  fight  a  battle  by  itself,  and  Plummer, 
advancing  beyond  and  to  the  left  of  the  balance  of  his 
comrades,  became  almost  completely  surrounded  by 
thousands  upon  thousands  of  the  enemy.* 

Lyon  himself,  with  the  "  volunteers  "  portion  of  the 
army,  moved  still  further  to  the  right,  crossed  the  creek, 
and  gained  the  summit  of  a  hill  immediately  adjoining. 
This  hill  graduated  by  successive  steppes  to  the  creek,  and 
was  ribbed  perpendicularly  by  ravines,  which  had  been 
cut  into  its  sides  by  the  descending  rains  of  centuries. 
The  First  Missouri  was  ordered  forward  to  support  Tot- 
ten's  battery,  with  Captain  Cavender  and  Captain  Yates 
(First  Missouri),  with  their  companies,  on  either  side  as 
flankers.  During  the  entire  battle  these  companies 
maintained  a  continual  fire,  and  at  one  time  so  threaten 
ing  did  affairs  appear  in  Cavender's  front  that  a  com 
pany  of  the  First  Iowa  was  sent  to  his  support.  It  was 
not  long  before  Totten,  Dubois,  and  Sokalski  were  in 
position  and  engaged  to  their  utmost  ability.  Each 
regiment  fought  battles  by  itself  against  vast  odds  of 


*  Read  testimony  of  J.  B.  Plummer.    See  Appendix. 


AND   MISSOURI   IN    1861.  335 

the  enemy ;  and  as  rebel  regiments  approached  at  some 
defenseless  point,  single  companies  only  were  detached 
from  their  regiments  to  resist  their  advance.  The  bat 
talion  (two  companies)  under  Osterhaus  maintained 
position  on  the  right,  and  resisted  some  terrible  efforts 
of  the  enemy  to  break  through  his  line.  The  battle 
commenced  at  a  quarter  past  five,  A.M.,  and  closed  at 
half-past  eleven,  A.M.,  the  Federals  in  advance  of  every 
position  they  had  assumed  during  the  day. 

It  is  utterly  impossible  to  give  a  detailed  account  of 
the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek.  I  have  added  in  an  Appen 
dix  the  reports  of  Major  Sturgis  and  Colonel  Sigel,  and 
subjoining  this  a  statement  by  Lieutenant  Wherry,  who 
was  active  upon  the  field  as  an  aid  to  General  Lyon; 
also  in  the  Appendix  the  evidence  of  Captain  Plummer, 
before  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War.  There 
is  not  the  least  doubt  but  that  the  Federals  won  a  com 
plete  victory.  When  the  battle  ceased,  some  of  the 
First  Missouri  were  in  the  midst  of  the  burning  camps  of 
the  enemy.  The  latter  had  burned  his  wagon-train,  and 
was  in  full  retreat,  which  Federal  pursuit  would  have 
turned  into  complete  rout.  Sweeney  and  Gordon  Gran 
ger  urged  an  advance,  but  Sturgis  peremptorily  ordered 
the  victorious  army  to  retreat  to  Springfield. 

DEATH    OF   LYON. 

But  where  is  Lyon  ?  At  the  commencement  of  the 
battle  General  Lyon  superintended  personally  the  plac 
ing  of  batteries  in  position,  and  arranged  the  construc 
tion  of  his  line  of  battle.  Holding  the  First  Iowa  and 
Second  Kansas  Infantry  in  reserve,  he  devoted  himself 
to  the  management  of  the  contest.  'He  was  everywhere, 
cheering  on  his  men  by  encouraging  words,  supporting 
them  by  his  reserves  where  support  was  needed.  So 
closely  were  the  contending  lines  to  each  other,  and  so 


336  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

near  to  his  own  front  was  Lyon,  that  he  had  dismounted, 
in  order  to  avoid  falling  a  victim  to  the  accurate  aim  of 
some  rebel  sharpshooter.  At  a  time  when  our  men 
were  staggering  under  the  effects  of  a  terrific  fire,  pour 
ing  death  and  dismay  in  our  ranks,  Lyon  was  engaged 
in  preventing  increasing  desertions  from  the  line  by 
soldiers  who  had  fought  bravely  until  then.  While 
thus  engaged,  rallying,  exhorting,  encouraging,  his  horse 
was  shot  dead  beside  him,  and  himself  wounded  in  the 
leg  and  head.  Somewhat  stunned  and  bewildered, 
many  of  our  men  seeking  the  rear,  the  rebel  fire  increas 
ing  in  fierceness,  he  retired  a  few  paces  with  the  horse 
that  Sturgis  had  left  him,  and  expressed  the  fear  that 
the  day  was  lost.  From  the  effect  of  the  wound  he 
recovered  in  a  moment,  and,  mounting  his  horse,  exhila 
rated  the  men  around  him  by  his  animated  manner. 
"  General,  you  are  hurt,  and  ought  to  be  attended  to," 
said  Sweeney.  Replied  Lyon  "  Oh,  this  is  nothing." 
To  Schofield,  who  said  he  ought  not  to  so  expose  him 
self,  he  replied  :  "  I  am  but  doing  my  duty."  Rebel 
regiments  approached  to  attack  —  there  were  only  com 
panies  to  interpose  as  obstacles.  At  a  right  angle  to  his 
left,  a  body  of  infantry  approached,  which  he  mistook 
for  Sigel's  column,  and  he  rode  forward  to  ascertain. 
Discovering  his  mistake,  he  hastened  to  bring  forward 
the  First  Iowa  to  resist  the  purposed  attack  of  the 
rebels.  "  Who  will  lead  us  ?  "  cried  several  of  the  regi 
ment,  whose  colonel  was  not  with  them.  Responded 
Lyon :  "  I  will  lead  you  !  Onward,  brave  boys  of  Iowa ! " 
Hastening  along  to  the  left  of  the  regiment,  he  rode  for 
ward,  waving  his  hat  in  encouragement  to  the  men,  but 
a  rebel  bullet  pierced  his  heart,  and  he  fell  to  the  ground, 
insensible.  In  a  moment  his  faithful  Lehman  had  raised 
the  body,  and  with  assistance  bore  it  to  the  rear.  He 
died  in  victory — the  rebel  columns  fell  away  before  the 


AND    MISSOURI    IX    1861.  337 

impetuous  valor  of  the  Federals.  Iowa,  Kansas,  Mis 
souri,  and  the  regulars,  all,  struggled  to  outdo  each 
other  in  heroism,  and  the  field  was  clear  of  the  foe. 

I  am  allowed  to  publish  the  following  correspondence, 
furnishing  some  few  particulars  of  the  battle  of  Wilson's 
Creek.  Major  Wherry  was  an  aid-de-camp  to  General 
Lyon,  and  has  since  served  with  distinction  on  the  staff 
of  General  Schofield. 

JEFFERSON  BARRACKS,  Mo.,  ) 
April  16,  1866.  ) 

SIR — In  compliance  with  your  request  to  furnish  you 
with  my  recollections  of  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek,  I 
offer  you  the  following,  remarking,  however,  by  way  of 
preface,  that  my  time  is  so  much  occupied  (being  under 
marching  orders)  I  cannot  make  it  as  elaborate  as  I 
would  wish. 

On  the  evening  of  the  9th  of  August,  1861,  General 
Lyon  marched  with  his  command,  consisting  of  about  five 
thousand  three  hundred  men,  with  three  batteries  of  artil 
lery  (sixteen  guns)  to  attack  the  rebel  position  at  Wil 
son's  Creek,  under  command  of  McCulloch  and  Price. 
**##  #  #  #  # 

Colonel  Sigel's  attack  on  the  right  was  a  complete  sur 
prise,  and  drove  the  enemy  from  the  field  at  once  ;  but 
his  men  were  permitted  to  enter  the  camps,  and  while 
indulging  in  plundering,  were  in  turn  attacked  by  the 
enemy,  who  had  recovered  from  their  surprise  and 
re-formed.  Sigel's  men  were  driven  from  the  field,  with 
the  loss  of  many  men,  and  five  from  the  six  guns  of  his 
battery.  The  remaining  gun  was  saved  by  Lieutenant 
Farrand,  of  the  Eleventh  Infantry,  in  charge  of  a  com 
pany  of  cavalry,  who  collected  Sigel's  stragglers  and 
brought  them  in,  passing  entirely  around  the  rebel  rear. 
General  Sigel,  with  a  small  escort,  went  to  Springfield, 
where  he  arrived  at  about  two  P.M.,  and  went  to- bed. 

General  Lyon's  attack  on  the  left  was  made  by  bringing 
into  action  the  First  Missouri  Infantry,  two  companies 
of  infantry  under  Major  Osterhaus,  and  Totten's  battery. 
This  force  met  with  great  resistance.  The  First  Kansas 
was  immediately  brought  up,  and  subsequently  the  Sec 
ond  Kansas  and  First  Iowa. 
15 


338  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

About  nine  or  half-past  nine  o'clock,  A.M.,  there  was 
a  lull  in  the  fight,  which  up  to  this  time  had  been  carried 
on  with  great  fierceness  by  the  troops  under  General 
Lyon's  immediate  command— the  General's  horse  having 
been  killed,  and  himself  wounded  in  the  head  and  leg. 
Major  Schofield,  his  chief  of  staff,  also  had  his  horse 
killed  under  him.  During  this  lull  the  enemy  appeared 
to  be  reorganizing,  and  Lyon  concentrated  his  own  forces 
into  a  more  compact  form  on  the  crest  of  the  ridge. 
The  enemy  made  an  attack  from  the  east  upon  our  left, 
and  Schofield  led  the  First  Iowa  to  repel  it.  Lyon  rode 
with  the  file-closers  on  the  right  of  the  battalion,  and  I 
accompanied  him ;  only  about  eight  orderlies  made  up 
his  escort.  After  we  had  advanced  a  short  distance,  I 
observed  a  line  of  men  in  order  of  battle — to  me  appar 
ently  rebels — drawn  up  at  right  angles  to  our  charging 
column.  We  had  had  no  news  from  Sigel  during  the 
morning — his  men  were  dressed  very  much  in  the  same 
uniform  as  the  rebels — and  as  we  were  expecting  a  junc 
tion  with  Sigel  at  the  time,  it  was  at  first  supposed  by 
many  of  our  own  officers  to  be  his  men  ;  but  after  I  called 
General  Lyon's  attention  to  the  line,  he  stopped  and 
rode  toward  them.  Three  officers  advanced,  and  asked 
who  we  were.  Lyon  ordered  us  to  draw  our  pistols, 
which  we  did.  I  asked  if  troops  ought  not  to  be  ordered 
up.  He  then  sent  me  for  the  Second  Kansas,  which  was 
only  about  one  hundred  yards  from  us.  I  rode  to  the 
regiment  and  delivered  the  order.  It  was  advanced 
promptly.  I  went  with  the  line  of  file-closers.  Imme 
diately  after  getting  into  action,  General  Lyon's  body 
was  brought  to  me  through  the  ranks  by  his  servant 
Lehman  and  a  party  of  soldiers,  the  face  uncovered,  and 
Lehman  crying  and  making  a  great  noise.  Apprehensive 
that  the  troops  might  be  unduly  influenced  by  the  knowl 
edge  of  the  death  of  their  General,  I  ordered  the  face  to 
be  covered,  and  that  secrecy  should  be  observed  as  to 
Lyon's  death.  The  body  was  placed  in  safety,  and  I 
went  to  find  Schofield.  When  he  and  I  got  back,  there 
were  several  other  officers  about  the  body,  among  whom 
were  Surgeon  Cornyn  and  Major  Sturgis,  The  body 
was  taken  to  a  place  selected  as  a  hospital,  and  placed  in 
an  ambulance,  with  positive  orders  that  in  no  case  was 


AND    MISSOURI    IN    1861  339 

it  to  be  removed  from  the  vehicle.  By  somebody's  order 
it  was  taken  from  the  ambulance,  and  left  on  the  field. 
When  the  battle  was  ended,  and  we  had  moved  back 
about  a  mile  and  taken  a  new  position,  it  was  discovered 
that  General  Lyon's  body  had  been  left ;  and  Lieutenant 
Canfield  was  sent  back,  with  a  company  of  cavalry,  under 
a  flag  of  truce,  to  get  the  remains.  I  don't  think  there 
was  any  necessity  for  a  flag  of  truce,  as  from  the  best 
information  I  have  the  enemy  (unless  it  may  have  been 
a  few  stragglers)  was  further  from  the  field  than  we 
were.  The  body  was  recovered,  however,  and  brought 
into  Springfield  at  about  nine  o'clock,  P.M.,  and  was 
decently  laid  out  in  the  house  which  he  had  occupied  as 
his  headquarters.  When  the  army  moved  the  next  day, 
it  was  left  there,  but  Mrs.  Phelps  (wife  of  Hon.  John  S. 
Phelps)  was  asked  to  look  after  it,  which  she  did  in  the 
kindest  and  tenderest  manner,  and  had  it  interred  in  her 
garden.  Subsequently  it  was  exhumed,  by  flag  of  truce, 
and  taken,  with  military  honors,  to  his  family  home,  and 
again  interred. 

A  council  of  war  was  called  immediately  upon  the 
return  of  the  army  to  Springfield  (about  seven  or  eight 
o'clock,  P.M.),  by  Major  Sturgis,  who  was  found  to  be  the 
ranking  officer  present  on  the  field,  after  the  fall  of  Lyon, 
and  who  commanded  till  that  time.  When  Colonel  Sigel 
appeared  at  the  council,  it  was  supposed  he  ranked,  and 
the  command  was  turned  over  to  him.  The  council 
determined  to  leave  Springfield  the  next  morning  at  about 
three  o'clock,  and  retreat  toward  Rolla.  Reveille  was  to 
be  sounded  at  two  A.M.,  but  Sigel's  troops  were  permitted 
to  remain  quiet  until  aroused  by  Major  Schofield,  about 
four  o'clock,  A.M.,  and  the  consequence  was,  the  rear  of 
the  troops  did  not  leave  the  town  until  nine  o'clock.  The 
enemy  entered  it  about  noon  ;  very  cautiously,  however. 

We  marched  to  Sand  Spring  (twenty  miles)  in  time  to 
get  into  camp  by  dark.  Sigel  marched  with  his  old  brigade 
seven  miles  further,  leaving  Sturgis  with  the  other  troops 
and  all  the  train  (near  four  hundred,  excepting  about 
twenty  wagons  containing  ammunition)  there.  The  next 
day,  when  we  reached  Sigel's  camp,  his  men  were  just  feed 
ing  their  animals,  and  had  not  breakfasted.  We  were  com 
pelled  to  stop  just  beyond  their  front  till  his  men  were 


340  GEN.    NATHANIEL    LYON, 

ready  to  march,  and  had  marched  past  us,  when  we  kept 
the  rear,  moving  about  fourteen  miles  only,  and  our  rear 
not  getting  into  camp  before  ten  or  eleven  P.M.  The 
officers  becoming  dissatisfied  with  the  manner  of  march 
and  slow  progress,  urged  Sturgis  to  assume  command,  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  senior  in  command,  Sigel  having 
no  command  at  all.  A  council  was  called  next  day 
after  the  march  ended  (August  13),  and  Sturgis  was 
decided  to  be  ranking  officer,  and  he  at  once  assumed 
command.  From  that  time  we  marched  from  twenty  to 
twenty-two  miles,  and  encamped  at  about  three  o'clock 
each  day,  arriving  in  Rolla  on  the  evening  of  the  1 7th 
day  of  August,  1861 

Lyon  was  always  nervous,  yet  his  great  energy  and 
untiring  zeal  buoyed  him  up,  although  he  lost  much  phys 
ical  strength  by  waste ;  so  that  on  this,  his  last  great 
occasion,  his  body  was  hardly  equal  to  the  heavy  task 
imposed  upon  him  by  those  who  either  willfully  or  stu 
pidly  deserted  him  in  an  hour  of  peril.  Heroically  he 
was  pursuing  his  purpose,  and  was  driving  a  beaten 
enemy  to  the  wall.  Where  he  needed,  and  had  a 
right  to  expect,  a  hearty  support,  he  met  with  cruel 
neglect.  The  golden  opportunity  was  slipping  fast,  and, 
despairing  of  assistance,  he  resolved  to  do  his  best.  *  *  * 
After  he  was  twice  wounded  and  the  fortunes  of  the  day 
seemed  so  exceedingly  desperate,  I  am  confident  he  lost 
much  of  his  manly  fortitude,  and  with  it  that  clear  per 
ception.  Rethrew  himself  in  the  way  of  danger;  not  as 
a  suicide,  but  reckless  of  consequences,  and  the  result  is 
known. 

Yours  truly, 

WM.  M.  WHERRY, 

First  Lieutenant  Thirteenth  United  States  Infantry, 
and  Brevet  Major  United  States  Army. 

Colonel  JAMES  PECKHAM,  St.  Louis. 

WILSON'S    CREEK    A    VICTORY. 

The  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek  was  more  than  a  victory ; 
it  was  a  most  complete  success  in  every  point.  The 
enemy  was  driven  from  the  field ;  was  forced  to  burn  a 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  341 

large  amount  of  his  camp  and  garrison  equipage ;  was 
forced  to  destroy  and  burn  the  larger  portion  of  his 
train,  and  did  not  pause  in  his  flight  until  he  ascertained 
he  was  in  no  danger  of  being  pursued.  Major  Sturgis, 
succeeding  Lyon  in  command,  has  given  in  his  report  his 
own  version  of  the  necessities  for  a  Federal  retreat ;  but, 
in  the  opinion  of  able  men,  expressed  to  him  at  the  time, 
he  could  have  completely  routed  and  captured  the 
greater  part  of  the  rebels,  had  he  pursued.  Sweeney 
insisted  upon  pursuit.*  Gordon  Granger  also  rode  up  to 
Sturgis,  and  remarked  that  there  was  not  an  enemy  in 
sight,  and  that  the  retreating  foe,  who  was  burning  his 
train,  ought  to  be  pursued.  Replied  Sturgis :  "  I  order 
you  to  leave  the  field."!  The  brave  Surgeon  Cornyn 
also  insisted  upon  pursuit.  Major  Sturgis,  though,  may 
have  been  justified  in  retreating,  which  he  did  in  perfect 
safety,  clear  on  to  Holla.  Thus  the  object  for  the  fight 
was  secured.  But  I  venture  to  affirm  that,  had  Lyon 
been  alive,  Springfield  would  have  continued  in  Federal 
possession,  as  well  as  the  territory  close  up  to  the  Arkan 
sas  line.  Captain  Plummer,  U.  S.  A.,  afterward  a 
Brigadier-General,  in  his  report  before  the  War  Com 
mittee,;);  sustained  Lyon  fully  in  his  plan,  as  does  also 
every  officer  of  acknowledged  sense  and  impartiality. 
The  retreat  to  Rolla  is  further  confirmed  a  mistake  by 
the  rebel  chief  himself. 

Ben  McCulloch,  in  an  article  published  in  the  ^Rich 
mond  (Ya.)  Whig  in  reply  to  an  attack  made  upon  him 
by  J.  W.  Tucker,  said:  "Immediately  after  the  battle 
was  over,  and,  in  truth,  before  all  my  forces  had 
returned  from  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  orders  were 
issued  for  the  wounded  to  be  brought  from  the  battle- 

*  I  have  General  Sweeney's  word  for  this  statement, 
t  This  is  related  to  me  by  Colonel  John  S.  Cavender. 
%  Report  of  War  Committee,  Part  III ,  1863. 


342  GEN.    NATHANIEL   LYON, 

field,  the  dead  to  be  buried,  and  the  array  to  be  ready  to 
march  after  the  enemy  that  night. 

"We  did  not  march  for  the  want  of  ammunition.  Sev 
eral  of  my  officers  informed  me  (when  they  heard  of 
the  order)  that  some  of  their  men  had  fired  their  last 
cartridge  at  the  enemy,  as  we  had  only  twenty-five 
rounds  to  the  man  before  the  battle  began,  and  no  more 
within  hundreds  of  miles.  After  a  conference  with 
General  Price,  it  was  thought  best  to  let  well  enough 
alone." 


And  the  news  reaching  St.  Louis  August  13,  1861,  was 
carried  in  telegraphic  haste  into  the  very  mansion  of 
the  Brants,  the  marble  palace  of  the  great  military 
Mogul  of  the  "Department  of  the  West."  His  Great 
ness  read  the  dispatch,  and  at  once  all  other  business 
gave  way  before  the  exigencies  of  the  hour.  Lyon  alive, 
calmly  yet  firmly  and  persistently  sending  written  notes, 
special  envoys,  telegraphic  messages,  official  reports, 
was  treated  with  silent  contempt  and  neglect ;  but  now 
Lyon  dead  became  eloquent  with  warning  and  inspiration 
to  the  mighty  Fremont.  Instantly  all  is  energy  in  the 
Brant  mansion.  Awake  now  to  action,  O  hero  (of  no 
battle) !  Lyon  is  no  longer  a  rival.  Set  your  telegraph 
ers  to  work  now,  night  and  day,  pouring  the  story  of 
your  necessities  into  the  gubernatorial  chambers  else 
where,  and  into  the  Cabinet  caucus  at  Washington.  Be 
quick,  or  the  rebel  may  soon  demand  from  you  the  mar 
ble  palace  in  which  you  live.  Therefore  bestir  yourself 

Yes,  all  is  action,  energy,  now.  To  the  Governors  of 
Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio,  Iowa,  Wisconsin  went  the  follow 
ing  telegram : 

"  Severe  engagement  near  Springfield  reported ; 
General  Lyon  killed;  Sigel  retreating  in  good  order 


AND    MISSOURI   IN    1861.  343 

on  Rolla.  Send  forthwith  all  disposable  force  you 
have,  arming  them  as  you  best  can  for  the  moment. 
Use  utmost  dispatch.  J.  C.  FREMONT, 

Major- General,  Commanding. 
ST.  Louis,  August  13. 

In  addition:  To  the  Governor  of  Iowa  :  "  Order  War- 
rerfs  cavalry  here  at  once."  To  the  Governor  of  Ohio : 
"  Have  the  Groesbeck  regiment  ordered  here  forthwith" 
To  the  President :  "  Witt  the  President  read  my  urgent 
dispatch  to  the  Secretary  of  War  ?  "  To  Montgomery 
Blair :  "  See  instantly  my  dispatch  to  the  Secretary  of 

War"  To  Hon.  Thomas  A.  Scott,  Assistant  Secretary  of 
War :  "  Will  you  order  company  of  regular  artillery  at 

Cincinnati  to  report  to  me  forthwith,  together  with  the 
battery  at  Heliair  f"  To  General  Prentiss,  after  reciting 
the  news  :  "  lam  sending  re-enforcements  to  Holla."  To 
Hon.  T  A.  Scott  :  "  I  require  this  week  three  million  dol 
lars  for  Quartermaster's  Department." 

All  these,  and  more  also,  on  the  13th  of  August,  1861, 
immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  Lyon's  death. 

And  also  this  • 

[Disposition  for  the  Protection  of  St.  Louis.] 

August  13,  1861. 

In  Lafayette  Park  a  camp  is  to  be  established  for  a  regi 
ment. 

The  heavy  guns  to  be  put  in  position,  and  a  regiment 
encamped  under  the  reservoir. 

On  the  height  south  of  the  arsenal,  called  Jacques' 
Garden,  two  guns  with  a  howitzer  to  be  planted. 

The  Third  and  Fourth  Home  Guards  to  be  paid  off,  and 
organized  immediately.  The  First  and  Second,  and  also 
the  Fifth  Home  Guards,  also  to  be  paid  upon  the  arrival 
of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Rombauer,  from  Bird's  Point. 

Martial  law  to  be  proclaimed  at  once. 

Captain  Kowald's  artillery  company,  one  hundred 
strong,  to  be  fitted  out  immediately,  and  the  company 
from  Belleville  to  be  ordered  in.  Captain  Voerster's  and 
Genter's  pioneers  to  be  completed,  and  set  at  work  in  the 
fortifications.  Laborers  also  to  be  employed. 

J.  C.  FREMONT, 
Major-  General  Commanding. 


S44 

At    the  same  time  plans  were  arranged  and    orders 

issued  for  a  "  Disposition  for  the  State" 

On  the  1 4th,  the  following  telegram  went  forth : 
"To  Hon.  MONTGOMERY  BLAIR: — I  have  made  a  loan 

from  the  banks  here.     Send  money.     It  is  a  moment  for 

the  Government  to  put  forth  its  power" 

How  were  all  these  telegrams  received  ?    Let  us  see  : 
WASHINGTON,  August  14,  1861. 

Your  message  to  President  read.  Positive  orders 
were  given  yesterday  to  Governor  Dennison,  and  to  Gov 
ernors  of  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Michigan,  to  send  all  their 
organized  forces,  with  full  supply  of  artillery  and  small 
arms.  Governor  Dennison  replies:  The  Groesbeck  regi 
ment  will  be  promptly  forwarded. 

SIMON  CAMERON. 
To  General  FREMONT. 

WASHINGTON,  August  15,  1861. 

Been  answering  your  messages  ever  since  day  before 
yesterday.  Do  you  receive  the  answers?  The  War 
Department  has  notified  all  the  Governors  you  designate 
to  forward  all  available  force.  So  telegraphed  you. 
Have  you  received  these  messages  ?  Answer  imme 
diately.  A.  LINCOLN. 
To  Major-Geueral  FREMONT. 

WASHINGTON,  August  16, 1861. 

Every  available  man  and  all  the  money  in  the  public 
chest  have  been  sent.  We  will  send  more  money  imme 
diately,  our  financial  arrangements  at  New  York  having 
been  perfected.  Let  our  fellows  cheer  up.  All  will  be 
well.  •>  M.  BLAIR. 

To  General  FREMONT. 

Why  was  not  this  energy  put  forth  before  Lyon  was 
sacrificed  ?  Now  no  rival  is  in  the  way,  and  Missouri  is 
surfeited  with  troops.  McKinstry  of  a  sudden  begins  to 
fulfill  the  order  of  July  6,  requiring  him  to  furnish  all 
the  transportation  Lyon  needed. 

And  the  dead  hero  was  borne  in  stately  pomp  through 
populous  cities;  through  St.  Louis,  Cincinnati,  Pitts- 


AND   MISSOUKI   IN    1861.  345 

burg,  Harrisburg,  Philadelphia,  New  York,  Hartford, 
to  Eastford,  Wyndham  county,  Connecticut,  where  the 
final  funeral  obsequies  were  had  over  the  body  of  the 
slain.  Governors  of  States,  the  dignitaries  of  the  nation 
and  of  the  municipalities  through  which  the  cortege 
passed,  the  sovereign  people,  venerable  statesmen  and 
divines,  all  stepped  forward  with  sorrowing  hearts  to 
consign  the  mortal  remains  of  the  patriot  to  the  grave. 
He  was  buried  in  the  graveyard  at  Phrenixville,  two 
and  a  half  miles  distant  from  Eastford,  amid  ceremonies 
which  were  attended  by  an  immense  concourse  of  citi 
zens  and  strangers. 
Requiescat  in  pace. 

IN    MEMORIAM. 

The  following  resolutions,  introduced  in  the  national 
House  of  Representatives  by  his  friend  and  confidant, 
Colonel  F.  P.  Blair  Jr.,  were  adopted  by  Congress  unani 
mously  ;  they  speak  the  voice  of  the  nation  : 

"Resolved,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America  in,  Congress  assembled, 
That  Congress  deems  it  just  and  proper  to  enter  upon 
its  records  a  recognition  of  the  eminent  and  patriotic 
services  of  the  late  Brigadier-General  Nathaniel  Lyon. 
The  country  to  whose  service  he  devoted  his  life  will 
guard  and  preserve  his  fame  as  a  part  of  its  own  glory. 

"Second,  That  the  thanks  of  Congress  are  hereby  given 
to  the  brave  officers  and  soldiers  who,  under  the  com 
mand  of  the  late  General  Lyon,  sustained  the  honor  of 
the  flag  and  achieved  victory  against  overwhelming 
numbers  at  the  battle  of  Springfield,  in  Missouri ;  and 
that,  in  order  to  commemorate  an  event  so  honorable  to 
the  country  and  to  themselves,  it  is  ordered  that  each  regi 
ment  engaged  shall  be  authorized  to  bear  upon  its  colors 
the  word  '  Springfield,'  embroidered  in  letters  of  gold. 
And  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  hereby  re 
quested  to  cause  these  resolutions  to  be  read  at  the  head 
of  every  regiment  in  the  army  of  the  United  States." 
15* 


APPENDIX. 


OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  MAJOR  8TURGIS,  OF  THE  BAT 
TLE  OF  WILSON'S  CREEK,  AUGUST  10,  1861. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  WEST,  ) 

CAMP  "  CARY  GRATZ,"  NEAR  ROLL  A,  Mo.,  \ 

August  20,  1861. 

SIR — I  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report  of  the 
battle  of  Springfield,  fought  on  the  10th  instant,  on  Wilson's 
Creek,  some  ten  miles  south  of  the  city,  between  the  United 
States  troops  under  General  Lyon  and  the  rebel  forces  under 
McCulloch.  On  the  9th  instant,  General  Lyon  came  to  the  determ 
ination  of  attacking  the  enemy's  camp,  and,  accordingly,  dispo 
sitions  were  made  on  the  forenoon  of  that  day  for  an  attack  at 
daylight  next  morning.  The  command  was  to  move  in  two 
columns,  composed  as  follows,  viz. : 

The  first,  under  General  Lyon,  consisted  of  one  battalion  of 
regular  infantry,  under  Captain  Plummer ;  Companies  B,  C,  and 
D,  First  Infantry,  Captains  Gilbert,  Plummer,  and  Huston,  with 
one  company  of  rifle  recruits  under  Lieutenant  Wood;  Major 
Osterhaus'  battalion,  Second  Missouri  Volunteers,  two  companies ; 
Captain  Totten's  light  battery,  six  pieces ;  and  Captain  Wood's 
mounted  company  of  Second  Kansas  Volunteers,  with  Lieuten 
ant  Caulfield's  Company  B,  First  United  States  Cavalry.  This 
constituted  the  First  Brigade,  under  Major  Sturgis. 

The  Second  Brigade,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Andrews, 
First  Missouri  Volunteers,  was  composed  of  Captain  Steele's 
battalion  of  regulars;  Companies  B  and  E,  Second  Infantry; 
one  company  of  recruits,  under  Lieutenant  Lothrop,  Fourth 
Artillery;  one  company  of  recruits,  under  Sergeant  Morine; 
Lieutenant  Dubois'  light  battery,  consisting  of  four  pieces, 
one  of  which  was  a  twelve-pound  gun,  and  the  First  Regi 
ment  of  Missouri  Volunteers. 


350  APPENDIX. 

The  Third  Brigade  was  made  up  of  the  First  and  Second 
Kansas  Volunteers,  under  Deitzler,  Colonel  Mitchell  command 
ing  the  latter  regiment.  The  First  Regiment  Iowa  Volunteers, 
with  some  two  hundred  Home  Guards  (mounted),  completed  the 
column  under  General  Lyon. 

The  second  column,  under  Colonel  Sigel,  consisted  of  the 
Third  and  Fifth  Regiments  Missouri  Volunteers;  one  company 
of  cavalry,  under  Captain  Carr;  one  company  of  Second  Dra 
goons,  under  Lieutenant  Farrand  (First  Infantry) ;  and  one  light 
battery  of  six  pieces.  This  column  was  to  march  by  a  road  on 
the  left  of  the  main  Cassville  road,  and  leading  to  the  supposed 
right  of  the  enemy's  position.  Here  my  official  information  of 
the  movements  of  Colonel  Sigel's  column  ceases,  as  we  have  not 
been  able  to  procure  any  written  report  of  its  operations. 

General  Lyon  marched  from  Springfield  at  five  o'clock,  P.M.,  on 
the  9th,  making  a  detour  to  the  right,  at  one  o'clock  in  the 
morning  arriving  in  view  of  the  enemy's  guard-fires.  Here  the 
column  halted,  and  lay  on  their  arms  until  the  dawn  of  day, 
when  it  again  moved  forward.  Captain  Gilbert's  company, 
which  had  formed  the  advance  during  the  night,  still  remained 
in  advance,  and  the  column  moved  in  the  same  order  in  which 
it  had  halted. 

A  southeasterly  direction  was  now  taken,  with  a  view  to 
strike  the  extreme  northern  point  of  the  enemy's  camp.  At 
daylight  a  line  of  battle  was  formed,  closely  followed  by  Tot- 
ten's  battery,  supported  by  a  strong  reserve.  In  this  order  we 
advanced,  with  skirmishers  in  front,  until  the  first  outpost  of 
the  rebels  was  encountered  and  driven  in,  when  the  column  was 
halted,  and  the  following  dispositions  made,  viz.:  Captain 
Plummer's  battalion,  with  the  Home  Guards  on  his  left,  were  to 
cross  Wilson's  Creek,  and  move  toward  the  front,  keeping 
pace  with  the  advance  on  the  opposite  bank,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  protecting  our  left  flank  against  any  attempt  of  the 
enemy  to  turn  it.  After  crossing  a  ravine  and  ascending  a 
high  ridge,  we  came  in  full  view  of  a  considerable  force  of 
the  enemy's  skirmishers.  Major  Osterhaus'  battalion  was  at 
once  deployed  to  the  right,  and  two  companies  of  the  First  Mis 
souri  Volunteers,  under  Captains  Yates  and  Cavender,  were 
deployed  to  the  left,  all  as  skirmishers.  The  firing  now  became 


APPENDIX.  351 

very  severe,  and  it  was  evident  we  were  approaching  the  ene 
my's  stronghold,  where  they  intended  giving  battle.  A  few 
shells  from  Totten's  battery  assisted  our  skirmishers  in  clearing 
the  ground  in  front. 

The  First  Missouri  and  First  Kansas  moved  at  once  to  the 
front,  supported  by  Totten's  battery,  and  the  First  Iowa,  Du- 
bois'  battery,  Steele's  battalion,  and  the  Second  Kansas  were 
held  in  reserve.  The  First  Missouri  now  took  its  position  in 
front,  upon  the  crest  of  a  small  elevated  plateau.  The  First 
Kansas  was  posted  on  the  left  of  the  First  Missouri,  and  sepa 
rated  from  it  some  sixty  yards,  because  of  a  ravine.  The  First 
Iowa  took  its  position  on  the  left  of  the  First  Kansas,  while 
Totten's  battery  was  placed  opposite  the  interval  between  the 
First  Kansas  and  the  First  Missouri.  Major  Osterhaus'  bat 
talion  occupied  the  extreme  right,  with  his  right  resting  on  a 
ravine  which  turned  abruptly  to  our  right  and  rear.  Dubois' 
battery,  supported  by  Steele's  battalion,  was  placed  some 
eighty  yards  to  the  left  and  rear  of  Totten's  guns,  so  as  to  bear 
upon  a  powerful  battery  of  the  enemy,  posted  opposite  our  left 
and  front,  on  the  opposite  side  of  Wilson's  Creek,  to  sweep  the 
entire  plateau  upon  which  our  troops  were  formed. 

The  enemy  now  rallied  in  large  force  at  the  foot  of  the  slope, 
and  under  considerable  cover,  opposite  our  left  wing,  and  along 
the  slope  in  front,  and  on  our  right  toward  the  crest  of  the 
main  range  running  parallel  to  the  creek.  During  this  time 
Captain  Plummer,  with  his  four  companies  of  infantry,  had 
moved  down  a  ridge  about  five  hundred  yards  to  our  left,  and 
separated  from  us  by  a  deep  ravine,  and  reached  its  abrupt  ter 
minus,  where  he  found  his  further  progress  arrested  by  a  heavy 
force  of  infantry,  occupying  a  cornfield  in  the  valley  in  his 
front.  At  this  time  an  artillery  fire  was  opened  from  a  high 
point  about  two  miles  distant,  and  nearly  in  our  front,  from 
which  Colonel  Sigel  was  to  have  commenced  his  attack.  This 
fire  was  answered  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  valley,  and  at  a 
little  greater  distance  from  us,  the  line  of  fire  of  the  two  bat 
teries  being  nearly  perpendicular  to  our  own.  After  about  ten 
or  twelve  shots  on  either  side  the  firing  ceased,  and  we  neither 
heard  nor  saw  anything  more  of  Colonel  Sigel's  brigade  until 
about  half-past  eight  o'clock,  when  a  brisk  cannonading  was 


352  APPENDIX. 

heard  for  a  few  minutes,  about  a  mile  to  the  right    of  that 
heard  before,  and  from  two  to  three  miles  distant. 

Our  whole  line  now  advanced  with  much  energy  upon  the 
enemy's  position,  the  firing,  which  had  been  spirited  for  the 
last  half  hour,  now  increasing  to  a  continuous  roar.  During 
this  time,  Captain  Totten's  battery  came  into  action  by  section 
and  by  piece  as  the  nature  of  the  ground  would  permit  (it 
being  wooded,  with  much  undergrowth),  and  played  upon  the 
enemy's  lines  with  great  effect.  After  a  fierce  engagement,  last 
ing  perhaps  half  an  hour,  and  in  which  our  troops  retired  two 
or  three  times  in  more  or  less  disorder,  but  never  more  than  a 
few  yards,  again  to  rally  and  press  forward  with  increased 
vigor,  the  enemy  gave  way  in  the  utmost  confusion,  and  left  us 
in  possession  of  the  position. 

Meanwhile  Captain  Plummer  was  ordered  to  move  forward 
on  our  left,  but,  meeting  with  overpowering  resistance  from  the 
large  mass  of  infantry  in  the  cornfield  in  liis  front  and  in  the 
woods  beyond,  was  compelled  to  fall  back ;  but  at  this  moment, 
Lieutenant  Dubois'  battery,  which  had  taken  position  on  our 
left  flank,  supported  by  Captain  Steele's  battalion,  opened  upon 
the  enemy  in  the  cornfield  a  fire  of  shells,  with  such  marked 
effect  as  to  drive  him,  in  the  utmost  disorder  and  with  great 
slaughter,  from  the  field. 

There  was  now  a  momentary  cessation  of  firing  along  the 
whole  line,  except  the  extreme  right,  where  the  First  Missouri 
was  still  engaged  with  a  superior  force  of  the  enemy,  attempt 
ing  to  turn  our  right.  The  General,  having  been  informed  of 
this  movement,  sent  the  Second  Kansas  to  the  support  of  the 
First  Missouri.  It  came  up  in  time  to  prevent  the  Missourians 
from  being  destroyed  by  the  overwhelming  force  against  which 
they  were  unflinchingly  holding  their  position. 

The  battalion  of  regular  infantry  under  Captain  Steele, 
which  had  been  detailed  to  the  support  of  Lieutenant  Dubois' 
battery,  was  during  this  time  brought  forward  to  the  support 
of  Captain  Totten's  battery.  Scarcely  had  these  dispositions 
been  made,  when  the  enemy  again  appeared  in  very  large  force 
along  our  entire  front,  and  moving  toward  each  flank.  The 
engagement  at  once  became  general,  and  almost  inconceivably 
fierce  along  the  entire  line,  the  enemy  appearing  in  front,  often 


APPENDIX.  353 

in  three  or  four  ranks,  lying  down,  kneeling,  and  standing,  the 
lines  often  approaching  to  within  thirty  or  forty  yards  of  each 
other,  as  the  enemy  would  charge  upon  Captain  Totten's  bat 
tery  and  he  driven  back. 

Early  in  the  engagement  the  First  Iowa  came  to  the  support 
of  the  First  Kansas  and  First  Missouri,  both  of  which  had  stood 
like  veteran  troops,  exposed  to  a  galling  fire  of  the  enemy. 

Every  available  battalion  was  now  brought  into  action,  and 
the  battle  raged  with  unabated  fury  for  more  than  an  hour ;  the 
scales  seeming  all  the  time  nearly  equally  balanced,  our  troops 
sometimes  gaining  a  little  ground,  and  again  giving  way  a  few 
yards  to  rally  again.  Early  in  this  engagement,  while  General 
Lyon  was  leading  his  horse  along  the  line  on  the  left  of  Captain 
Totten's  battery,  and  endeavoring  to  rally  our  troops,  which 
were  at  this  time  in  considerable  disorder,  his  horse  was  killed, 
and  he  received  a  wound  in  the  leg  and  one  in  the  head.  He 
walked  slowly  a  few  paces  to  the  rear  and  said,  "  I  fear  the  day 
is  lost."  I  then  dismounted  one  of  my  orderlies,  and  tendered 
the  horse  to  the  General,  who  at  first  declined,  saying,  "It  is  not 
necessary."  The  horse,  however,  was  left  with  him,  and  I 
moved  off  to  rally  a  portion  of  the  Iowa  regiment  which  was 
beginning  to  break  in  considerable  numbers. 

In  the  meantime  the  General  mounted,  and,  swinging  his  hat 
in  the  air,  called  to  the  troops  nearest  him  to  follow.  The  Sec 
ond  Kansas  gallantly  rallied  around  him,  headed  by  the  brave 
Colonel  Mitchell.  In  a  few  moments  the  Colonel  fell  severely 
wounded  ;  about  the  same  time  a  fatal  ball  was  lodged  in  the 
General's  breast,  and  he  was  carried  from  the  field  a  corpse. 
Thus  gloriously  fell  as  brave  a  soldier  as  ever  drew  a  sword — 
a  man  whose  honesty  of  purpose  was  proverbial — a  noble 
patriot,  and  one  who  held  his  life  as  nothing  when  his  country 
demanded  it  of  him. 

Of  this  dire  calamity  I  was  not  informed  until  perhaps  half 
an  hour  after  its  occurrence.  In  the  meantime  our  disordered 
line  on  the  left  was  again  rallied,  and  pressed  the  enemy  with 
great  vigor  and  coolness,  particularly  the  First  Iowa  regiment, 
which  fought  like  veterans.  This  hot  encounter  lasted  perhaps 
half  an  hour. 

After  the  death  of  General  Lyon,  when  the  enemy  fled  and 


354  APPENDIX. 

left  the  field  clear,  so  far  as  we  could  see,  and  almost  total  silence 
reigned  for  the  space  of  twenty  minutes,  Major  Schofield 
informed  me  of  the  death  of  General  Lyon,  and  reported  for 
orders.  The  responsibility  which  now  devolved  upon  me  was 
duly  felt  and  appreciated.  Our  brave  little  army  was  scattered 
and  broken ;  over  twenty  thousand  men  were  still  in  our  front ; 
and  our  men  had  had  no  water  since  five  o'clock  the  evening 
before,  and  could  hope  for  none  short  of  Springfield,  twelve 
miles  distant ;  if  we  should  go  forward,  our  own  success  would 
prove  our  certain  defeat  in  the  end ;  if  we  retreated,  disaster 
stared  us  in  the  face;  our  ammunition  was  well  nigh  exhausted, 
and  should  the  enemy  make  this  discovery  through  a  slackening 
of  our  fire,  total  annihilation  was  all  we  could  expect.  The 
great  question  in  my  mind  was,  "Where  is  Sigel  ? "  If  I  could 
hope  for  a  vigorous  attack  by  him  on  the  enemy's  right  flank  or 
rear,  then  we  could  go  forward  with  some  hope  of  success.  In 
this  perplexing  condition  of  affairs  I  summoned  the  principal 
officers  for  consultation.  The  great  question  with  most  of  them 
was,  "Is  retreat  possible  ? "  The  consultation  was  brought  to  a 
close  by  the  advance  of  a  heavy  column  of  infantry,  advancing 
from  the  hill,  where  Sigel's  guns  had  been  heard  before.  Think 
ing  they  were  Sigel's  men,  the  line  was  formed  for  an  advance, 
with  the  hope  of  forming  a  junction  with  him.  These  troops  wore 
a  dress  much  resembling  that  of  Sigel's  brigade,  and  carried  the 
American  flag.  They  were,  therefore,  permitted  to  move  down 
the  hill  within  easy  range  of  Dubois'  battery,  until  they  had 
reached  the  covered  position  at  the  foot  of  the  ridge  on  which 
we  were  posted,  and  from  which  we  had  been  fiercely  assailed 
before,  when  suddenly  a  battery  was  planted  on  the  hill  in  our 
front,  and  began  to  pour  upon  us  shrapnell  and  canister — a 
species  of  shot  not  before  fired  by  the  enemy.  At  this  moment 
the  enemy  showed  his  true  colors,  and  at  once  commenced 
along  our  entire  lines  the  fiercest  and  most  bloody  engagement 
of  the  day.  Lieutenant  Dubois'  battery  on  our  left,  gallantly 
supported  by  Major  Osterhaus'  battalion  and  the  rallied  frag 
ments  of  the  Missouri  First,  soon  silenced  the  enemy's  battery  on 
the  hill,  and  repulsed  the  right  wing  of  his  infantry.  Captain 
Totten's  battery  in  the  centre,  supported  by  the  lowas  and  reg 
ulars,  was  the  main  point  of  attack.  The  enemy  could  fre- 


APPENDIX.  355 

quently  be  seen  within  twenty  feet  of  Totten's  guns,  and  the 
smoke  of  the  opposing  lines,  was  often  so  confounded  as  to 
seem  but  one.  Now,  for  the  first  time  during  the  day,  our 
entire  line  maintained  its  position  with  perfect  firmness.  Not 
the  slightest  disposition  to  give  way  was  manifested  at  any 
point  ;  and  while  Captain  Steele's  battalion,  which  was  some 
yards  in  front  of  the  line,  together  with  the  troops  on  the  right 
and  left,  were  in  imminent  danger  of  being  overwhelmed  by 
superior  numbers,  the  contending  lines  being  almost  muzzle  to 
muzzle,  Captain  Granger  rushed  to  the  rear  and  brought  up  the 
supports  of  Dubois'  battery,  consisting  of  two  or  three  compa 
nies  of  the  First  Missouri,  three  companies  of  the  First  Kansas, 
and  two  companies  of  the  First  Iowa,  in  quick  time,  and  fell  upon 
the  enemy's  right  flank,  and  poured  into  it  a  murderous  volley, 
killing  or  wounding  nearly  every  man  within  sixty  or  seventy 
yards. 

From  this  moment  a  perfect  rout  took  place  throughout  the 
rebel  front,  while  ours  on  the  right  flank  continued  to  pour  a 
galling  fire  into  their  disorganized  masses. 

It  was  then  evident  that  Totten's  battery  and  Steele's  little 
battalion  were  safe.  Among  the  officers  conspicuous  in  leading 
this  assault  were  Adjutant  Hezcock,  Captains  Burke,  Miller, 
Manter,  Maurice,  and  Richardson,  and  Lieutenant  Howard,  all 
of  the  First  Missouri.  There  were  others  of  the  First  Kansas 
and  First  Iowa  who  participated,  and  whose  names  I  do  not 
remember.  The  enemy  then  fled  from  the  field.  A  few  moments 
before  the  close  of  the  engagement,  the  Second  Kansas,  which 
had  firmly  maintained  its  position  on  the  extreme  right,  from 
the  time  it  was  first  sent  there,  found  its  ammunition  exhausted ; 
and  I  directed  it  to  withdraw  slowly  and  in  good  order  from 
the  field,  which  it  did,  bringing  off  its  wounded,  which  left  our 
right  flank  exposed,  and  the  enemy  renewed  the  attack  at  that 
point,  after  it  had  ceased  along  the  whole  line ;  but  it  was  gal 
lantly  met  by  Captain  Steele's  battalion  of  regulars,  which  had 
just  driven  the  enemy  from  the  right  of  the  centre,  and,  after  a 
sharp  engagement,  drove  him  precipitately  from  the  field.  Thus 
closed,  at  about  half-past  eleven  o'clock,  an  almost  uninterrupted 
conflict  of  six  hours.  The  order  to  retreat  was  given  soon  after 
the  enemy  gave  way  from  our  front  and  centre,  Lieutenant  Du- 


356  APPENDIX. 

bois'  battery  having  been  previously  sent  to  occupy  with  its 
supports  the  hill  in  our  rear.  Captain  Totten's  battery,  as  soon 
as  his  disabled  horses  could  be  replaced,  retired  slowly  with  the 
main  body  of  the  infantry,  while  Captain  Steele  was  meeting  the 
demonstrations  upon  our  right  flank.  This  having  been  repulsed, 
and  no  enemy  being  in  sight,  the  whole  column  moved  slowly 
to  the  high,  open  prairie,  about  two  miles  from  the  battle-ground. 
Meanwhile,  our  ambulances  passed  to  and  fro,  carrying  off  our 
wounded.  After  making  a  short  halt  on  the  prairie,  we  con 
tinued  our  march  to  Springfield. 

It  should  be  here  remembered  that,  just  after  the  order  to  retire 
was  given,  and  while  it  was  undecided  whether  the  retreat 
should  be  continued,  or  whether  we  should  occupy  the  more 
favorable  portion  of  our  rear  and  await  tidings  of  Colonel  Sigel, 
one  of  his  non-commissioned  officers  arrived,  and  reported  that 
the  Colonel's  brigade  had  been  totally  routed  and  all  his  artil 
lery  captured,  Colonel  Sigel  himself  having  been  either  killed 
or  taken  prisoner.  Most  of  our  men  had  fired  away  all  their 
ammunition,  and  all  that  could  be  obtained  from  the  boxes  of 
the  killed  and  wounded.  Nothing,  therefore,  was  left  to  do  but 
to  return  to  Springfield,  where  two  hundred  and  fifty  Home 
Guards,  with  two  pieces  of  artillery,  had  been  left  to  take  care 
of  the  train.  On  reaching  the  Little  York  road,  we  met  Lieu 
tenant  Farrand,  with  his  company  of  dragoons  and  a  consider 
able  portion  of  Colonel  Sigel's  command,  with  one  piece  of  artil 
lery.  At  five  o'clock,  P.M.,  we  reached  Springfield.  *  * 

[The  balance  of  the  report  compliments  nearly  every  officer 
by  name,  but  makes  particular  mention  of  General  Lyon,  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Mitchell,  Captains  Plummer,  Steele,  Sweeney, 
Granger,  and  Totten,  and  Lieutenant  Dubois.] 

*  *  Our  total  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  amounts 
to  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  thirty-five.  That  of  the 
enemy  will  probably  reach  three  thousand. 

(Signed)         S.  D.  STURGIS,  Majvr. 
To  Assistant  Adjutant- General, 

Headquarters  Western  Department. 


APPENDIX.  357 

OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  COLONEL  FRANZ  SIGEL,  OF 
HIS  OPERATIONS  IN  THE  BATTLE  OF  WILSON'S 
CREEK. 

HEADQUARTERS  SECOND  BRIGADE  Mo.  VOLS., 
CAMP  GOOD  HOPE,  NEAR  ROLLA, 

August  18,  1861. 

GENERAL — I  respectfully  submit  to  you  the  report  of  the  bat 
tle  at  Wilson's  Creek,  so  far  as  the  troops  under  my  command 
were  concerned.  On  Friday,  the  9th  of  August,  General  Lyon 
informed  me  that  it  was  his  intention  to  attack  the  enemy  in 
his  camp  at  Wilson's  Creek  on  the  morning  of  the  10th;  that  the 
attack  should  be  made  from  two  sides,  and  that  I  should  take 
command  of  the  left.  The  troops  assigned  to  me  consisted  of 
the  Second  Brigade  Missouri  Volunteers,  nine  hundred  men, 
infantry  of  the  Third  and  Fifth  Regiments,  under  the  command 
of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Albert  and  Colonel  Salomon,  and  six 
pieces  of  artillery,  under  Lieutenants  Schaeffer  and  Schuetzen- 
bach,  besides  two  companies  of  regular  cavalry  belonging  to  the 
command  of  Major  Sturgis.  I  left  Camp  Fremont,  on  the  south 
side  of  Springfield,  at  half-past  six  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the 
9th,  and  arrived  at  daybreak  within  a  mile  of  the  enemy 'scamp. 
I  advanced  slowly  toward  the  camp,  and  after  taking  forward 
the  two  cavalry  companies  from  the  right  and  left,  I  cut  off 
about  forty  men  of  the  enemy's  troops,  who  were  coming  from 
the  camp  in  little  squads  to  get  water  and  provisions.  This 
was  done  in  such  a  manner  that  no  news  of  our  advance  could 
be  brought  into  camp.  In  sight  of  the  enemy's  tents,  which 
spread  out  on  our  front  and  right,  I  planted  four  pieces  of  artil 
lery  on  a  little  hill,  while  the  infantry  advanced  toward  the 
point  where  the  Fayetteville  road  crosses  Wilson's  Creek,  and 
the  two  cavalry  companies  extended  to  the  right  and  left  to 
guard  our  flanks.  It  was  half-past  five  o'clock  when  some  mus 
ket  firing  was  heard  from  the  northwest.  I  therefore  ordered 
the  artillery  to  begin  their  fire  against  the  camp  of  the  enemy 
(Missourians),  which  was  so  destructive  that  the  enemy  were 
seen  leaving  their  tents  and  retiring  in  haste  toward  the  north 
east  of  the  valley.  Meanwhile  the  Third  and  Fifth  Regiments 
had  quickly  advanced,  passed  the  creek,  and,  traversing  the 


358  APPENDIX. 

camp,  formed  almost  in  the  centre  of  it.  As  the  enemy  made 
his  rally  in  large  numbers  before  us,  about  three  thousand  strong, 
consisting  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  I  ordered  the  artillery  to  be 
brought  forward  from  the  hill,  and  formed  there  in  battery  across 
the  valley,  with  the  Third  and  Fifth  to  the  left  and  the  cavalry 
to  the  right.  After  an  effective  fire  of  half  an  hour,  the  enemy 
retired  in  some  confusion  into  the  woods  and  up  the  adjoining 
hill.  The  firing  toward  the  northwest  was  now  more  distinct, 
and  increased  until  it  was  evident  that  the  main  corps  of 
General  Lyon  had  engaged  the  enemy  along  the  whole  line.  To 
give  the  greatest  possible  assistance  to  him,  I  left  position  in  the 
camp  and  advanced  toward  the  northwest  to  attack  the  enemy's 
line  of  battle  in  the  rear. 

Marching  forward  we  struck  the  Fayetteville  road,  making 
our  way  through  a  large  number  of  cattle  and  horses,  until  we 
arrived  at  an  eminence  used  as  a  slaughtering  place,  and  known 
as  Sharp's  farm.  On  our  route  we  had  taken  about  one  hundred 
prisoners,  who  were  scattered  over  the  camp.  At  Sharp's  place 
we  met  numbers  of  the  enemy's  soldiers,  who  were  evidently 
retiring  in  this  direction ;  and  as  I  suspected  that  the  enemy  on 
his  retreat  would  follow  in  the  same  direction,  I  formed  the 
troops  across  the  road  by  planting  the  artillery  on  the  plateau 
and  the  two  infantry  regiments  on  the  right  and  left  across  the 
road,  while  the  cavalry  companies  extended  on  our  flanks.  At 
this  time,  and  after  some  skirmishing  along  the  front  of  our  line, 
the  firing  in  the  direction  of  the  northwest,  which  was,  during 
an  hour's  time,  roaring  in  succession,  had  almost  entirely  ceased. 
I  thereupon  presumed  that  the  attack  of  General  Lyon  had  been 
successful,  and  that  his  troops  were  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy, 
who  moved  in  large  numbers  toward  the  south  along  the  ridge 
of  a  hill  about  seven  hundred  yards  opposite  our  right. 

This  was  the  state  of  affairs  at  half-past  eight  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  when  it  was  reported  to  me  by  D.  Melchior  and 
some  of  our  skirmishers  that  "  Lyon's  men  were  coming  up 
the  road."  Lieutenant-Colonel  Albert,  of  the  Third,  and  Col 
onel  Salomon,  of  the  Fifth,  notified  their  regiments  not  to  fire  on 
troops  coming  in  this  direction,  while  I  cautioned  the  artillery 
in  the  same  manner.  Our  troops  in  this  moment  expected,  with 
anxiety,  the  approach  of  their  friends,  and  were  waving  the 


APPENDIX.  359 

flag,  raised  as  a  signal  to  their  comrades,  when  at  once  two 
batteries  opened  their  fire  against  us,  one  in  front,  placed  on 
the  Fayetteville  road,  and  the  other  upon  the  hill  upon  which 
we  had  supposed  Lyon's  forces  were  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy, 
while  a  strong  column  of  infantry,  supposed  to  be  the  Iowa 
regiment,  advanced  from  the  Fayetteville  road  and  attacked 
our  right. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  describe  the  confusion  and  fright 
ful  consternation  which  was  occasioned  by  this  important  event. 
The  cry,  "  They  (Lyon's  troops)  are  firing  against  us,"  spread 
like  wild-fire  through  our  ranks ;  the  artillery-men,  ordered  to 
fire,  and  directed  by  myself,  could  hardly  be  brought  forward 
to  serve  their  pieces ;  the  infantry  would  not  level  their  arms 
until  it  was  too  late.  The  enemy  arrived  within  ten  paces  of 
the  muzzles  of  our  cannon,  killed  the  horses,  turned  the  ranks 
of  the  infantry  and  forced  them  to  fly.  The  troops  were  throw 
ing  themselves  into  the  bushes  and  by-roads,  retreating  as  well 
as  they  could,  followed  and  attacked  incessantly  by  large  bodies 
of  Arkansas  and  Texas  cavalry.  In  this  retreat  we  lost  five  can 
non,  of  which  three  were  spiked,  and  the  colors  of  the  Third,  the 
color-bearer  having  been  wounded  and  his  substitute  killed.  The 
total  loss  of  the  two  regiments,  the  artillery  and  the  pioneers,  in 
killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  amounts  to  two  hundred  and 
ninety-two  men,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  respective  lists.  In 
order  to  understand  clearly  our  actions  and  our  fate,  you  will 
permit  me  to  state  the  following  facts :  First — According  to 
orders,  it  was  the  duty  of  this  brigade  to  attack  the  enemy  in 
the  rear,  and  to  cut  off  his  retreat,  which  order  I  tried  to  exe 
cute,  whatever  the  consequences  might  be.  Second — The  time 
of  service  of  the  Fifth  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers  had  ex 
pired  before  the  battle.  I  had  induced  them,  company  by  com 
pany,  not  to  leave  us  in  the  most  critical  moment,  and  had 
engaged  them  for  the  term  of  eight  days,  this  term  ending  on 
Friday,  the  9th,  the  day  before  the  battle.  Third— The  Third 
Regiment,  of  which  four  hundred  three  months'  men  had  been 
dismissed,  was  composed  of  the  greater  parts  of  recruits  who  had 
not  seen  the  enemy  before,  and  who  were  imperfectly  drilled. 
Fourth — The  men  serving  the  pieces  and  the  drivers  consisted 
of  infantry  taken  from  the  Third  Regiment,  and  were  mostly 


360  APPENDIX. 

recruits  who  had  had  only  a  few  days'  instruction.  Fifth — 
About  two-thirds  of  our  officers  had  left  us ;  some  companies 
had  no  officers  at  all— a  great  pity,  but  the  consequence  of  the 
system  of  the  three  months'  service.  After  the  arrival  of  the 
army  at  Springfield  the  command  was  intrusted  to  me  by  Major 
Sturgis,  and  the  majority  of  the  commanders  of  regiments. 
[The  balance  of  the  report  refers  to  the  retreat  to  Rolla.] 

(Signed)  F.  SIGEL, 

Commanding  Second  Brigade  Missouri  Volunteers. 

WAS  LYON  SACRIFICED  ? 

PART  OF  A  SPEECH  DELIVERED  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENT 
ATIVES,  WASHINGTON  CITY,  MARCH  7,  1862,  BY  HONORABLE 
F.  P.  BLAIR,  OF  MISSOURI. 

*  *  *  *  *  #  # 

FREMONT'S  APOLOGY  FOR  NOT  RE-ENFORCING  LYON. 
Now,  sir,  I  have  read  with  attention  the  statement   he  has 
made  through   the  press,  and   I  have  read,  also,  the   speech 
of  the  gentleman  from   Indiana  (Mr.    Shanks),  who   followed 
him  to  Springfield  as  an  aid-de-camp,  and  I  can  find  nothing 
in  either  to  justify  the  enthusiasm  which  that  gentleman  seems 
to   feel   over  a  sad  record  of  defeats  and  unvaried  disasters. 
The  one  is  a  tame  apology,  the  other  a  sort  of  frothy  rhetoric 
and  confused  declamation.     There  are  two  great  points  which 
will  forever  stand  out  in  relief  in  the  history  of  those  hundred 
days,  the  saddest  days  that  ever  befell  the  loyal  men  of  that 
State,  which  no  rhetoric  and  no  studied  obscurity  of  expression 
can  shield  from  view  or  make  the  nation  forget.     Those  two 
great  points  of  public  interest  upon  which  the  sad  eyes  of  the 
nation  will  always  be  fixed  are  Springfield  and  Lexington,  the 
fields  where  the  heroic  Lyon  fell,  and  where  Mulligan  yielded, 
not  to  the  foe,  but  to  famine  and  thirst.      What  had  the  gentle 
man  from  Indiana  (Mr.  Shanks)   to  say  about  them  ?     Abso 
lutely  nothing !     What  has  General  Fremont  said  about  them 
in  his  statement  ?     He  treads  lightly  on  that  ground.    The  other 
historian,  who  has  chosen  a  popular  magazine  for  his  forum, 
finds  little  time  to  bestow  upon  them.     But  I  will  do  General 
Fremont  the  justice  to  quote  his  own  language  : 


APPENDIX.  361 

"From  St.  Louis  to  Cairo  was  an  easy  day's  journey  by  water, 
and  transportation  abundant.  To  Springfield  was  a  week's 
march ;  and,  before  I  could  have  reached  it,  Cairo  would  have 
been  taken,  and  with  it,  I  believe,  St.  Louis. 

"  On  my  arrival  at  Cairo,  I  found  the  force  under  General 
Prentiss  reduced  to  one  thousand  two  hundred  men,  consisting 
mainly  of  a  regiment  which  had  agreed  to  await  my  arrival. 

"A  few  miles  below,  at  New  Madrid,  General  Pillow  had 
landed  a  force  estimated  at  twenty  thousand,  which  subsequent 
events  showed  was  not  exaggerated.  Our  force,  greatly  increased 
to  the  enemy  by  rumors,  drove  him  to  a  hasty  retreat,  and  per 
manently  secured  the  position.  To  these  facts  the  accompany 
ing  papers  and  the  testimony  of  General  Prentiss  and  other 
officers  is  offered  to  the  Committee. 

"  I  returned  to  St.  Louis  on  the  4th  of  August,  having,  in  the 
meantime,  ordered  Colonel  Stevenson's  regiment,  from  Boon- 
ville,  and  Colonel  Montgomery,  from  Kansas,  to  march  to  the 
relief  of  General  Lyon. 

•*  Immediately  upon  my  return  from  Cairo,  I  set  myself  to 
work  amid  incessant  demands  upon  my  time  from  every  quar 
ter,  principally  to  provide  re-enforcements  for  General  Lyon. 

"  I  do  not  accept  Springfield  as  a  disaster  belonging  to  my 
administration.  Causes  wholly  out  of  my  jurisdiction  had 
already  prepared  the  defeat  of  General  Lyon  before  my  arrival  at 
St.  Louis.  His  letter  to  me  of  the  9th  of  August,  with  other 
papers  annexed,  will  show  that  I  was  already  in  commu 
nication  with  him,  and  that  he  knew  his  wants  were  being  pro 
vided  for.  It  will  be  seen  that  I  had  all  reasonable  expectations 
of  being  able  to  relieve  him  in  time ;  and,  had  he  been  able  to 
adhere  to  the  course  indicated  in  his  letter,  a  very  short  time 
would  have  found  Hm  efficiently  sustained." 

WAS    CAIRO   OB   SPRINGFIELD    THE    POINT    TO   BE    FIRST 
RE-ENFORCED  ? 

His  defense  for  not  succoring  Lyon  at  Springfield  is  that 
Cairo  was  threatened ;  that  it  was  an  easy  day's  journey  from 
St.  Louis  by  water,  and  transportation  abundant ;  that  Lyon 
was  at  Springfield,  a  week's  march  from  St.  Louis,  and  that  he 
does  not  accept  Lyon's  defeat  as  belonging  to  his  administra- 
16 


362  APPENDIX. 

tion.  Now,  I  undertake  to  say,  that  it  is  true  Cairo  was  within 
an  easy  day's  journey  from  St.  Louis  by  water,  and  less  by  rail 
road  ;  that  it  could  be  reached  from  Springfield,  Illinois,  as 
easily  and  in  as  short  a  time.  From  Indianapolis,  the  capital 
of  Indiana,  from  Columbus,  Ohio,  from  almost  any  point  in  any 
of  the  northwestern  States,  Cairo  was  not  more  than  an  easy 
day's  journey  by  water  or  by  railroad.  It  was  and  is  the  point 
of  all  others  most  accessible  to  the  entire  Northwest,  and  easily 
re-enforced.  It  was  also  intrenched,  defended  by  eight  thou 
sand  men,  and  with  ordnance  of  the  heaviest  calibre.  General 
Prentiss  had  as  many  men  as  Lyon,  and  more,  as  shown  by  their 
statements,  accompanying  General  Fremont's  defense.  McCul- 
loch  and  Price,  according  to  Fremont's  statement,  had  one-third 
more  men  to  attack  Lyon  than  Pillow  had  to  assail  Cairo,  as  it 
was  then  said  he  was  threatening  to  do.  Lyon  was  without 
fortifications  and  without  heavy  guns,  Prentiss  had  both  at 
Cairo,  and  that  place  was  covered  by  two  rivers  in  front,  and 
could  not  have  been  assailed  without  crossing  them,  which  it 
was  utterly  impossible  for  the  enemy  to  do,  in  face  of  an  army 
to  oppose  them. 

It  is  pretended  and  attempted  to  be  shown,  by  a  dispatch 
from  General  Prentiss,  that  his  army,  consisting  of  six  "three 
months'"  and  two  " three-years' "  regiments,  was  about  to  be 
disbanded ;  and  the  statement  of  General  Prentiss  is  left  unex 
plained,  and  the  argument  boldly  advanced  that  without  re-en 
forcements  he  could  have  had  but  two  regiments  left  to  defend 
the  post.  The  truth  of  the  matter  is,  as  shown  by  General 
Prentiss  in  a  subsequent  dispatch,  that  these  six  u  three-months' " 
regiments  were  then  in  process  of  reorganization  ;  and  I  say  they 
did  not  disband,  but  re-entered  the  service,  almost  in  a  body, 
for  the  war.  Cook's  regiment,  Oglesby's  regiment,  McArthur's 
regiment,  the  regiment  originally  raised  by  Prentiss,  were  all 
"  three-months' "  men.  They  remained  in  the  service ;  they 
remained  at  Cairo,  and  the  other  two  regiments  of  u  three- 
months'  "  men,  whose  names  I  do  not  now  remember,  remained 
also,  and  all  have  since  made  their  names  illustrious  at  the  siege 
of  Fort  Donelson.  But,  if  a  portion  of  Prentiss'  command  were 
"  three-months'  "  men,  so  also  were  a  majority  of  the  troops  under 
Lyon's  command,  at  Springfield.  Springfield  was  a  week's 


363 

march  from  St.  Louis,  and  was  capable  of  being  re-enforced  only 
from  that  point.  Yet  General  Fremont  believed,  and  acted  upon 
the  belief,  that  Cairo,  threatened  by  Pillow  with  twenty  thou 
sand  men,  was  the  point  to  be  re-enforced,  although  it  was 
strongly  intrenched,  garrisoned  by  eight  regiments,  defended  by 
guns  of  the  heaviest  calibre,  with  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi 
rivers  in  front,  and  capable  of  being  re-enforced  within  twenty- 
four  hours  from  any  part  of  the  entire  Northwest ;  and  that  Lyon 
at  Springfield,  threatened  by  thirty  thousand  men,  having  under 
his  command  a  less  force  than  that  at  Cairo,  with  no  intrench- 
ments,  with  no  heavy  guns,  with  no  natural  defenses  interposed 
between  him  and  the  enemy,  a  week's  march  from  St.  Louis,  from 
which  point  alone  it  could  be  effectually  re-enforced,  was  to  be 
left  to  his  fate,  or  to  be  left  to  wait  until  Cairo,  naturally  so 
much  stronger,  and  with  its  artificial  defenses  so  much  better,  so 
much  more  easily  re-enforced,  and  defended  by  more  men, 
should  first  be  attended  to.  This  is  the  amplification  of  his 
own  argument.  Let  him  be  judged  on  his  own  statement. 

So  thoroughly  was  he  possessed  by  this  idea  that  he  seems 
utterly  to  have  forgotten  Lyon  and  Springfield  until  the  3d 
of  August,  nine  days  after  his  arrival  in  Missouri.  A  mes 
senger  came  from  Lyon,  repeating  the  sad  story  of  his  distress 
and  peril,  which  was  forwarded  to  Cairo,  and  General  Fremont 
on  that  day  telegraphed  an  order  to  Stevenson  at  Boonville, 
and  Colonel  Montgomery  at  Leavenworth  in  Kansas,  ordering 
them  to  re-enforce  Lyon  with  their  regiments.  These  two  regi 
ments  were  probably  the  two  of  all  others  in  his  command  the 
furthest  from  Springfield  by  the  routes  which  they  would  be 
compelled  to  take,  and  in  positions  the  most  difficult  to  supply 
them  immediately  with  transportation.  This  is  literally  all  that 
Fremont  ever  did  to  re-enforce  Lyon.  You  may  search  his  state 
ment — every  letter,  every  telegram,  and  every  document — and 
you  will  find  no  other  order  given.  He  makes  the  distress  of 
Lyon  the  pretext  for  the  purchase  of  condemned  arms  ;  but  he 
made  no  effort  of  any  kind,  except  the  orders  given  to  Steven 
son  and  to  Montgomery,  to  relieve  Lyon's  distress,  and  he  pro 
vided  neither  Stevenson  nor  Montgomery  with  transportation  to 
enable  them  to  carry  out  the  order  of  relief.  If  he  had  pro 
vided  the  transportation  for  these  two  regiments,  they  could  not 


364  APPENDIX. 

have  reached  Lyon  in  time,  although  both  could  certainly  have 
done  so  had  he  made  the  order  on  his  first  arrival  in  Missouri. 
He  had  other  regiments  in  his  command  which  could  have 
reached  Lyon  and  re-enforced  him,  even  if  ordered  as  late  as  the 
3d  of  August.  For  instance,  Wyman's  regiment  (Thirteenth 
Illinois  Infantry),  then  at  Holla,  and  thirty-six  hundred  other 
men,  as  shown  by  the  report  of  Colonel  Chester  Harding,  Jr., 
to  have  been  at  the  arsenal  and  Jefferson  Barracks  on  the  5th 
day  of  August,  of  which  Coler's  Illinois  regiment  is  stated  by  him 
to  be  the  only  one  not  ready  for  service. 

In  this  place  I  desire  to  allude  to  the  assertions  of 
General  Fremont  and  of  Colonel  Chester  Harding,  Jr.,  to 
the  effect  that  the  force  which  Pillow  is  said  to  have 
had,  and  with  which  he  was  threatening  to  assault  and 
take  Cairo,  was  demonstrated  by  subsequent  events  not 
to  have  been  overestimated.  Well,  sir,  if  subsequent 
events  have  demonstrated  that  fact,  they  have  been  very  unfor 
tunate  in  not  pointing  to  a  single  one  of  them.  Neither  of  them 
point  to  anything  that  has  occurred  that  justifies  any  such  state 
ment  ;  and,  in  my  opinion,  there  was  good  reason  for  this  singu 
lar  reserve  on  their  part.  Months  afterward,  when  the  battle 
was  fought  at  Belmont,  it  was  not  supposed  by  any  one  that 
there  were  twenty  thousand  men  at  Columbus,  under  command 
of  General  Polk,  who  had  then  taken  the  place  formerly  held 
by  Pillow.  It  has  not  been  shown  by  anything  that  will  pass 
for  evidence  that  there  were  twenty  thousand  men  at  Colum 
bus  the  other  day  when  it  was  evacuated.  The  fact  that  Pillow 
retired  when  the  re-enforcements  went  forward  under  Fremont 
would  go  to  show  that  Pillow  did  not  consider  himself  very 
strong  at  that  time,  and  the  fact  that  no  demonstration  since 
that  time  has  been  made  against  Cairo,  are  among  the  "  subse 
quent  events  "  that  do  not  strengthen  their  assertions.  It  is 
the  opinion  of  many  well-informed  persons  that  the  movement 
toward  Cairo  at  that  time,  as  well  as  the  demonstration  by 
Hardee  against  Iron  Mountain,  were  mere  feints  to  draw  off 
re  enforcements  from  Lyon,  in  order  that  he  might  be  over 
whelmed  by  the  superior  force  brought  against  him  under  Price 
and  McCulloch.  The  General  and  the  Adjutant-General  who 
had  been  deceived  by  such  a  ruse  would  be  among  the  last  to 


APPENDIX.  365 

admit  that  they  had  been  outwitted,  although  the  fact  that  no 
serious  attack  nor  even  a  demonstration  in  that  quarter  has 
since  been  made,  will  go  far  to  convince  impartial  persons  that 
the  enemy  in  that  quarter  were  standing  on  the  defensive.  I 
leave  this  branch  of  the  case.  I  think  I  have  made  it  appear 
that  it  was  not  Fremont's  first  duty  to  re-enforce  Cairo  in  pref 
erence  to  Springfield,  but  I  am  willing,  for  the  sake  of  the  argu 
ment,  to  admit  that  he  was  correct  in  his  judgment  upon  this 
point.  It  is  a  matter  of  opinion,  and  will  always  be  a  matter  of 
opinion,  whether  he  should  have  taken  that  course  or  not.  I 
am  willing  that  upon  the  facts  of  the  case — not,  however,  upon 
his  statement  of  facts — the  country  shall  judge  his  conduct  upon 
this  point. 

FREMONT   HAD   AMPLE  FORCE  TO    RE-ENFORCE  BOTH    CAIRO  AND 
SPRINGFIELD. 

There  remains,  however,  another  branch  of  this  case,  which  is 
not  a  matter  of  opinion,  but  a  question  of  fact  upon  which  I 
take  issue  with  him.  It  is  the  statement  that  he  had  not  suffi 
cient  force  under  his  command  with  which  to  re-enforce  both 
Cairo  and  General  Lyon  at  Springfield.  It  is  perfectly  evident 
that  he  had  enough  to  re-enforce  Cairo,  for  that  was  done,  and 
the  enemy  fled  before  his  grand  flotilla.  I  will  undertake  to 
prove  that  he  had  enough  also,  after  he  had  re-enforced  Cairo,  to 
have  re-enforced  Lyon ;  and  that  he  had  ample  notice  of  Lyon's 
peril,  and  ample  time  in  which  to  forward  re-enforcements.  I 
premise  by  saying  that  it  is  curious  that  he  should  have  omitted, 
when  he  stated  that  he  had  not  sufficient  force  for  both  of  these 
objects,  to  state  also  the  force  which  he  then  had  under  his 
command. 

The  statement  which  I  shall  make  is  not  derived  from  books 
in  the  Adjutant-General's  office,  for  I  have  had  no  access  to  them. 
General  Fremont  probably  has  those  books,  or  at  least  all  the 
data  which  embrace  the  returns  of  the  number  of  troops  in  his  own 
department.  My  knowledge  is  derived  from  my  own  early  con 
nection  with  the  organization  of  troops  in  the  department,  from 
my  association  with  them  since,  and  from  scattered  items  of 
information  which  I  have  been  able  to  glean  from  the  studied 
obscurity  of  General  Fremont's  own  statement,  and  the  docu- 


366  APPENDIX. 

ments  annexed  to  it.  There  was,  on  the  day  of  arrival  of  Gen 
eral  Fremont  in  Missouri,  sixteen  full  Missouri  regiments  in  the 
sendee  of  the  United  States.  They  were  as  follows  : 

First  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  F.  P.  Blair,  at 
Springfield. 

Second  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  H.  Boernstein. 

Third  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  F.  Sigel,  at 
Springfield. 

Fourth  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  Schuttner. 

Fifth  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  Salomon,  at 
Springfield. 

Of  these,  the  First  Regiment  was  the  only  three-years'  regi 
ment. 

The  Sixth  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  P.  E.  Bland, 
at  Ironton. 

Seventh  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  Stevenson,  at 
Boonville. 

Eighth  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  M.  L.  Smith, 
at  St.  Louis. 

Ninth  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  Fredericks,  at 
St.  Louis. 

Tenth  Regiment  Missouri  Volunteers,  Colonel  Bayles,  at  or 
near  St.  Louis. 

I  find  Colonel  Schaeffer's  regiment  is  noticed  in  the  Missouri 
Democrat,  with  that  of  Bayles  and  Fredericks,  as  being  armed 
and  equipped  and  under  marching  orders  on  the  Gth  of 
August.  In  addition  to  these,  the  five  regiments  of  the  reserve 
corps — Almstedt's,  Kalmann's,  McNeil's,  Brown's,  and  Stifel's — 
were  then  in  the  service,  fully  armed  and  equipped,  and  sta 
tioned  at  different  points  in  Missouri.  There  were  four  Kansas 
regiments  in  his  department :  Dietzler's  and  Mitchell's,  the  First 
and  Second,  then  with  General  Lyon ;  the  Third  and  Fourth 
Regiments,  Montgomery's  and  Weer's,  one  at  Leavenworth,  the 
other  at  Fort  Scott,  on  the  boundary  between  Missouri  and 
Kansas,  about  sixty  or  seventy  miles  from  Springfield.  There 
were  at  that  time  four  Iowa  regiments  in  the  State  of  Missouri : 
the  first,  under  Bates,  at  Springfield;  the  second  (Curtis)  at 
Jefferson  Barracks ;  the  third  (Williams)  on  the  Hannibal  and 
St.  Joseph  railroad;  there  was  one  other  in  the  State;  and 


APPENDIX.  367 

three  others,  making  seven  regiments  in  all  in  Iowa,  and  ready 
for  service ;  two  of  which  reached  Jefferson  Barracks  on  the 
llth  of  August,  and  a  battalion  of  the  Iowa  Fifth  was  at  the  St. 
Louis  arsenal  on  August  10 ;  three  companies  of  the  Iowa  Fourth 
arrived  in  St.  Louis  on  the  llth  of  August.  There  were  eighteen 
Illinois  regiments  in  the  service  and  under  his  command.  These 
regiments  were  numbered  from  seventh  to  twenty-fourth  inclu 
sive  ;  six  of  these  were  "  three-months'  "  men,  which  I  have 
already  named  as  being  at  Cairo  in  the  command  of  General 
Prentiss,  almost  the  whole  body  of  which  were  reorganized  and 
re-entered  the  service,  and  are  now  leading  the  column  of  vic 
tory  in  Tennessee.  There  were  ten  others,  "  three  years1 "  men, 
numbered  from  thirteenth  to  twenty-fourth  inclusive,  fully 
armed  and  equipped,  all  in  active  service,  mostly  in  Missouri, 
and  all  under  Fremont's  command.  These  ten  regiments  had 
been  authorized  by  the  Legislature  of  Illinois  to  be  raised  by  the 
Governor  in  anticipation  of  a  call  by  the  President.  There  were 
one  thousand  "  regular  "  troops  under  Lyon  at  Springfield,  as  will 
appear  from  the  statement  of  the  Adjutant-General,  Captain 
Kelton,  which  is  among  the  documents  published  in  Fremont's 
papers.  These  consisted  of  cavalry,  artillery,  and  infantry. 
There  were  also  three  companies  of  "  regulars  "  at  Leaven  worth. 
There  was  a  battalion  of  four  hundred  Home  Guards  at  St. 
Joseph,  under  Colonel  Peabody,  who  was  afterward  severely 
wounded  in  the  siege  of  Lexington.  There  were  three  hundred, 
under  Major  Hunt,  at  Hannibal,  and  three  hundred  at  Kansas 
City,  under  Major  —  — ,  who  was  also  subsequently  wounded  at 
Lexington ;  there  were  also  one  hundred  and  fifty  at  Boonville, 
under  a  gallant  officer,  who  afterward  defended  that  city  with 
his  small  force,  and  dispersed  eight  hundred  rebels.  The  Ne 
braska  regiment,  of  four  hundred  and  fifty-seven  men,  reached 
St.  Louis  on  the  13th  or  14th  of  August.  This  statement  shows 
there  were  forty-four  regiments  in  the  Western  Department, 
armed  and  equipped,  when  General  Fremont  arrived  there  and 
took  the  command.  On  the  4th  of  August,  Governor  Morton, 
of  Indiana,  telegraphed  to  General  Fremont,  as  appears  from 
his  dispatch  annexed  to  Fremont's  statement,  offering  him  five 
regiments.  Surely  these  regiments  could  have  been  made  avail 
able  for  the  defense  of  Cairo,  if  any  serious  attack  had  been 


368  APPENDIX. 

made  on  that  position;  and  although  they  were  not  in  the 
Western  Department,  the  Government  would  not  have  hesitated 
to  have  given  him  this  force  if  Cairo  had  been  attacked.  The 
Government  did  consent  to  his  taking  those  regiments,  for  they 
arrived  in  St.  Louis  on  or  about  the  17th  of  August,  and  were 
soon  followed  by  three  other  regiments,  and  several  batteries  of 
artillery  from  that  State,  all  of  which  have  since  served  with 
distinction  in  Missouri. 

I  propose  now  to  show  something  as  to  the  particular  loca 
tion  of  the  troops  actually  in  his  department  at  the  time  of 
Fremont's  arrival  in  Missouri ;  and  to  pro  re  that  he  not  only 
had  the  men  to  re-enforce  Cairo  and  to  succor  Lyon,  but  that 
they  were  in  position  to  be  available  to  him  for  those  purposes. 
I  read  from  a  letter  addressed  to  me  by  Colonel  John  M.  Palmer, 
Fourteenth  Illinois  Volunteers,  now  a  brigadier-general,  who  is 
well  known  to  every  member  of  this  House  from  the  State  of 
Illinois  : 

ST.  Lours,  November  22,  1861. 

DEAR  Sra — On  the  5th  of  July,  1861,  the  Fourteenth  Regi 
ment  Illinois  Volunteers  (nine  hundred  strong)  crossed  the 
Mississippi  river,  and  on  the  13th  moved  from  Hannibal 
to  Macon  City,  and  remaining  there,  and  at  Renick  and  Stur 
geon,  on  the  North  Missouri  railroad,  until  the  9th  of  August, 
reached  Jefferson  Barracks  on  the  10th.  When  this  regi 
ment  left  Hannibal,  the  Third  Iowa  and  the  Sixteenth  Illinois 
were  on  the  line  of  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph  railroad.  On 
the  13th  of  July,  Colonel  Turchin's  Illinois  regiment  came 
into  the  State  of  Missouri.  On  the  14th,  Colonel  Grant's 
Twenty-first  Illinois  was  at  Palmyra,  at  which  place  Colonel 
Turchin  was  stationed.  On  the  31st  of  July,  I  found  at 
Mexico  Colonel  Marshall's  First  Illinois  cavalry,  and  one  bat 
talion  of  the  Fifteenth  Illinois,  Colonel  Hecker's  regiment  hav 
ing  left  the  same  place  a  few  days  before. 

During  the  month  of  July  the  following  regiments  were  in 
North  Missouri,  and  within  twenty-four  hours  of  St.  Louis  : 

Fourteenth  Illinois  Volunteers  (Palmer), 900  men. 

Sixteenth  Illinois  Volunteers  (Smith),  say 800     " 

Nineteenth  Illinois  Volunteers  (Turcliin),  say 800    " 


APPENDIX.  369 

Fifteenth  Illinois  Volunteers  (Turner),  say 800  men. 

Twenty-first  Illinois  Volunteers  (Grant),  say 800     " 

First  Illinois  Cavalry  (Marshall),  say 600     " 

Twenty-fourth  Illinois  Volunteers  (Heck er),  say. .  900     " 
Third  Iowa  Volunteers  (Williams),  say 700     " 

Total 6,300  men. 

All  these  regiments  were  then  full,  and  the  estimate  of  their 
actual  strength  is  low. 

Very  truly,  &c.,        J.  M.  PALMER. 
Colonel  F.  P.  BLAIK. 

P.S. — If  it  be  inquired  what  all  these  regiments  were  doing, 
the  answer  is,  eating  their  rations  and  holding  the  railroads. 

J.  M.  PALMER. 

I  annex  a  statement,  also,  of  the  number  and  designation  of 
troops  taken  by  General  Fremont  to  re-enforce  Cairo,  and  it  will 
be  seen  that,  of  the  whole  number  of  sixty-three  hundred  men 
contained  in  the  list  of  General  Palmer  above,  there  was  but  one 
regiment  of  these  taken  to  Cairo — Colonel  Turchin's — leaving 
fifty-five  hundred  men  within  twenty-four  hours  of  St.  Louis 
available  when  Fremont  first  arrived  in  St.  Louis  to  re-enforce 
Lyon : 

List  of  Troops  taken  ~by  General  Fremont  to  Cairo,  August  1, 1861. 

u  Nineteenth  Illinois  regiment,  Colonel  Turchin,  armed  with 
Minies. 

"  Seventeenth  Illinois  regiment. 

"  Rombauer's  Home  Guard  composed  of  one  battalion  of 
Almstedt's,  and  one  of  Kalmann's  of  the  First  and  Second 
United  States  Reserve  Corps,  eleven  hundred  strong. 

"  Second  Iowa  regiment,  formerly  Curtis',  and  Captain  Buell's 
battery  of  six  pieces ;  eight  steamboats  ;  Fremont  and  staff  in 
four  carriages,  the  City  of  Alton  steamboat  being  especially  de 
voted  to  the  General  and  his  staff." 

This  statement  is  made  from  the  columns  of  the  St.  Louis 
Democrat. 

In  addition  to  the  regiments  mentioned  in  the  schedule  of 
Colonel  Palmer,  within  easy  reach  of  Fremont,  there  were  the 
Thirteenth  Illinois  regiment,  Colonel  Wyman,  at  Rolla ;  Colonel 
16* 


370  APPENDIX. 

Stevenson's  regiment,  at  Boonville;  Weer's  regiment,  at  Fort 
Scott,  in  Kansas,  sixty  or  seventy  miles  from  Springfield  ;  and 
Colonel  Montgomery's  regiment  at  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  all  of 
which  could  have  reached  Springfield  before  the  10th  of  August, 
and  in  time  to  have  re-enforced  Lyon.  There  were  other  regi 
ments,  including  Bayles',  Frederick's,  Schaeffer's.  Smith's,  and 
Colors,  then  at  or  near  St.  Louis,  which  regiments,  I  presume,  are 
included  in  the  statement  of  Colonel  Chester  Harding,  Jr.,  as 
comprising  the  thirty-six  hundred  men  in  the  St.  Louis  arsenal 
on  the  5th  of  August — as  the  regiments  not  named  by  him  in 
his  statement  are  enumerated  in  the  Republican  newspaper  of 
St.  Louis  as  being  at  the  arsenal,  and  under  marching  orders,  on 
the  6th  of  August.  From  this  statement  it  is  very  clear 
that  there  were  ten  thousand  men  fully  armed  and  equipped 
wThich  might  have  been  used  to  re-enforce  Lyon,  if  General  Fre 
mont  had  had  the  capacity  to  appreciate  the  difficulties  sur 
rounding  Lyon,  instead  of  making  those  difficulties  an  excuse 
for  his  purchase  of  Austrian  guns,  and  breaking  down  under 
that  effort  for  his  relief,  and  making  no  other  movement,  and 
giving  no  other  order  for  that  purpose,  except  the  order  to  move 
two  regiments,  the  only  regiments  at  that  time,  among  those  I 
have  enumerated,  whose  positions  made  it  impossible  they  should 
reach  Lyon  by  the  10th  of  August.  He  not  only  made  no  other 
effort,  but,  so  far  from  it,  transportation  which  was  at  Holla,  and 
which  might  have  been  used  to  forward  troops  to  Springfield,  if 
Fremont  had  had  any  intention  of  sending  them,  was  on  the 
4th  of  August  discharged  from  service  at  Holla,  and  brought 
back  to  St.  Louis. 

FREMONT    HAD    NOTICE    OF    LYON'8    DISTRESS,    AXD     SUFFICIENT 
TIME   TO   FORWARD    RE-ENFORCEMENTS. 

I  assert  that  Fremont  had  notice  of  Lyon's  perilous  condition 
before  he  left  the  city  of  New  York  for  St.  Louis.  I  received  a 
dispatch  from  General  Lyon  while  I  was  in  Washington,  during 
the  extra  session  of  Congress,  on  or  about  the  18th  of  July, 
stating  that  Price  was  advancing  upon  him  with  a  force  of 
thirty  thousand  men,  and  that  he  would  be  overwhelmed  unless 
re-enforced.  My  brother,  Montgomery  Blair,  transmitted  that 
message  to  General  Fremont  in  New  York,  urging  him  at  the 


APPENDIX.  371 

same  time  to  proceed  to  the  "West.  When  General  Fremont 
arrived  at  St.  Louis,  he  was  met  by  a  messenger  from  General 
Lyon,  Major  Barnard  G.  Farrar,  attached  to  Lyon's  staff,  who 
came  from  Lyon  with  urgent  entreaties  for  reenforcements. 
Captain  John  S.  Cavender,  of  the  First  Regiment  Missouri  Volun 
teers,  also  came  from  Lyon  upon  the  same  errand,  and  returned, 
and  was  afterward  wounded  at  the  battle  of  Wilson's  Creek. 
Colonel  John  S.  Phelps,  a  member  of  this  House  from  the 
Springfield  district,  made  the  same  statements  to  Fremont,  and 
placed  in  his  hands  a  written  statement  from  General  Lyon, 
which  will  be  found  among  the  documents  attached  to  Fre 
mont's  defense,  in  which  Lyon  said  that  Missouri  would  be 
devastated  unless  he  was  re-enforced.  Fremont,  therefore,  had 
ample  knowledge  of  the  position  in  which  Lyon  stood.  He 
had  that  knowledge  when  he  left  New  York,  and  it  was 
repeated  to  him  in  the  most  urgent  terms  when  he  arrived  in 
St.  Louis.  He  seems  to  have  disregarded  it  ait  ogether,  and  to 
have  paid  no  attention  to  the  wants  of  Lyon  until  the  3d  of 
August.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  even  opened  communica 
tion  with  Lyon  until  his  return  from  Cairo.  Lyon's  letter  of 
August  9,  in  response  to  one  from  Fremont,  does  not  disclose 
any  encouragement  held  out  to  him  by  Fremont's  letter,  to 
which  his  is  in  reply.  Fremont's  letter  to  Lyon  is  not  published, 
for  some  reason  best  known  to  himself.  He  has  favored  the 
public  with  a  great  many  of  his  letters  upon  matters  wholly 
immaterial,  and  has  chosen  to  keep  back  this  letter,  which 
might  have  disclosed  what  his  views  were  at  that  time,  and 
what  his  intentions  were  with  regard  to  re-enforcing  Lyon.  I 
know  of  no  subject  connected  with  General  Fremont's  career 
which  at  this  moment  would  have  so  much  interest  for  the 
public. 

He  says  that  Lyon  had  the  assurance  that  he  was  doing 
everything  he  could  for  him.  If  he  had  that  assurance,  it  is 
more  than  anybody  else  has  been  able  to  discover.  If  he  had, 
it  is  more  than  he  has  attempted  to  prove  by  this  record ;  for 
this  record  shows  that  he  took  no  notice  of  Lyon  until  the  3d 
of  August,  nine  days  after  his  arrival  in  St.  Louis,  although  I 
have  shown  that  he  had  ample  force  under  his  command,  in 
addition  to  that  which  he  sent  to  Cairo.  The  only  remaining 


372  APPENDIX. 

question  is  whether  there  was  time  in  the  period  intervening 
between  the  25th  of  July,  the  date  of  his  arrival  in  St.  Louis, 
and  the  10th  of  August,  when  the  battle  was  fought,  to  draw  in 
his  forces  and  send  them  to  re-enforce  Lyou.  From  St.  Louis  to 
Rolla  by  railroad,  the  distance  is  one  hundred  and  eleven  miles ; 
from  Holla  to  Springfield,  one  hundred  and  fifteen  miles,  with  a 
road  firm  and  hard,  though  rough  and  broken.  Sigel,  in  his 
first  expedition  to  Springfield,  made  the  same  distance  in  much 
less  time  than  fifteen  days.  The  distance  has  been  traversed 
before  and  since  by  large  armies  in  much  less  time,  and  we 
have  General  Fremont's  own  authority  for  saying  that  Spring 
field  is  only  a  week's  march  from  St.  Louis. 

WHY    FREMONT    MADE    NO    EFFORT    TO    SUCCOR   LYON,    AND    WITY 
LYON   DETERMINED    TO   FIGHT    THE   BATTLE    OF    SPRINGFIELD. 

I  am  willing  to  rest  the  case  here.  I  think  that  I  have 
proven  that  he  had  ample  notice,  ample  time,  and  ample  force 
with  which  to  have  relieved  Lyon ;  but  the  difficulty  was  that 
he  had  no  appreciation  of  Lyon's  condition.  He  told  Governor 
Gamble,  of  Missouri,  who  went  to  him  to  urge  upon  him  the 
necessity  of  sending  forward  re-enforcements,  that  Lyon  was 
stronger  than  anybody  else  upon  his  line.  If  further  proof  were 
needed,  it  would  be  found  in  the  fact,  that  immediately  upon  the 
receipt  of  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Springfield  he  sent  forward 
Palmer's  and  Turner's  regiments,  and  two  other  regiments,  all 
of  which  reached  Rolla  within  three  days  after  the  news  of  the 
battle,  and  all  of  which  might  have  been  sent  on  the  first  day 
he  arrived  in  St.  Louis.  The  pretext  now  put  up  by  himself 
for  not  sending  them,  and  which  is  also  to  be  found  in  the  cer 
tificate  given  him  by  Colonel  Chester  Harding,  Jr.,  was  that 
they  were  required  in  Northeast  Missouri  to  prevent  an  uprising 
of  the  rebels.  The  fact  is  that  these  troops  were  withdrawn 
from  Northeast  Missouri  before  the  battle  of  Springfield, 
Palmer's  regiment  arriving  in  St.  Louis  on  the  10th  of  August, 
and  there  was  no  organized  body  of  secessionists  there  when  Fre 
mont  arrived  in  the  State;  and  Palmer,  in  his  letter  above 
quoted,  states :  "  If  it  be  inquired  what  all  these  regiments  were 
doing,  the  answer  is,  eating  their  rations  and  holding  the  rail 
roads."  Everybody  knows  that  these  troops  could  have  been 


APPENDIX.  373 

better  spared  from  Northeast  Missouri  or,  indeed,  from  any  other 
part  of  the  State,  before  the  battle  of  Springfield,  than  they  could 
afterward,  because  that  event  inspired  the  rebels  with  hope 
and  confidence,  and  set  them  to  organizing  all  over  the  State. 
The  sum  total  of  his  attempts  to  succor  Lyon  may  be  thus 
stated :  He  made  no  effort  at  all  until  it  was  too  late.  He  order 
ed  two  regiments  forward,  but  made  no  arrangements  for  trans 
portation  ;  and  that  these  two  regiments  so  ordered  had  the 
least  chance  of  getting  to  Springfield  in  time. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  Lyon  was  forced,  by 
the  condition  in  which  he  found  himself,  to  engage  the  enemy, 
twenty-three  thousand  strong,  with  his  force  of  less  than  five 
thousand  men,  in  one  of  the  most  sanguinary  and  deadly  conflicts 
that  ever  took  place  on  this  continent,  and  which  resulted  in  a 
victory  and  driving  the  enemy  from  the  field.  After  the  battle 
was  over  and  the  enemy  had  disappeared  from  sight,  it  was  dis 
covered  that  during  the  tremendous  struggle  which  they  had 
endured  the  ammunition  of  our  forces  had  been  almost  entirely 
expended,  and  they  had  suffered  so  much  that  it  was  not  possi 
ble,  if  the  enemy  should  return  and  renew  the  attack,  for  them 
to  hold  their  ground,  and  therefore  they  retired  unmolested. 
They  were  never  pursued.  The  enemy  showed  no  disposition 
to  engage  them  again.  They  plundered  the  bodies  of  the  slain, 
but  never  attacked  the  remnant  of  Lyon's  army.  Fremont  has 
done  injustice  to  the  men  who  at  Springfield  risked  everything 
for  their  country,  by  speaking  of  it  as  a  defeat.  It  was  a  disas 
ter,  but  no  defeat.  In  the  opinion  of  Lyon  and  his  officers,  to 
attack  the  enemy  was  the  only  way  in  which  the  army  could  be 
saved,  it  being  unsupported  and  beyond  the  hope  of  any  succor. 
If  they  had  attempted  to  retreat  over  the  broken  roads,  through 
the  defiles  and  forests  to  Holla,  the  enemy,  having  a  large  force 
of  cavalry,  would  have  harassed  them  and  cut  them  off,  especi 
ally  as  they  would  have  been  embarrassed  and  impeded  by  the 
large  numbers  of  Union  men  fleeing  with  their  wives  and  chil 
dren.  General  Lyon  thought  his  best  course  was  to  attack  the 
enemy  in  front.  He  did  attack  them  and  lost  his  life,  but 
saved  his  army  and  won  a  victory.  That  victory  did  not  bear 
fruit ;  but  that  was  not  the  fault  of  the  General  who  ordered  the 
battle,  or  the  men  who  fought  and  won  it ;  it  was  the  fault  of 


374  APPENDIX. 

another.  The  battle  need  not  to  have  been  fought  that  day,  if 
there  had  been  any  hope  of  succor ;  it  might  have  been  delayed 
possibly  for  a  week.  It  was  simply  because  Lyon,  as  he  then 
stated,  considered  himself  abandoned,  and  was  hopeless  of 
receiving  re-enforcements,  and  felt  that  this  was  the  only  road 
to  safety,  that  the  battle  was  fought. 

SIGEL  WRITES  FOR  AID. 

HEADQUARTERS,  SECOND  BRIGADE, 
SPRINGFIELD,  July  28,  1861. 

SIR — Some  papers  say  that  you  have  proposed  me  for  Brig 
adier-General.  I  would  respectfully  ask  you  whether  it  is  really 
so  or  not,  as  it  seems  to  me  of  great  importance  to  act  accord 
ingly,  and  to  make  necessary  preparations  to  have  the  brigade 
organized  as  quickly  as  possible. 

We  want  troops  here — more  troops — the  sooner  we  can  get 
them  the  sooner  we  will  be  able  to  drive  out  our  enemies. 
Please,  sir,  to  return  an  answer  to  me  as  soon  as  possible,  with 
the  necessary  authorization  from  the  President  or  Secretary  of 
War. 

There  is  another  matter  which  I  take  leave  to  bring  before 
you.  To  each  brigade  there  should  be  a  proportionate  number 
of  cavalry,  especially  here,  where  we  have  to  contend  against 
our  enemy  well  provided  with  mounted  men.  Without  cavalry 
our  troops  will  be  exposed  on  every  step,  to  be  alarmed  and 
harassed;  they  will  never  find  rest,  neither  in  camp  nor  in 
their  bivouacs ;  they  will  become  outworn  and  tired  by  being 
forced  day  and  night  to  have  large  numbers  doing  service  at 
outposts,  which  service  could  be  done  much  easier  and  with  a 
much  smaller  force  by  using  cavalry.  And,  further,  to  achieve 
victory  or  to  protect  our  flank  and  rear  in  battle  we  must 
have  cavalry.  Without  it  we  shall  scarcely  be  able  to  make 
an  attack,  or  in  case  of  retreat  to  avoid  confusion.  I  therefore 
respectfully  ask  for  the  authority  to  raise  a  squadron  of  light 
cavalry  organized  according  to  law,  and  being  attached  to 
the  brigade.  In  complying  with  this,  my  humble  request,  the 
Government  would  add  to  the  few  companies  of  regular  cavalry, 
now  attached  to  the  command  of  General  Lyon,  a  very  useful 


APPENDIX.  375 

and  necessary  force,  besides  making  the  brigade  much  more 
effective. 

As  I  know  that  it  is  in  your  power  to  effect  what  you  think 
just  and  proper,  I  put  my  full  confidence  in  you  and  hope  to 
receive  a  favorable  answer. 

I  am,  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 
F.  SIGEL, 

Colonel  Commanding  Second  Brigade. 
To  Col.  F.  P.  BLAIR,  Jr.,  Washington,  B.C. 


WILSON'S  CREEK. 

TESTIMONY  OF  CAPTAIN  PLTJMMER. 

The  following  is  the  testimony  of  that  gallant  officer,  then 
Captain,  afterward  Colonel,  and  later  Brigadier-General  Plum- 
mer,  given  before  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War  : 

WASHINGTON,  January  9,  1862. 

Colonel  JOHN  B.  PLUMMER,  sworn  and  examined. 

By  the  Chairman  : 

Q.  What  is  your  rank  in  the  army  ? 

A.  My  rank  in  the  old  army  is  that  of  Captain.  I  am  Colonel 
of  the  Eleventh  Regiment  of  Missouri  Volunteers. 

Q.  Where  have  you  served  during  the  present  war  ? 

A.  In  Missouri  entirely. 

Q.  Under  whose  command  ? 

A.  Under  the  general  command  of  General  Fremont  for  a  por 
tion  of  the  time,  and  subsequently  under  the  general  command 
of  General  Halleck ;  under  the  immediate  command  of  General 
Lyon,  and  also  of  General  Grant,  who  now  commands  the  district 
in  which  my  present  post  is  situated. 

Q.  You  were  in  the  battle  of  Springfield  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  At  what  time  did  you  join  General  Lyon's  column,  or  did 
you  go  under  his  command  at  that  time  ? 

A.  We  arrived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Springfield,  twelve 
miles  from  Springfield,  on  the  1 3th  of  July.  I  joined  General  Lyon 
on  Grand  river  about  a  week  before  that  time. 


376  APPENDIX. 

Q.  You  joined  him  early  in  July  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  You  then  marched  with  Gen.  Lyon's  column  to  Spring 
field? 

A.  Yes,  sir.  The  column  I  was  with  was  Major  Sturgis'  col 
umn,  that  left  Kansas  City  on  the  23d  of  June,  and  joined  General 
Lyon  early  in  July,  on  Grand  river.  We  proceeded  from  there 
to  Springfield  in  pursuit  of  Price's  army.  We  arrived  twelve 
miles  from  Springfield  on  the  23d  of  July.  I  remember  that  day, 
but  not  all  the  others. 

Q.  Will  you  give  us,  briefly  as  may  be,  the  movements  of  Gen 
eral  Lyon's  column  until  the  battle  of  Springfield  was  fought  ? 

A.  We  lay  there  from  the  13th  of  July  until  the  1st  of 
August,  waiting  for  re-enforcements. 

Q.  What  was  the  strength  of  your  army  at  that  time  ? 

A.  It  was  about  five  thousand  five  hundred,  as  was  stated  by 
General  Lyon  in  a  council  of  war  in  which  I  was  present.  It  was 
about  that  in  round  numbers  ;  it  fell  a  little  short  of  that.  Gen 
eral  Lyon  was  satisfied  that  the  enemy  was  too  strong  to  pursue 
with  the  force  he  had,  and  he  waited  there  for  re-enforcements 
and  supplies.  He  was  short  of  supplies.  We  commanded  the 
mills  for  some  ten  or  fifteen  miles  about,  and  got  flour  in  that 
way.  The  last  two  weeks  of  the  time  before  the  1st  of  August, 
we  were  without  sugar  and  coffee,  and  what  we  call  in  the  army 
"  small  rations,"  such  as  beans,  rice,  &c.  We  had  fresh  beef, 
salt  beef,  and  bread.  On  the  1st  of  August,  the  army  moved 
in  pursuit  of  Rains,  leaving  a  force  in  Springfield  to  guard  the 
train  and  town.  We  marched  between  twenty-five  and  thirty 
miles  south  of  Springfield.  We  had  a  little  skirmish  with  the 
enemy  the  second  day  out,  at  a  place  called  Dug  Springs,  gave 
them  a  few  shots,  and  there  was  a  charge  of  cavalry  there.  On 
the  morning  of  the  4th  of  August,  General  Lyon  called  a  council 
of  war,  at  which  I  was  present ;  all  the  commanding  officers  of 
battalions,  regiments,  and  corps  were  present.  I  was  at  the 
time  in  command  of  a  battalion  of  regulars.  He  stated  to  the 
council  our  force  ;  that  we  had  no  rations — we  knew  before  that 
we  were  out  of  small  rations ;  that  we  had  only  about  one  day's 
ration  of  bread ;  that  we  would  necessarily  lose  the  command  of 
the  mills  where  we  had  obtained  supplies  of  bread,  if  we  moved 


APPENDIX.  377 

on  ;  we  would  be  reduced  to  salt  and  fresh  beef,  of  which  we 
could  get  a  sufficient  quantity  ;  and  that  Rains  had  been  retreat 
ing  before  us,  apparently  luring  us  on.  The  question  he  pro 
posed  to  the  council  was,  whether  we  should  pursue  further,  or 
fall  back  upon  Springfield  and  wait  for  re-enforcements  and 
supplies,  or,  after  we  got  back  to  Springfield,  act  according  to 
circumstances.  The  unanimous  vote  of  the  council  was  that  we 
should  fall  back.  That,  as  we  had  no  supplies,  it  would  be  folly 
for  us  to  pursue  Rains  further,  who  was  retreating  before  us 
constantly.  General  Lyon  stated  the  force  of  the  enemy  to  be 
about  fifteen  thousand  men,  as  near  as  he  could  ascertain  from 
his  spies,  which,  I  would  remark  here,  fell  far  short  of  their 
actual  numbers. 

Q.  Was  this  council  of  war  at  Dug  Springs  ? 

A.  It  was  beyond  Dug  Springs.  We  went  one  day's 
march  beyond  Dug  Springs.  We  commenced  the  march  back, 
and  I  think  we  arrived  at  Springfield  either  on  the  morning  of 
the  5th  or  the  6th.  We  commenced  the  march  back  on  the 
4th.  I  have  been  trying  to  recall  whether  we  were  two  or 
three  days  in  making  our  march  back,  but  I  will  not  be  positive. 
The  enemy,  at  the  same  time,  were  moving  on  a  different  road 
south  of  us  toward  Springfield.  I  commanded  the  rear  guard 
of  six  companies  on  the  day  of  our  starting  back,  and  I  could 
see  the  dust  raised  by  the  enemy's  troops  three  or  four  miles  on 
our  left.  They  were  evidently  moving  up  toward  Springfield 
on  another  road.  I  think  it  was  the  morning  of  the  5th  that 
we  reached  Springfield.  The  question  then  arose,  that  morning, 
whether  we  would  remain  at  Springfield  and  defend  ourselves 
until  we  received  re-enforcements,  or  whether  we  would  con 
tinue  our  retreat  right  on  toward  Rolla  or  Fort  Scott.  Arriv 
ing  at  Springfield  tolerably  early — about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing — we  could  have  made  some  ten  or  fifteen  miles  further  that 
day.  General  Lyon  consulted  several  officers  in  regard  to  that — 
among  the  number  was  myself.  Those  whom  he  had  known 
intimately  he  consulted.  There  were  a  great  many  prominent 
citizens  of  the  neighborhood  came  around  him,  good  Union  peo 
ple,  urging  him  to  remain.  My  own  opinion  was  that  we  ought  to 
remain  a  few  days.  We  could  defend  ourselves ;  or,  at  least 
we  did  not  anticipate  an  immediate  attack,  probably  not  in  four 


378  APPENDIX. 

or  five  days.  But  my  opinion  was  that  we  should  wait  at  least 
two  or  three  days  for  re-enforcements.  He  stated  that  he  had 
repeatedly  written  for  re-enforcements  and  was  not  expecting 
any.  That  he  stated  in  the  first  council.  He  made  the  remark 
to  me — on  one  occasion  in  private  conversation — that  he  had 
written  and  telegraphed  for  re-enforcements ;  that  he  was  aware 
that  regiments  had  been  sent  out  of  Missouri  after  he  had 
applied  for  re-enforcements,  for  what  reason  he  did  not  know. 
And  he  did  not  know  why  he  had  not  received  any  re-enforce 
ments.  Whether  that  be  the  case  or  not,  I  cannot  say.  I  merely 
state  what  he  said  in  conversation  with  me. 

Q.  Did  he  say  where  they  had  been  sent  ? 

A.  No,  sir ;  only  they  had  been  sent  out  of  Missouri. 
The  day  we  returned  to  Springfield  our  troops  remained  under 
arms,  and  waited  some  three  or  four  hours  while  this  matter 
was  being  considered  ;  after  the  consultation  was  concluded  in 
regard  to  our  movements,  General  Lyon  ordered  the  troops  into 
camp  ;  a  decision  which  I  believe  was  approved  by  all  the  offi 
cers.  We  lay  there  until  the  evening  of  the  9th,  making  one  or 
two  little  excursions  out  during  the  time  in  pursuit  of  detached 
parties  of  the  enemy.  I  think  about  that  time  we  received  a 
few  wagon-loads  of  supplies  from  Rolla,  which  gave  us  some 
five  or  six  days'  rations.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  9th,  we 
received  marching  orders.  In  the  conversations  of  General  Lyon 
with  his  officers,  the  only  questions  that  arose  were,  whether  we 
should  intrench  ourselves  at  Springfield  and  wait  for  re-enforce 
ments,  or  retreat  upon  Rolla  ;  or  rather,  if  we  retreated,  whether 
we  should  retreat  upon  Rolla  or  upon  Fort  Scott,  the  distance 
to  each  place  being  about  the  same.  Fort  Scott  lay  just  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Missouri  line,  in  Kansas  :  Rolla  was  at  the  end 
of  a  railroad.  The  determination  to  fight  the  battle  of  Spring 
field  was  his  own — at  least  he  did  not  consult  me.  I  do  not 
know  whether  he  consulted  the  other  officers  or  not.  But  I 
would  remark  here  that  I  was  afterward  notified  that  General 
L}ron  adopted  the  wisest  course.  We  had  a  valuable  train,  esti 
mated  at  over  half  a  million  of  dollars.  There  was  about  two 
hundred  or  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  in  specie 
aboard  that  train.  Had  we  retreated  at  once  upon  Rolla,  we 
would  have  had  to  fight  every  day  on  our  retreat.  It  was  a  bad 


APPENDIX.  379 

road  of  one  hundred  and  ten  miles,  and,  beingincumberedwith 
a  very  large  train,  our  retreat  might  have  resulted  in  the  loss  of 
a  large  portion  of  that  train.  To  have  intrenched  ourselves  in 
Springfield,  being  in  doubt  whether  or  not  we  should  get  any 
re-enforcements,  and  being  in  want  of  provisions,  was  a  matter 
of  perhaps  rather  doubtful  policy.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  9th 
of  August  we  marched  out  to  fight  the  enemy.  I  do  not  think 
that  General  Lyon  was  aware  of  their  real  strength.  He  esti 
mated  them  at  fifteen  thousand  men.  The  force  with  which  we 
left  Springfield  was  about  four  thousand  eight  hundred  men. 
We  had  about  five  thousand  five  hundred  men  there ;  but  we 
had  to  leave  a  guard  with  the  train  in  town,  and  then  there 
were  many  of  the  men  sick,  on  extra  duty,  &c.,  which 
reduced  our  marching  force  to  about  four  thousand  eight  hun 
dred.  Of  that  number  Colonel  Sigel  had  about  one  thousand 
five  hundred — the  two  German  regiments,  one  battery  of 
artillery,  and  a  squadron  of  cavalry.  And  in  consideration  of  the 
battle  itself,  General  Sigel's  force  should  be  thrown  out  entirely, 
because  his  whole  force  was  dispersed  and  his  battery  captured 
within  half  an  hour  after  the  fight  commenced.  So  that  the  battle 
itself  was  fought  with  about  from  three  thousand  three  hundred 
to  three  thousand  five  hundred  men,  against  twenty -three  thou 
sand  ;  for  we  ascertained  afterward  that  to  have  been  their 
numbers.  Of  our  forces  there  were  seven  companies  of  regular 
infantry  and  two  batteries  of  artillery — I  suppose  altogether  not 
over  six  hundred  regulars — and  the  rest  were  volunteers  :  the 
two  Kansas  regiments,  the  First  Missouri,  the  Second  Iowa, 
whose  time  had  expired  at  that  time.  I  have  but  little  more  to 
say  in  regard  to  the  battle,  except  that  we  whipped  them.  I 
was  with  my  battalion  in  the  advance  that  morning ;  we  marched 
out  the  night  before,  and  just  lay  down  in  the  bushes  about 
twelve  or  one  o'clock.  It  rained  upon  us,  and  we  had  nothing 
to  eat  the  next  morning.  I  think  very  few  of  us  had  anything 
to  eat  that  day  ;  at  least  I  did  not.  The  battle  commenced 
about  five  o'clock  in  the  morning.  It  was  a  complete  surprise; 
we  surprised  their  camps.  I  drove  in  one  of  their  pickets  not 
more  than  half  a  mile  from  their  camp,  and  they  had  not  even 
time  to  give  the  alarm  in  the  camp  before  our  guns  opened  upon 
them.  The  battle  lasted  from  five  o'clock  until  half-past  eleven. 


380  APPENDIX. 

They  came  up  four  distinct  times  to  attack  us,  bringing  up  fresh 
troops  each  time. 

By  Mr.  Chandler : 

Q.  Eacli  time  in  force  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir ;  each  time  in  force,  bringing  up  fresh  troops. 

By  the  Chairman : 

Q.  Why  did  General  Lyon  pursue  Rains  when  you  first 
started,  if  he  had  not  a  force  sufficient  ? 

A.  McCulloch  and  Rains  had  not  united,  and  the  object  was 
to  prevent  their  doing  so. 

By  Mr.  Chandler : 

Q.  Will  you  give  us  the  particulars  of  that  fight  ? 

A.  I  cannot  particularize  it.  I  was  on  the  left  myself,  and 
carried  forward  the  left  attack.  I  was  separated,  with  my  bat 
talion,  from  the  main  portion  of  the  army,  by  a  creek.  I  was  a 
quarter  or  a  half  mile  from  the  main  portion  of  our  army.  I 
fought,  for  upward  of  an  hour,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty 
regulars,  over  two  thousand  of  the  enemy,  and  was  forced  to 
retreat.  I  was  severely  wounded,  and  in  the  course  of  an  hour 
and  a  half  was  myself  in  an  ambulance. 

Q.  You  did  not  see  the  latter  part  of  the  action  ? 

A.  No,  sir ;  I  can  only  state  what  officers  told  me.  My  bat 
talion  was  saved  by  Dubois'  battery  on  that  occasion.  I  found 
that  I  had  overwhelming  forces  against  me,  and  that  my  left 
flank  was  going  to  be  turned.  I  had  a  creek  behind  me,  with  a 
dense  chaparral  bordering  it  on  both  sides,  which  was  almost 
impenetrable,  except  in  one  or  two  places.  I  came  to  the  con 
clusion  to  fall  back.  I  lost  forty-nine  men  in  the  course  of  an 
hour,  out  of  two  hundred  and  fifty. 

Q.  Can  you  state  the  casualties  in  our  army  ? 

A.  I  have  Major  Sturgis'  official  report.  The  casualties  I 
can  state  to  be  over  twelve  hundred,  I  think  over  thirteen  hun 
dred,  killed  and  wounded.  There  were  not,  certainly,  over 
three  thousand  five  hundred  men  of  ours  in  action  in  the  first 
place. 

Q.  Can  you  give  a  description  of  those  four  charges  of  the 
enemy  from  hearsay — that  is,  from  the  accounts  of  the  officers 
engaged — particularly  the  last  one  ? 

A.  I  do  not  know  that  I  could  give  you  a  description  of  it. 


APPENDIX.  381 

I  have  heard  officers  speak  of  it ;  but  in  ordinary  conversation 
each  one  describes  the  particular  part  of  the  field  where  he  was 
himself;  and  it  requires  considerable  reflection  to  put  those 
different  things  together — to  connect  properly  the  different 
incidents  in  the  different  parts  of  the  field. 

Q.  You  say  that  Major  Schofield  stated  to  you  that  after  the 
last  repulse  it  was  a  perfect  rout ;  that  the  enemy  fled  in  the 
wildest  confusion  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir ;  everybody  says  that. 

Q.  And  he  also  stated  that,  in  attempting  to  ride  forward  to 
reconnoitre  and  see  where  the  enemy  were,  their  dead  was  piled 
up  so  thick  that  he  could  not  ride  over  them,  but  had  to  make 
a  considerable  devour  ? 

A.  There  was  a  flag  of  truce  sent  out  after  our  return  to 
Springfield,  as  I  heard.  A  young  doctor  of  the  army  went  out 
with  it,  with  a  few  men  and  some  wagons,  to  obtain  the  body 
of  General  Lyon,  and  to  look  for  the  wounded  left  on  the  field. 
He  told  me  that  Gen.  McCulloch  remarked  to  a  non-commis 
sioned  officer — a  sergeant — who  attended  the  party,  u  Your  loss 
was  very  great,  but  ours  was  four  times  yours  ; "  and  I  think  it 
but  a  fair  estimate  to  put  their  loss  at  least  as  high  as  four 
thousand  men  killed  and  wounded. 

Q.  After  this  battle  you  retired  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir. 

Q.  Can  you  give  us  the  particulars  of  that  retreat  ? 

A.  No,  sir ;  except  from  hearsay. 

Q.  It  was  conducted  in  good  order,  and  you  were  not  pur 
sued? 

A.  Yes,  sir  ;  we  were  not  pursued.  The  fact  was  the  enemy 
was  completely  crippled.  We  gained  everything  that  General 
Lyon  proposed  to  gain. 

Q.  How  many  additional  troops,  in  your  estimation,  would 
have  given  you  a  victory,  and  enabled  you  to  have  driven  the 
enemy  out  of  Missouri  ? 

A.  My  opinion  is  that  our  victory  wrould  have  been  perfect 
and  complete  with  two  additional  regiments.  They  were  run 
ning  at  the  time.  They  burned  their  trains — we  saw  them 
burning — so  that  they  could  not  fall  into  our  hands.  They  did 
not  burn  the  whole,  but  what  they  could  conveniently.  If  we 


382  APPENDIX. 

had  known  it,  we  could  have  held  the  field  as  it  was,  for  after 
ward  we  heard  they  were  out  of  ammunition  ;  that  is,  they 
had  but  a  few  rounds  left. 

By  the  Chairman : 

Q.  How  long  did  General  Lyon  wait  at  Springfield  before  he 
undertook  his  expedition  against  Rains  ? 

A.  He  waited  from  the  13th  of  July  till  the  1st  of  August. 

Q.  Still  his  army  was  inferior  to  that  of  the  enemy  ? 

A.  Constantly  inferior. 

Q.  Vastly  inferior  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir ;  vastly  inferior. 

Q.  Why  did  he  advance  upon  his  foe,  so  much  his  superior  ? 

A.  The  object  of  his  advance,  I  suppose,  was  this  :  he  had 
whipped  the  enemy  at  Boonville  and  pursued  Jackson.  Follow 
ing  him  up,  he  was  joined  by  the  force  at  Kansas  City  and 
Leaven  worth,  with  which  detachment  I  was.  His  object 
was  to  overtake  this  force,  whip  them,  and  capture  them 
or  crush  them  out.  But  they,  in  retreating  toward  the 
Arkansas  line,  were  constantly  being  re-enforced.  When  he 
commenced  his  pursuit,  they  were  not  so  far  superior  to  his 
forces  as  they  were  afterward.  If  he  could  have  overtaken 
them  on  the  Osage  or  the  Grand  river,  he  could  have  whipped 
them  and  captured  them.  That  was  his  object.  The  reason 
why  he  did  not  do  that  was  on  account  of  the  high  water.  The 
enemy  burned  the  bridges  as  they  fled,  and  it  had  rained  inces 
santly  for  several  days,  and  the  whole  country  was  flooded.  We 
had  to  lay  by  two  or  three  days  at  a  time  to  get  across  the 
streams.  In  the  meantime  the  enemy  was  re-enforced  with 
Arkansas,  Tennessee,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas  troops. 
They  had  troops  from  all  those  States. 

Q.  How  long  after  you  joined  him  at  Springfield  did  he 
start  on  this  expedition  ? 

A.  I  joined  him  about  a  week  before  we  reached  Springfield. 

Q.  If  I  understand  you,  at  the  time  he  started  upon  that 
expedition,  the  enemy's  force  was  not  so  much  superior  to  his 
own? 

A.  No,  sir;  he  was  pursuing  the  same  force  that  he  whipped  at 
Boonville.  Then  there  was  a  force  that  lay  near  Kansas  City  that 
joined  Price  afterward. 


APPENDIX.  383 

Q.  Why  did  he  wait  so  long  for  re- enforcements  before  he 
started  on  this  expedition  ? 

A.  He  did  not  wait  for  re-enforcements  at  that  time.  He  was 
delayed  three  or  four  days  getting  transportation  for  his  troops. 

Q.  He  was  not  waiting  for  re-enforcements  ? 

A.  No,  sir ;  not  at  all.  He  only  waited  for  re-enforcements 
after  he  reached  Springfield  and  found  out  what  their  strength 
was.  Then,  instead  of  advancing  upon  them,  he  waited  for 
re-enforcements.  The  little  advance  that  he  made  on  the  1st  of 
August  was  because  he  had  an  idea  that  he  could  divide  their 
forces  and  whip  them  in  detail.  They  had  not  united  then. 
Rains  had  a  separate  column,  Price  had  another,  and  McCul- 
loch  was  coming  up  with  re-enforcements.  But  at  that  time 
they  were  very  much  superior  to  our  forces.  I  mean  when  we 
reached  Springfield. 

Q.  Then  why  did  he  pursue  them  from  Springfield — a  force 
so  much  his  superior  ? 

A.  He  pursued  them  to  attack  a  separate  column.  He  was 
going  to  adopt  the  idea  of  Napoleon,  to  whip  the  enemy  in 
detail,  thinking  he  could  overtake  Rains  and  whip  his 
forces,  and  thus  cripple  them.  But  they  were  all  united  at  the 
battle  of  Springfield — Rains,  Price,  and  McCulloch. 

Q.  Did  I  understand  you  that  he  did  not  wait  for  re- enforce 
ments  at  Springfield;  and  if  not,  where  did  he  wait  for  them? 

A.  He  waited  at  Springfield  for  them. 

Q.  I  asked  you,  first,  why,  when  the  enemy  had  a  superior 
force,  he  started  on  this  expedition,  for  I  understood  you  to  say, 
just  before  that,  that  the  force  of  the  enemy  was  vastly  superior 
to  that  of  General  Lyon.  I  understood  you  to  say  that  the 
force  was  not  so  much  superior  when  he  started  on  the  expedi 
tion,  but  it  accumulated  on  the  way. 

A.  I  misunderstood  you.  When  you  referred  to  the  starting 
of  the  expedition,  I  thought  you  referred  to  his  starting  from 
Boonville. 

Q.  I  was  trying  to  get  at  this.  He  had  been  waiting  for  re- 
enforcements  at  Springfield,  which  he  did  not  get.  I  wanted  to 
know  why,  with  an  inferior  force,  he  set  out  on  the  expedition 
from  Springfield  against  the  enemy  ? 

A.  I  will  explain  that  as  I  understand  it :    General  Lyon  was 


384  APPENDIX. 

aware  that  the  combined  forces  of  the  enemy  were  vastly  supe 
rior  to  ours.  He  stated,  in  the  council  of  war,  that  they  had 
fifteen  thousand  men, — about  three  to  our  one ;  but  he  had  his 
spies  out,  who  gave  him  an  idea  where  each  column  of  the 
enemy  was.  There  were  re-enforcements  for  the  enemy  coming 
up,  which  were  within  striking  distance  of  there.  When  General 
Lyon  marched  from  Springfield,  he  marched  out  in  pursuit  of 
Rains  and  his  one  detachment  of  the  enemy's  forces,  thinking  he 
could  overtake  him  and  whip  him  before  the  others  could  come 
up.  But  Rains  retreated,  drawing  us  on,  and  as  they  were  pur 
suing  the  road  which  led  them  toward  Springfield,  we  fell 
back  upon  Springfield,  because  we  could  not  abandon  that 
place  and  our  baggage-trains  and  supplies.  I  am  speaking  now 
of  the  expedition  from  Springfield,  of  the  1st  of  August.  We 
returned,  I  think,  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  August. 

Q.  How  far  is  Springfield  from  St.  Louis  ? 

A.  It  is  one  hundred  and  ten  miles  from  Rolla,  and  I  believe 
Rolla  is  about  the  same  distance  from  St.  Louis.  Springfield  is 
about  two  hundred  and  twenty  miles  from  St.  Louis. 

Q.  You  made  a  stand  at  Springfield.  Were  you  under  the 
necessity  of  lighting  a  battle  there,  or  could  you  have  retreated 
still  further  from  the  enemy  ?  You  say  your  forces  at  Spring 
field  were  vastly  inferior  to  those  of  the  enemy  ? 

A.  I  will  give  you  what  I  believe  was  General  Lyoii's  idea  at 
the  time. 

Q.  Could  he  retreat  before  them,  and,  if  so,  would  it  have 
been  prudent  to  have  done  it  ? 

A.  My  opinion  is  that  the  wisest  course  was  to  fight  in  the 
way  he  did  fight.  General  Lyon  was  mistaken  in  the  strength 
of  the  enemy.  He  did  not  think  they  were  over  fifteen  thousand 
men,  when  in  fact  they  were  over  twenty  thousand.  But  the 
attacking  force  always  has  the  advantage,  in  the  moral  effect 
upon  the  troops,  and  in  everything.  If  you  move  forward 
troops  even  a  hundred  yards  in  time  of  action,  it  gives  them 
courage.  If  you  fall  back  that  distance,  it  intimidates  them. 
General  Lyon's  idea  was  to  surprise  their  camp,  as  we  did ;  to 
make  a  bold  dash  upon  them  when  our  men  were  full  of  cour 
age  and  animation,  and  whip  them  or  cripple  them,  which  in 
fact  was  accomplished,  with  the  loss  of  his  own  life. 


APPENDIX.  385 

By  Mr.  Chandler : 

Q.  So  that  they  could  not  pursue  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir.  If  we  had  retreated  without  that  fight,  our 
forces  would  have  been  intimidated,  and  we  would  have  had  to 
fight  every  day,  and  perhaps  lost  a  valuable  train. 

By  the  Chairman : 

Q.  You  understood  General  Lyon  to  say  he  got  no  re-enforce 
ments,  and  yet  troops  were  sent  out  of  the  State  ? 

A.  I  did.     He  did  not  state  where,  and  I  do  not  know. 

Q.  Had  re-enforcements  been  sent  when  General  Lyon  first 
called  for  them,  would  they  have  reached  him  in  time  for  this 
battle  ? 

A.  Undoubtedly.  He  sent  for  them  three  or  four  weeks 
before.  *  *  *  In  a  conversation  with  Colonel  Wyman 
(Thirteenth  Illinois  Infantry),  he  made  the  statement  to  me  that 
one  regiment  was  ordered  forward  (Seventh  Missouri),  from 
Holla,  and  the  Colonel  refused  to  march  for  want  of  transporta 
tion.  That  was  stated  to  me  by  Colonel  Wyman.  In  ordinary 
marching  through  the  country,  it  would  have  taken  seven  or 
eight  days  for  troops  to  reach  Springfield  from  St.  Louis.  But 
I  want  to  qualify  that  by  stating  that  on  an  emergency  forced 
marches  could  have  been  made.  The  distance,  allowing  one 
day  from  St.  Louis  to  Holla,  on  the  railroad,  and  one  hundred 
and  ten  miles  of  marching  from  Holla  to  Springfield,  could  have 
easily  been  made  in  four  days,  if  the  men  expected  a  battle. 
But  if  they  did  not  expect  anything  at  the  end  of  their  journey, 
they  might  have  taken  six  or  seven  days. 

By  Mr.  Covode  : 

Q.  Did  General  Lyon  ever  tell  you  upon  whom  he  called  for 
re -enforcements  ? 

A.  It  is  my  impression  that  he  did  remark  to  me  that  he  had 
telegraphed  to  Washington  for  re-enforcements  ;  that  he  not 
only  had  written  to  the  headquarters  of  the  department,  but  had 
sent  telegraphic  dispatches  through  to  Washington. 

Q.  Did  he  not  tell  you  that  he  first  telegraphed  to  the  War 
Department,  and  afterward  to  Colonel  Blair,  to  urge  them  to 
send  on  re-enforcements,  or  he  would  be  overpowered  ? 

A.  I  could  not  state  that.  He  may  have  said  so.  I  had  con 
versations  with  him  several  times.  He  was  a  classmate  of  mine, 
17 


386  APPENDIX. 

and  I  had  rather  frequent  conversations  with  him  ;  and  the  con 
versations  I  had  with  him  at  different  times  left  the  impression 
upon  my  mind  that  he  had  repeatedly  written  and  telegraphed 
to  St.  Louis  and  Washington. 

Q.  Did  he  not  tell  you  that  he  had  repeatedly  written  and 
telegraphed  to  the  War  Department  and  got  no  reply,  and  then 
he  telegraphed  to  Colonel  Blair  to  urge  it  ? 

A.  The  last  part  of  your  remark  I  do  not  remember  about ; 
that  he  had  telegraphed  to  the  War  Department  and  received 
no  reply,  I  think  he  did  say.  There  was  no  telegraph  hi  opera 
tion  at  that  time  from  Springfield  to  St.  Louis.  But  he  had 
sent  telegraphic  dispatches  through,  to  be  sent  over  the  wires 
from  St.  Louis,  or  the  first  telegraphic  station. 

By  the  Chairman : 

Q.  If  General  Lyon  had  not  pursued  the  enemy  at  Springfield, 
but  had  waited  there  and  intrenched  himself,  could  he  have 
defended  himself? 

A.  That  is  a  matter  of  opinion.  In  my  opinion  it  would  have 
been  more  difficult  for  him  to  have  defended  himself  at  Spring 
field  against  the  attacks  of  the  enemy  than  it  was  to  whip  them 
in  the  open  field. 

Q.  You  think  the  stand  you  made  was  more  effective  than  to 
have  waited  for  re-enforcements  ? 

A.  Yes,  sir ;  a  thousand  times. 

TESTIMONY    OF    ADJUTANT-GENERAL    HARDING. 

[Before  the  "  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War."] 
Q.  Can  you   give,  in   general    terms,  the   number  of  troops 
available  in  his  department   at   that    time    [arrival    of   Fre 
mont]  ? 

A.  Here  is  a  statement  which  shows  the  position  of  all  our 
Missouri  troops  at  the  time  when  General  Fremont  arrived.  The 
First  Regiment,  Colonel  Blair,  was  at  Springfield  ;  the  Second 
Regiment  was  in  the  arsenal  for  mustering  out  and  reorgainza- 
tion ;  the  Third  Regiment  was  at  Springfield,  Missouri,  with  the 
exception  of  the  three  months'  men,  who  had  returned  to  be 
mustered  out ;  the  Fourth  Regiment  was  in  the  arsenal  to  be 
mustered  out  and  reorganized ;  the  Fifth  Regiment  was  at 
Springfield,  Missouri,  with  the  exception  of  the  three  months1 


APPENDIX.  387 

men,  who  had  returned  to  be  mustered  out ;  the  Sixth  Regi 
ment,  Colonel  Bland,  was  at  Pilot  Knob  and  Ironton ;  of  the 
Seventh  Regiment,  two  companies  were  in  Jefferson  City  and 
eight  in  Boonville  ;  the  Eighth  Regiment  was  then  at  the  Abbey 
Park,  in  St.  Louis ;  the  Ninth  Regiment  had  but  two  hundred 
and  twenty-six  men,  distributed  around  among  skeleton 
companies,  and  they  were  at  the  arsenal,  not  clothed  or  equipped ; 
the  Tenth  Regiment  was  in  the  same  condition,  and  with  about 
the  same  number  of  troops.  What  afterward  became  the  Engi 
neer  Regiment  of  the  West  was  then  just  started,  and  there  were 
seventy-six  mechanics  in  the  arsenal;  Buell's  battery,  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty-four  men,  were  in  the  arsenal,  and  we  had  just 
received  authority  to  keep  them  and  get  them  their  guns  and 
artillery  equipments ;  there  were  five  hundred  and  fifty-four  of 
Bayles'  rifle  battalion  at  Rolla ;  there  were  three  hundred  and 
seven,  that  is,  three  companies,  of  the  Twenty-third  Illinois  in 
the  arsenal,  but  under  orders  to  go  to  Jefferson  City,  where  the 
remaining  seven  companies  were  stationed ;  there  were  two 
companies  of  Backhof  s  artillery  battalion  in  the  field  at  Spring 
field  ;  a  portion  of  one  company  was  at  Jefferson  City  and 
another  portion  at  Boonville ;  of  the  pioneer  company,  one 
hundred  and  twenty  men,  half  of  it  was  at  Springfield,  a  section 
was  in  St.  Charles,  and  a  section  at  Pilot  Knob  ;  first  four  regi 
ments  of  the  United  States  Reserve  Corps  were  in  St.  Louis ;  and 
of  the  Fifth,  a  part  was  at  Lexington  and  a  part  at  St.  Louis. 
Besides  these,  there  were  twenty-three  companies  of  Home  Guards, 
who  were  guarding  the  railroad  bridges  and  tracks  in  different 
parts  of  the  State  ;  making  a  total  of  fifteen  thousand  nine  hun 
dred  and  forty-three  troops.  *  *  *  * 
In  addition  to  what  I  have  already  mentioned,  there  were  two 
regiments  of  Illinois  troops  and  one  of  Iowa  troops,  the  Second 
Iowa,  Colonel,  now  General  Curtis,  upon  the  line  of  the  Hanni 
bal  and  St.  Joseph  railroad.  General  Pope  was  in  Northeast  Mis 
souri  with  a  portion  of  his  division.  I  do  not  know  what  troops 
or  regiments  constituted  his  force.  Colonel  Mulligan  was  at 
Jefferson  City.  General  Lyon's  column  consisted  of  the  First 
Missouri  Rifle  Battalion ;  of  the  Second  Missouri,  two  companies; 
the  Third  Missouri  and  the  Fifth  Missouri — these  two  last  regi 
ments  having  been  weakened  by  the  loss  of  their  three  months' 


388  APPENDIX. 

men  ;  the  First  Iowa,  the  First  and  Second  Kansas ;  five  com 
panies  of  regular  infantry,  and  five  companies,  I  think,  of  regular 
cavalry — I  believe  there  were  five.  He  also  had  Tottcn's  bat 
tery,  regulars ;  two  volunteer  batteries,  and  Dubois'  regular  bat 
tery.  *  *  *  Marsh's  Twentieth  Illinois  regiment  was  at  Cape 
Girardeau,  and  Wynian's  Thirteenth  Illinois,  about  one  thousand 
strong,  at  Rolla.  ****** 

On  the  14th  of  June,  1861,  Brigadier-General  Lyon  moved  up  the 
Missouri  river,  taking  with  him  the  First  and  Second  Regiments 
Missouri  Volunteers,  three  small  companies  of  regular  infantry, 
Totten's  battery  (four  pieces),  and  an  eight-inch  howitzer,  with 
a  few  artillerists.  On  the  day  before  a  battalion  of  the  Third 
Missouri  had  been  sent  to  the  Southwest,  and  was  speedily  fol 
lowed  by  the  remainder  of  that  regiment,  the  Fifth  Missouri, 
two  batteries  (four  pieces  each)  of  light  artillery,  and  a  battalion 
of  rifles.  The  last-named  corps  was  to  occupy  the  railroad  to 
Rolla,  until  relieved  by  the  Home  Guard,  and  afterward  to 
garrison  that  place.  Such  of  the  troops  as  could  be  spared  from 
Fort  Leavenworth  and  two  regiments  of  Kansas  volunteers  had 
been  ordered  to  make  their  way  to  Springfield,  where  it  was 
designed  that  the  three  columns  should  effect  a  junction.  At 
the  same  time,  the  Fourth  Missouri  occupied  Bird's  Point ;  one 
Illinois  and  two  Iowa  regiments  held  the  line  of  the  Hannibal 
and  St.  Joseph  railroad  ;  the  arsenal  was  garrisoned  by  the 
skeleton  companies  of  the  then  unformed  Sixth,  Seventh  and 
Eighth  Missouri,  numbering  about  eight  hundred  bayonets,  all 
told ;  the  powder  magazine  was  held  by  Captain  Tracy,  with  a 
half  company  of  recruits ;  and  St.  Louis  was  left  in  charge  of  a 
small  company  of  United  States  General  Service  Recruits  and  the 
United  States  Revenue  Corps,  which  could  not  be  moved  from 
there  without  their  consent.  Excepting  a  few  outposts  in  Kan 
sas  and  Nebraska,  there  were  no  other  troops  subject  to  General 
Lyon's  orders.  *  *  *  * 

At  Boonville  General  Lyon  was  joined  by  the  First  Iowa,  and 
troops  from  Illinois  were  sent  to  fill  their  places  on  the  Hanni 
bal  and  St.  Joseph  railroad — the  country  along  the  line  being 
in  such  a  disturbed  condition  that  a  large  force  had  to  be  main 
tained  in  that  region.  While  General  Lyon  was  lying  at  Boon 
ville,  he  received  the  official  information  that  Missouri  had  been 


APPENDIX.  389 

detached  from  the  Department  of  the  West  and  attached  to  the 
Department  of  the  Ohio,  under  command  of  Major-General 
McClellan.  During  the  same  interval  the  Fifth  Regiment 
United  States  Reserve  Corps  was  sent  up  the  river,  and  eventu 
ally  became  the  garrison  of  Lexington;  the  Fourth  Regiment  of 
the  same  corps,  with  three  companies  of  the  Third,  and  the 
small  company  of  general  service  recruits  above  mentioned, 
were  ordered  to  the  Southwest,  to  strengthen  Sigel's  column ;  a 
part,  and,  at  a  later  period,  the  whole  of  the  Seventh  Missouri 
Regiment  were  stationed  at  Boonville,  which  place  they  held  on 
the  26th  of  July,  1861. 


GENERAL  SHERMAN'S  EULOGY  ON  LYON. 

At  Jefferson  City,  on  the  occasion  of  the  inauguration  of  the 
Lyon  Monument  Association,  General  William  T.  Sherman  made 
the  following  speech : 

MB.  PRESIDENT,  LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN — After  the  full 
and  most  excellent  address  of  your  Senator,  it  would  be  in  bad 
taste  for  me  to  consume  much  of  your  time ,  but  as  a  fellow-sol 
dier  and  companion  of  the  dead  hero,  I  can  but  simply  offer  the 
soldier's  commendation,  and  assure  you  that  many  a  loving 
heart  and  many  a  braye,  far  away,  will  bound  with  new  pleasure 
when  they  read  that  your  Senator  has  come  from  his  seat  in 
Washington,  that  your  Governor  has  presided  at  this  meeting, 
and  that  the  assembled  representatives  of  the  State  of  Missouri 
have  laid  aside  their  daily  labor  to  do  honor  to  one  who  shed 
his  blood  that  you  and  I  and  those  who  come  after  us  may  enjoy 
a  government  of  law,  of  liberty  and  perpetuity.  It  was  my  for 
tune  to  know  well  the  subject  that  has  brought  us  together  to 
night — Nathaniel  Lyon.  He  came  to  West  Point  in  1837,  when 
I  was  there.  He  was  a  fair-haired,  blue-eyed  boy,  little  looking 
like  the  bold,  courageous  leader  he  afterward  turned  out  to  be. 
But  any  one  observant  of  human  nature  could,  in  his  quick  eye, 
observe  a  determination,  even  in  his  boyhood  days,  to  grasp 
firmly  whatever  he  undertook.  Again,  in  Florida,  amid  the 
everglades,  I  met  him  again,  when  manhood  had  given  strength 
and  form  to  his  body  and  mind,  and  then  his  courage  and  his 


3(>0  APPENDIX. 

vindicated  earnestness  led  many  of  us  to  say  that  he  outstrip 
ped  his  discretion. 

Again,  in  California.  I  happened  there  also  when  he  came, 
after  he  had  been  crowned  with  success  at  Contreras,  leading  a 
gallant  charge.  I  saw  him  in  California,  also,  when  was  com 
mitted  to  him  the  charge,  with  two  small  companies,  to  cover 
an  exposed  frontier,  and  many  who  are  living  now  remember 
how  he  toiled  over  the  mountains,  carrying  boats  on  wagons 
where  boats  had  never  been  seen,  to  the  rich  Indian  hiding- 
places,  amid  the  lakes  of  the  Clear  Lake  valley.  Nor  did  he  tarry 
there,  but  on  through  mountain  passes  to  the  old  Red 
River  country.  It  may  be  there  are  some  old  Californians  here 
who  will  remember  the  character  of  that  country.  lie  struck 
a  blow  to  those  Indians  that  they  remember  to  this  day. 
Nor  did  he  cease  then,  but  with  characteristic  energy,  which 
marks  his  whole  life,  he  moved  on  to  Sacramento  to  avenge 
the  death  of  one  we  all  loved,  though  you  may  not  remember 
him — Captain  Warner— who  was  killed  by  those  Indians.  Those 
of  us  who  were  familiar  with  these  incidents  in  his  career  will 
ever  remember  Lyon.  Thus,  long,  long  before  you  had  heard 
of  him,  this  man,  so  famous  with  you,  had  been  schooled  in  a 
school  which  simply  brought  forth  the  natural  characteristics  of 
his  mind  and  body ;  and  when  he  came  to  Kansas,  and  after 
ward  to  Missouri,  he  was  qualified  and  capable  of  seeing  deeper 
and  further  into  the  purposes  of  men  than  many  who  make  it 
their  study. 

I  met  him  for  the  last  time,  as  friend  and  companion,  at  the 
arsenal — at  that  time,  I  a  citizen,  he  a  soldier,  still  a  captain — 
Captain  of  the  Second  Regiment  of  infantry.  I  saw  at  a  glance, 
by  his  movement  and  manner,  putting  a  little  redoubt  here  and 
posting  a  gun,  not  uttering  a  word,  erecting  a  scaffolding  in  one 
place  and  there  punching  a  hole  through  a  stone  wall  in  another 
place,  that  the  men  plotting  to  destroy  this  Government  and 
seize  that  arsenal  would  meet  more  than  they  bargained  for  if 
they  attempted  it.  Then,  for  the  first  time,  when  arsenal  after 
arsenal  had  fallen,  and  fort  after  fort  yielded,  on  the  mere  de 
mand  of  a  mob  of  men,  they  met  their  match  there,  and  they  came 
no  further ;  nor  did  Lyon  as  stated,  nor  could  he,  brook  delay.  He 
did  not  wait  till  the  meshes  and  trammels  which  were  being 


APPENDIX.  391 

plotted  for  him  were  perfected.  Probably  in  this  very  town 
of  Jefferson  City  he  took  the  initiative — the  first  man  in  this 
country  that  seized  the  whole  question  and  took  the  initiative, 
and  determined  to  strike  a  blow,  and  not  wait  for  the  blow  to 
be  struck.  I  remember  him  well  during  that  time,  and  his 
argumentations  and  reasoning  were  close  and  pointed.  No 
lawyer  could  have  argued  a  case  or  statesman  broached  with 
broader  and  better  views.  He  did  strike,  and  you  know  he 
took  Camp  Jackson,  and  followed  it  up  to  this  point,  thence  to 
Boonville,  and  so  on  to  Springfield.  Up  to  that  point  no  one 
can  question  either  the  wisdom  or  energy  with  which  he  con 
ducted  his  post.  Some,  it  is  said,  cautioned  him  to  delay,  others 
to  withdraw,  simply  because  he  could  not  obtain  a  force  ade 
quate  to  the  end  in  view — to  meet  the  concentrated  forces  of 
Price  ancl  McCulloch.  But  Lyon  was  right.  He  struck  the 
blow,  and  had  he  lived  never  again  in  Missouri  would  you 
have  had  a  foe  to  contend  with,  and  peace  would  have  reigned 
here  from  that  time.  (Applause.) 

But  man  proposes  and  God  disposes,  and  in  consequence 
Lyon  is  in  the  tomb.  We  cannot  add  a  mite  to  his  fame  nor  to 
his  station ;  we  cannot  change  the  fact,  and  must  accept  it  as 
one  of  the  mysterious  dispensations  of  Providence.  But  to-clay, 
which  of  you  would  not  rather  be  the  dead  Lyon  in  his  quiet 
grave  in  Connecticut  than  to  be  his  opponent  now  in  a  far-off 
land  and  an  outcast  (applause)  ;  or  that  other  opponent  of  his, 
who  in  yonder  city  simply  tarries  a  few  brief  years,  till  the  grave 
will  take  him  up,  unknown  and  unsung.  Better,  far  better,  for 
Lyon  as  he  is,  and  none  would  exchange  with  the  other  parties. 
(Applause.) 

Now,  my  friends,  you  are  here  after  a  great  battle.  The  war 
and  the  smoke  have  cleared  away  ;  no  longer  confusion  troubles 
you ;  no  enemy  harasses  you  ;  and  the  duty  devolves  on  you 
to  see  to  it  that  those  men  who  have  shed  their  blood  and  who 
lie  in  remote  graves  are  sought  for,  and  that  their  memories  are 
treasured  up,  where  they  belong,  in  history.  And  you  owe  it  to 
your  State  and  to  the  children  who  are  to  come  after  you  to 
make  sufficient  recognition  of  their  services.  The  life  of  a  man 
is  nothing.  It  comes  to-day  and  goes  to  -morrow.  Its  span  is 
the  span  of  a  hand  ;  still  it  is  the  most  precious  thing  that  we 


392  APPENDIX. 

possess.  All  men  struggle  to  maintain  their  lives ;  and  when 
such  a  man  as  Lyon  gives  up  his  life  unhesitatingly  and  unfal 
teringly,  he  simply  consigns  himself  to  your  care  and  the  care  of 
those  for  whom  he  gave  up  his  life.  You,  therefore,  in  honoring 
him,  in  honoring  his  memory,  in  reviving  and  reviewing  his 
virtues,  simply  do  that  which  does  honor  to  yourself,  to  your 
State,  and  to  those  who  are  to  follow  you.  I  say,  therefore, 
erect  your  obelisk  and  inscribe  upon  it  the  name  and  virtues  of 
this  man,  and  let  your  children  point  to  it,  that  they  may  see 
the  course  which  leads  to  the  approbation  of  men  and  the 
honor  of  his  fellow-men.  You  may,  of  course,  do  him  no  good 
now,  but  you  may  do  yourselves  and  children  good  by  com 
memorating  his  virtues  and  erecting  this  tablet  to  his  name. 

I  have,  therefore,  simply  appeared  before  you  to-night  to  be 
one  of  the  advocates  of  this  undertaking.  I  care  not  ^ny self  in 
what  form  you  may  choose  to  honor  his  memory ;  but  the  State 
of  Missouri,  in  recognizing  the  services  of  General  Lyon,  recog 
nizes  what  the  world  knows  to  be  so,  that  he  gave  his  life  to 
his  whole  country,  but  more  especially  that  you  should  no 
longer  be  harassed  by  the  dread  calamities  of  invasion.  That 
he  did  not  succeed  was  not  owing  to  a  lack  of  personal  exertion, 
but  to  other  causes  which  he  could  not  control.  The  act  itself 
was  as  pure  and  godlike  as  any  that  ever  characterized  a 
soldier  on  the  field  of  battle. 

There  were  many  features  in  Lyon's  character  very  few 
understood.  He  was  not  only  a  courageous  man,  but  a  very 
gentle  man — a  kindly  man.  At  a  time  when  his  mind  was 
absorbed  with  great  topics  he  was  blind,  of  course,  to  the 
commonplace  events  of  daily  life,  but  when  not  thus  absorbed 
there  was  none  more  gentle  or  kind  to  his  fellow-officers  or 
more  beloved  by  his  men.  Thus  the  shock  that  made  plain  the 
destiny  of  the  country  brought  out  the  strong  features  in  his 
character,  and  you  in  Missouri  saw  him  amid  the  tempest  and 
whirlwind  of  war,  when  he  was  pulled  hither  and  thither,  and 
when  he  only  kept  in  view  one  single  mark — a  mark  which  he 
thought  led  to  the  safety  and  honor  of  his  country.  I  wish  he 
could  have  lived,  for  he  possessed  many  of  those  qualities 
which  were  needed  in  the  first  two  or  three  years  of  the  war, 
and  his  death  imposed  on  the  nation  a  penalty  numbered  by 


APPENDIX.  393 

thousands  on  thousands  of  lives  and  millions  on  millions  of 
dollars. 

But,  gentlemen,  I  did  not  intend  to  make  any  lengthy 
remarks.  I  thank  you  for  your  attention.  (Loud  applause.) 

At  the  conclusion  of  General  Sherman's  remarks,  brief  ad 
dresses  were  also  made  by  Lieutenant- Govern  or  Smith,  Senators 
Doniphan,  Muench,  Pratt,  Norris,  and  others. 


Letter  from  Hon.  M.  F.  CONWAY,  formerly  member  of  Congress 
from  Kansas : 

RICHMOND,  VA.,  3d  April,  1866. 

MY  DEAR  Sm— *  ******** 
*  *  *  It  is  true  I  was  intimately  acquainted  with  him 
(Lyon)  at  one  period  of  his  life.  In  1854,  1855,  and  1856,  he 
was  stationed  in  Kansas,  and  for  six  months  we  were  much  to 
gether.  During  this  time  we  occupied  adjoining  rooms  in  the 
same  house,  and  messed  at  the  same  table.  Our  intercourse  was 
very  close  and  sympathetic.  He  was  a  man  of  ardent  tempera 
ment,  and  a  bold  thinker.  He  was  much  given  to  reflection  and 
discussion,  and  the  subjects  which  interested  him  most  were  of 
a  theological,  social,  and  political  character.  He  was  a  Demo 
crat  in  the  largest  sense  of  the  term,  and  held  the  most  advanced 
views  on  all  public  questions. 

Though  General  Lyon  was  a  student,  and  had  a  taste  for  lit 
erature,  it  was  not  for  his  scholarship  or  culture,  or  anything  of 
that  sort,  which,  in  my  estimation,  he  deserved  to  be  considered 
a  man  of  mark,  but  for  his  greatness  of  soul,  implying  capacity 
to  meet  emergencies  and  dispose  of  events  according  to  his  own 
will.  He  had  the  quality  of  a  conqueror,  and  death  only  it 
was,  I  am  persuaded,  that  prevented  him  from  becoming  the 
victorious  leader  of  our  armies  in  the  late  struggle  for  a  regen 
erated  Union.  ****** 

Truly  yours, 

M.  F.  CONWAY. 
Colonel  JAMES  PECKHAM. 
17* 


394  APPENDIX. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Hon.  JNO.  A.  GURLEY,  of  Ohio,  to 
Hon.  M.  BLAIR,  Washington  City,  dated, 

CINCINNATI,  September  11,  1861. 

Truth  compels  me  to  say  that  if  it 

were  not  for  the  Colonel  (your  brother),  who  keeps  open  house 
for  all  coiners,  including  complainers,  and  uses  every  exertion 
to  reconcile  them  to  the  condition  of  things,  there  would  be 
almost  open  mutiny.  He  is  the  corner-stone  of  the  whole  move 
ment  in  Missouri,  and  I  have  more  confidence  in  his  judgment 
and  management  than  all  the  rest  put  together.  His  house  is 
thronged  with  people  from  all  parts  of  the  State,  who  come  for 
succor.  ****** 


WRITINGS    OF   LYOX. 


We  give  place,  .for  the  gratification  of  the  reader,  to  the  fol 
lowing  articles  written  by  Captain  Nathaniel  Lyon  to  the 
Manlwttan  Express,  during  the  canvass  of  1860  : 

THE    MORAL    OF    THE    QUESTION. 

In  ascertaining  our  relations  to  the  world  around  us,  we  find, 
by  our  obsarvation  and  experience,  and  by  precept,  transmitting 
the  wisdom  of  preceding  ages,  that  certain  rules  and  regulations 
are  necessary  for  our  welfare  and  happiness.  Some  of  these 
rules  apply  to  ourselves,  in  our  individual  capacity,  to  regulate 
our  habits  of  diet,  sleep,  industry,  amusements,  &c.,  and  others 
to  our  social  relations,  and  regulate  our  intercourse  with  those 
around  us. 

Of  these  rules,  such  as  contribute  to  our  own  welfare  and 
happiness,  and  that  of  the  community  in  general,  are  called 
Morals,  and  constitute  the  code  of  morals,  in  contradistinction 
to  those  which  are  pernicious,  and  are  called  vices,  and  consti 
tute  crimes.  Upon  this  view,  whatever  contributes  most  to  our 
welfare  and  that  of  the  community — and  so  interwoven  are  our 
own  interests  with  those  of  society,  that  whatever  we  do  for  one 
is  necessarily  done  for  the  other — is  the  highest  of  morals  ;  and, 
therefore,  as  has  been  well  said  by  our  best  of  philosophers,  we 
need  no  other  rule  for  our  guidance  than  that  of  "  our  own 
self-love,  that  universal  principle  of  action." 

And  if,  in  pursuing  this  rule,  we  secure  our  substantial  and 
permanent  welfare,  this  welfare  will  of  necessity  manifest  itself 
in  some  physical  advancement  and  advantages,  and  our  standard 
of  morality  may,  therefore,  be  assumed  to  be  that  course  of  con 
duct  which,  in  the  long  run,  contributes  most  to  our  physical 
wealth  and  prosperity. 

Under  the  vicious  system  spring  irregularities,  suffering,  and 


396  APPENDIX. 

misery,  and  finally  weakness  and  decay,  till,  on  the  verge  of 
despair,  the  subjects  of  it  either  sink  and  expire,  both  individ 
ually  and  socially,  or,  by  reform,  avail  themselves  of  the  moral 
regimen,  and  return  to  prosperity  and  happiness. 

The  history  of  the  world  is  full  of  the  ups  and  downs  of 
individuals  and  of  nations  under  the  operations  of  these  laws — 
prosperity  begetting  presumption,  arrogance,  and  a  disregard  of 
the  moral  law,  till  a  consequent  suffering  effects  premature  death, 
or  impels  reform  and  relief.  New  nations,  societies,  and  clans, 
being  at  first  weak,  usually  on  initiating  their  organizations  and 
institutions  adopt  strictly  the  moral  code,  and  by  this  means, 
more  than  by  any  inherent  virtues  of  this  system,  prosper  for  a 
tune,  till  pride  and  presumption  follow  with  countervailing 
effects. 

Our  own  national  existence  affords  an  illustration  of  these 
views.  Correct  or  moral  in  the  administration  of  our  laws  at 
home  and  our  intercourse  with  other  nations,  our  people  were 
contented  and  loyal,  and  through  these  means  our  Government 
strong ;  while  with  our  neighbors  amicable  and  disarmed  of 
malice,  we  were  secure  from  harm  abroad.  Modest  and  sub 
dued  from  our  toils  and  sufferings,  and  industrious  from  our 
poverty,  our  people  and  country  rose  in  wealth,  power,  and  pop 
ularity,  and  all  eyes  turned  in  wonder  and  admiration  upon  so 
worthy  an  example  for  observation  and  imitation. 

But  a  metamorphosis  now  interposes.  While  we  have  lost  none 
of  the  elements  of  our  prosperity,  we  find  discordance  and  din 
throughout  our  land,  discontent  at  home  and  disgrace  abroad. 
Government,  with  the  fatuity  of  James  II.,  wars  upon  the  sacred 
popular  rights  of  our  people,  to  obtrude  an  obnoxious  institu 
tion  over  a  people  who  refuse  to  admit  it,  and,  with  revolting 
disregard  of  moral  obligations,  involves  us  in  turpitude,  with 
covertly  lending  itself  to  the  slave-trade,  and  fillibustering 
schemes  against  our  neighbors.  A  long-standing  compact, 
which  had  formed  an  adjustment  of  otherwise  irreconcilable  dif 
ferences  on  the  slavery  question,  is  ruthlessly  torn  asunder,  in 
utter  disregard  and  contempt  of  the  wishes  of  one  of  the  parties 
to  it,  and  border-ruffian  rule  stalks  unrestrained,  with  iron  heels, 
over  the  fair  surface  of  Kansas,  leaving  behind  the  lurid  clouds 
of  slavery. 


APPENDIX.  397 

Stung  with  mortification,  and  enraged  at  these  events,  uprose 
our  masses,  who,  after  several  confused  manifestations  of  feel 
ings,  have  settled  into  the  compact  and  eifective  organization  of 
the  Republican  party.  An  appeal  is  now  made  in  behalf  of 
slavery  and  the  outrages  which  have  characterized  the  attempt 
to  extend  it,  to  this  great  party  of  opposition  to  the  wrongs  and 
rapacity  of  the  Democracy,  upon  the  ground  of  our  dogma,  with 
which  we  set  out,  that  morals  conduce  to  physical  benefits ;  and 
the  converse,  that  whatever  is  highly  and  permanently  beneficial 
is  therefore  moral.  For  it  is  said  (and  we  admit  it),  let  our 
sophisms  be  what  they  may,  let  perverse  theories  of  morals  arise 
upon  innumerably  contested  theological  points,  all  must  settle 
down  to,  and  acquiesce  in,  those  physical  results  which  secure  us 
the  greatest  wealth  and  happiness.  And  as  slavery  constitutes 
the  wealth  of  the  South,  and  the  proceeds  of  slave  labor  have 
lately  enriched  it  much,  and  enhanced,  through  its  produc 
tion  of  cotton,  rice,  tobacco,  &c.,  the  wealth  and  happiness  of 
the  civilized  world,  therefore  slavery  is  the  normal  state  of  soci 
ety  in  morals,  and  consequent  physical  results.  Therefore  is  it 
a  pious  duty  to  maintain  it  where  it  is,  and  a  blessing  to  extend 
it ;  and  plighted  faith  broken,  a  sacred  compact  annulled,  and 
obligations  to  honor  disregarded  are  but  the  needful  and  excus 
able  sacrifice  to  so  philanthropic  an  object. 

The  sudden  rise  in  the  value  of  labor,  from  the  opening  of  the 
California  mines,  and  of  the  price  of  cotton,  from  the  increased 
demand  for  it  for  emigrant  and  mining  life,  army  service,  and 
on  our  ships  of  commerce,  have  given  undoubted  advancement 
to  the  wealth  of  the  slave  States,  and  to  the  value  of  the  slave, 
and  this  sudden  and  unexpected  rise  from  dilapidation  and  pov 
erty  has  led  to  the  erroneous  presumption  of  merit  and  advant 
age  in  the  institution  of  slavery.  For,  though  circumstances 
have  combined  to  increase  the  prosperity  of  the  South,  the 
North  has  availed  herself  of  her  superior  industry  and  enter 
prise  to  develope  her  wealth  to  a  degree  more  than  correspond 
ing  to  that  of  the  South,  and  she,  as  well  as  other  portions  of 
the  civilized  world,  still  have  comparatively  the  moral  advant 
age,  upon  the  standard  of  physical  effects,  by  which  she  must 
still  loth  slavery,  as  of  her  old  and  former  aspect — the  super 
inducing  cause  of  misery  and  poverty. 


898  APPENDIX. 

With  the  patrons  of  the  system,  upon  the  standard  of  morals 
and  of  physical  effects,  we  have  only  to  deal  so  far  as  in  Con 
gress  and  the  operations  of  the  General  Government  (now  unfor 
tunately  under  their  control)  their  influence  is  felt. 

How  that  influence  has  been  exerted  was  shown  to  some 
extent,  not  long  since,  as  we  mentioned,  by  the  investigations  of 
the  Covode  Committee,  and  the  exhibition  may  be  well  left  to 
an  intelligent  people  to  judge  of  the  morally  elevating  effects 
of  the  slave  system,  and  how  far  an  appeal  for  the  further  exten 
sion  of  it  commends  itself  to  their  judgment. 

THE   MORAL    OF    THE    QUESTION. 

In  our  former  article,  under  this  head,  we  considered  the  mor 
als  of  slavery  under  the  new  and  recent  claims  set  up  for  it,  that, 
as  an  element  of  essential  prosperity  and  wealth  to  the  South,  it 
must  be  accepted  as  of  moral  character,  because  of  its  beneficial 
physical  effects.  If  the  recent  improvement  of  the  South,  from 
the  great  rise  in  cotton  and  price  of  labor,  though  less  in  degree 
than  that  at  the  North,  has  made  any  converts  to  the  system,  they 
are  welcome  to  their  new  faith,  and  we  ask  no  co-operation  for 
our  cause  from  persons  of  such  easy  virtue.  But  this  is  a  pre 
text  on  the  part  of  the  slave  interest,  to  justify  the  position  they 
have  attained  in  the  control  of  the  national  Government, 
through  artifice  on  their  part  and  subserviency  of  Northern 
doughfaces. 

At  first,  under  the  general  disapprobation  of  the  Fathers  of 
the  Republic,  and  the  execration  of  the  civilized  world,  the  slave 
interest  sought  shelter  and  excuse  under  a  plea  of  having  been 
unavoidably  imposed  and  submitted  to,  and  appealed  to  the 
niagnamimty  of  our  national  association  for  its  toleration.  Not 
only  has  this  toleration  been  free  and  unstinted,  but  security  of 
it  confirmed  in  our  national  organization,  and  subsequent  oper 
ations  of  the  national  Government.  Though  slavery  formerly 
existed  in  nearly  all  the  States,  such  was  the  opposition  to  it  at 
the  North,  that  great  concessions  were  required  on  her  part  to 
the  relations  that  must  arise  from  its  existence  in  the  Union. 
The  generosity  of  this  concession  and  faithful  adherence  to  it 
have,  in  times  gone  by,  had  their  happy  effects  in  mutual  confi 
dence  and  good-will  between  the  two  sections  of  our  country. 


APPENDIX.  399 

But  uneasy  and  aspiring  men  South,  affect  alarm  at  the  ranting 
of  a  few  insane  abolitionists  at  the  North,  and  presuming  upon 
the  generosity  of  the  North,  clamor  for  such  an  enunciation  of 
principles  as  shall  suit  their  wishes,  on  the  part  of  the  party, 
North,  to  which  they  shall  give  their  support.  Though  not 
united  at  first  in  this  scheme  it  has  become  so,  and  is  now  the 
leading  policy  of  Southern  statesmen,  and  with  the  aid  of  a  few 
Northern  mercenaries  such  has  been  their  success,  that  from 
affecting  fear  for  the  safety  of  slavery  they  now  exact  a  national 
support  of  it,  and  require  of  their  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
a  pledge  to  use  his  influence  for  this  purpose,  and,  as  the  most 
satisfactory  evidence  of  his  fidelity,  that  he  shall  give  most  of  the 
offices  under  the  Government  to  Southern  men.  A  notable 
instance,  under  this  head,  has  recently  transpired.  Our  read 
ers  must  have  noticed  the  death  of  General  Jessup  of  the  army 
— a  man  of  eminence  and  ability — who,  in  dying,  left  vacant  the 
position  he  held,  at  the  head  of  his  corps,  as  Quartermaster  Gen 
eral  of  the  army.  The  next  officer  in  rank  to  him  in  the  Quar 
termaster's  corps — a  corps  composed  of  Colonels,  Lieutenant- 
Colonels,  Majors,  and  Captains — was  Colonel  Thomas,  of  Penn 
sylvania,  who  being  in  regular  order  of  promotion,  and  fitted  for 
it,  was  promised  the  vacancy  by  the  President,  who,  it  is  said, 
held  out  this  promise  to  the  latest  moment.  But  alas  !  Colonel 
Thomas  is  not  from  a  slave  State,  and  a  doughface  Northern 
President  must  show  his  soundness  on  the  goose,  and  his  sub 
serviency  to  Southern  demands,  by  giving  this  appointment  to 
one  who  is.  Colonel  Johnson,  of  Virginia,  is  the  man,  and,  as 
understood,  a  fit  appointment  enough,  except  the  motives  to  it, 
and  the  cruel  disregard  of  others  eligibly  entitled  to  it ;  if  he 
were  from  the  North,  he  would  have  no  rights  under  the  Gov 
ernment.  This  instance  is  mentioned,  only  as  a  recent  and 
prominent  one,  of  the  success  under  the  present  and  past  admin 
istrations  of  the  South  in  controlling  the  Government  and  Gov 
ernment  appointments,  upon  the  eternal  cry  of  "  Nigger" — a 
stock  of  political  capital  which  we  believe  to  be  well  nigh 
exhausted.  The  monopoly  of  Government  appointments  by  the 
South,  is,  of  course,  well  known,  and  the  application  of  Govern 
ment  money  to  secure  votes  and  the  election  of  Northern  men  to 
subserve  Southern  interests  has  been  partially  shown  by  the 


400  APPENDIX. 

Covode  Committee  in  Congress.  Our  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
figures  largely  in  corrupt  contracts  for  building  vessels,  furnish 
ing  coal,  hands,  etc.,  and  due  investigations  into  other  depart 
ments  would  doubtless  have  made  equally  unpleasant  exposures. 
Our  exquisite  Army  Secretary  has  already  figured  conspicuously 
in  the  Fort  Snelling  sale,  and  Willett's  Point  purchase,  and  we 
have  learned  of  several  transactions  of  like  venality.  The  pur 
chases  of  horses  and  mules  for  the  Utah  army  was  let  out  to 
contractors  (who  of  course  wore  the  right  colors  on  the  slav 
ery  question)  at  enormous  rates,  and  who  sublet  at  about  half 
these  rates.  Soon  after  these  animals  reached  Utah,  a  mania 
for  economy  prompts  our  loyal  Secretary  to  direct  a  prompt  sale 
of  them,  on  so  short  a  notice  and  such  arbitrary  conditions,  that 
only  some  favored  confidants  and  capitalists  can  purchase,  and 
upon  being  thus  sold  at  a  great  sacrifice,  are  again  repurchased 
by  the  Government  in  Oregon.  The  firm  of  Major  &  Russell  had 
a  monopolizing  contract  to  carry  supplies  to  Utah,  and  a  large 
army  kept  there  gives  them  a  large  business  and  corre 
sponding  profits,  but  on  losing  this  business  this  year,  by  being 
underbid,  and  getting  that  for  New  Mexico,  the  troops  are  at 
once  transferred  to  this  latter  place,  leaving  Utah  nearly  vacant, 
while  both  the  President  and  Secretary  admit  that  the  Mormons 
will  again  presume  upon  the  weakness  of  Government  authority 
there,  to  renew  open  hostility  to  it.  Our  troops  here  upon  our 
Indian  border,  and  upon  whom  our  safety  depends  against  the 
hostile  Kiowas  and  Comanchcs  hovering  near  us,  are,  we  have 
just  learned,  ordered  to  a  different  station  to  swell  the  flow  of 
business- profits  for  the  Major  &  Russell  firm. 

Corn,  we  see  by  advertisements,  is  to  be  furnished  these  dis 
tant  posts  per  transportation  of  this  firm  from  Kansas  City, 
when  in  our  vicinity,  at  from  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two 
hundred  miles  nearer,  plenty  of  corn  can  be  had  at  a  saving  of 
half  the  cost  at  Kansas  City,  and  the  price  of  transportation  for 
this  distance.  This  business  transacted  here  would  save  one 
hundred  per  cent,  to  the  Government,  and  greatly  relieve  our 
community,  so  much  in  want  of  a  market.  True,  our  people 
are  not  sound  on  the  goose,  but  we  regret  this  must  involve  so 
much  loss  to  Government.  We  have  heard  of  such  things  be 
fore,  but  not  felt  them  at  our  doors.  A  contractor  was  allowed 


APPENDIX.  401 

to  furnish  flour  in  Utah,  at  cost  in  Leaven  worth,  and  price  of 
transportation  added,  which  would  make  it  rate  some  $28  per 
one  hundred  pounds,  but  -who  purchased  there  on  the  spot,  at 
from  $6  to  $8  per  one  hundred  pounds,  and  thereby  realized 
over  some  $20  per  one  hundred  pounds  upon  his  contract. 

If  slavery  engenders  this  spirit,  or  exacts  of  government  such 
practices  in  its  behalf,  we  shall  hardly  become  adherents  to  the 
standard  of  morals  claimed  for  it. 
JULY  28,  I860. 


TRUE    TO    HIS    MISSION. 

Squatter  sovereignty,  or  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  in  the 
territories  over  their  domestic  affairs,  including  slavery,  has 
been  the  affected  hobby  of  Mr.  Douglas,  though  in  practice,  as 
we  have  before  shown  in  our  columns,  the  readiness  with  which 
he  abandons  every  principle  that  would  give  efficacy  to  that 
term,  renders  him  a  squatter  to  the  mire  of  self-humiliation,  and 
this  hobby  one  of  sovereign  squattereignty.  This  was  seen  in 
his  ready  acquiescence  in  the  border  ruffian  and  federal  execu 
tive  tyranny  over  Kansas,  in  violation  of  the  squatter  sover 
eignty  doctrines  in  the  Toombs  Bill,  which  scorned  it,  and  in 
the  Dred  Scott  decision,  which  annihilates  every  vestige  of  it. 

To  render  the  whole  power  and  patronage  of  the  Government 
subservient  to  the  interests  of  the  slaveholders,  and  struggling 
with  a  resolution  and  desperation  peculiar  to  his  character,  is, 
and  ever  has  been,  the  true  mission  of  Mr.  Douglas ;  and  that 
he  will  never  swerve  from  it  we  think  evident  to  all  who  have 
observed  his  direct  purpose  but  tortuous  course  to  this  end. 

When  the  sentiment  of  the  country  was  so  averse  to  slavery 
that  Missouri  was  denied,  for  two  years,  admission  to  the  Union, 
because  her  constitution  provided  for  slavery,  she  finally  came 
in  on  condition  that  the  country  west  of  her  should  never  have 
slavery.  Mr.  Douglas,  in  looking  back  upon  the  trick  by  which 
a  slave  State  is  acquired,  glories  over  it,  and  rejoices  in  the  sa- 
credness  of  the  binding  contract,  "  akin  to  the  Constitution, 
which  no  ruthless  hand  will  ever  be  reckless  enough  to  disturb." 

Texas  is  admitted,  and  he  affects  fairness  toward  the  North, 
by  resolving  that  slavery  shall  not  exist  north  of  36:30,  which 


402  APPENDIX. 

was  the  Missouri  compromise  line.  Bear  in  mind  this  line  now 
has,  with  him,  no  constitutional  objections.  Our  conquests  from 
Mexico  must  next  have  their  adjustment  upon  the  slavery  issue. 
California  was  already  demanding  admission  as  a  free  State, 
and,  the  more  justly,  clamorous,  because  the  slave  question  has 
prevented  the  provision  for  her  of  a  territorial  government. 

Utah,  under  the  name  of  Deseret,  was  in  the  same  condition ; 
and  New  Mexico  preparing  to  take  the  same  attitude.  Gen 
eral  Taylor,  then  President,  seizing  upon  these  features,  recom 
mended  them  to  the  favor  of  Congress  as  the  best  method  of 
avoiding  the  angry  contest  over  slavery.  This  would  never  do  ; 
Mr.  Douglas,  fearing  the  favor  of  public  sentiment,  which 
required  the  application  of  the  proviso  against  slavery  intro 
duced  by  Mr.  Wilmot,  and  since  called  the  Wilmot  Proviso, 
again  invokes  the  efficacy  of  the  Missouri  compromise  line, 
against  which  no  constitutional  scruples  now  arise,  excusing 
himself  to  the  South  that  this  is  the  best  that  he  can  do,  as  it 
is  the  only  alternative  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso.  Finally  the  ter 
ritories  were  organized  upon  the  basis  of  ignoring  the  subject  of 
slavery,  till,  on  becoming  a  State,  the  people  were  to  provide  for 
or  against  slavery,  as  they  should  see  fit. 

Kansas  now  seems  to  offer  herself  an  easy  prey  to  the  cupidity 
of  the  slaveholders  of  Missouri,  who  being  settled  upon,  and 
within  her  boundary,  assured  our  pro-slavery  missionary  they 
could  easily  control  this  subject,  if  the  Missouri  compromise 
restriction  were  removed.  This  he  sets  about  and  accom 
plishes,  raising  himself  the  hand  he  had  characterized  as  ruth 
less,  to  disturb  a  compact  which,  so  long  as  it  served  pro-slavery 
purposes,  was  to  be  regarded  as  "  canonized  in  the  hearts  of  the 
American  people,"  &c.,  but  which,  now  that  it  restrains  such 
purposes,  must  be  recklessly  torn  asunder.  Kansas  is  so  framed 
as  to  be  made  an  easy  victim ;  instead  of  having  half  of  the 
newly  organized  Territory,  Nebraska  is  given  the  most  of  it, 
and  her  northern  boundary  kept  somewhat  below  that  of  Mis 
souri,  in  order  to  be  within  the  Missouri  influence,  and  to  pre 
vent  contact  with  the  free  State  of  Iowa.  A  further  precaution 
in  favor  of  slavery  is  to  leave  out  a  strip  of  half  a  degree  in 
width  on  the  south,  so  that  if  by  chance  Kansas  should  become 
free,  this  might  still  stand  a  chance  for  slavery. 


APPENDIX.  403 

How  he  hated  and  despised  Kansas  for  her  efforts  at  freedom, 
and  how  under  the  cry,  "  We  will  subdue  you,"  he  opposed  her, 
we  have  before  mentioned,  and  is  too  nauseous  a  subject  to  bear 
more  than  an  allusion  to  here. 

And  now  comes  on  the  stage  the  Native  American  party — 
then  called  Know-Nothings,  and  for  stupidity  of  purpose  a  very 
appropriate  name — which  party  suddenly  overwhelmed  many 
parts  of  the  country,  and  carried  into  Congress  so  many  members 
that  it  held  there  a  balance  of  power,  and  for  a  long  time  pre 
vented  the  election  of  a  Speaker  of  the  House. 

It  is  easily  seen  that  this  party  is  of  necessity  pro-slavery ;  its 
candidate  is  avowedly  so,  and  as  it  opposes  the  emigration  and 
settlement  here  of  persons  of  foreign  birth,  it  would  thus,  as  far 
as  possible,  check  the  flood  of  free  laborers  to  the  West,  and  keep 
it  and  all  our  unoccupied  territory  in  a  condition  for  easier  com 
petition  on  the  part  of  the  pro-slavery  powers.  It  is  indeed  this 
very  element  of  free  labor,  and  elevated  laborers,  that  is  to  give 
the  final  blow  to  slavery  everywhere,  and  nothing  therefore  is 
more  natural  to  the  pro- slavery  man  than  to  resort  to  his  usual 
artifice,  coeval  with  weakness  and  wickedness,  to  arouse  a  prej 
udice  against  our  foreign  population,  in  order  to  prevent  their 
accession  to  this  element.  Under  the  subtle  and  specious  dis 
guise  of  devotion  to  Americans,  enough  of  northern  Republicans 
were  hoodwinked  to  keep  Mr.  Banks  for  a  long  time  out  of  the 
Speaker's  chair,  and  finally  to  defeat  Mr.  Fremont  for  the  Pres 
idency.  True  to  their  instincts  and  the  purpose  of  their  mis 
sion,  the  Douglas  Democrats,  who  have  played  no  other  part 
than  to  subserve  Southern  interests,  and  invent  and  palm  off 
ingenious  but  poor  excuses  to  the  North,  find  Mr.  Aiken's  Native 
Americanism  so  congenial  to  their  purposes,  that  he  gets  their 
whole  vote,  and  comes  within  one  of  as  many  votes  as  Mr.  Banks 
for  the  Speakership. 

So  indignant  is  Mr.  Douglas  that  some  members  of  the 
American  party  from  the  North  voted  for  Mr.  Banks,  that  while 
he  denounces  the  Northern  portion  of  it,  he  assures  us  at  the 
same  time,  as  Mr.  Crittenden  and  others,  that  his  terms  do  not 
apply  to  the  Americans  South.  Americanism  North  was  offensive, 
but  modified  at  the  South  with  pro-slavery  sentiments,  it  is  so 
acceptable  that  his  party  from  the  North  can  come  in  a  body  to 


404  APPENDIX. 

the  support  for  Speakership  of  the  American  member  from  South 
Carolina. 

The  same  thing  was  continually  repeated  last  winter  in  the 
contest  for  Speakership,  in  which  the  Douglas  party  supported 
American  members  from  the  South,  in  order  to  defeat  Sherman 
and  Pennington.  A.  R.  Boteler,  of  Va.,  W.  N.  H.  Smith  and 
J.  A.  Gilmer,  of  N.  C.,  H.  Maynard,  of  Tenn.,  and  others  were 
so  supported.  Mr.  Douglas  struggles  hard  to  conciliate  Northern 
men,  under  the  idea  that  he  does  not  make  the  extension  of 
slavery  and  its  protection  in  the  territories  a  political  creed,  and 
is,  in  this  respect,  separated  from,  and  an  object  of  persecution 
by,  his  political  associates  South,  who  have  Mr.  Breckenridge 
as  an  opposing  candidate  for  the  Presidency. 

Following  him  in  his  subtle  windings,  we  find  him  still  unde- 
viating  from  his  first  love,  and  desperate  as  ever  in  his  plottings 
to  secure  the  ascendency  of  the  pro- slavery  party  at  every  sacri 
fice  of  self  and  self-interest.  For,  as  matters  now  stand,  Mr. 
Breckenridge,  with  his  pro  slavery  platform,  must  get  all  or 
nearly  all  of  the  Southern  States,  but  none  of  the  Northern 
ones,  and  between  him  and  Mr.  Lincoln  the  latter  must  be  elect 
ed.  But  Mr.  Douglas  must  now  step  in  with  a  view  to  get  a 
few  Northern  States,  so  as  to  defeat  Lincoln's  election  by  the 
people,  and  thus  throw  the  election  into  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  where,  with  a  little  manipulation  of  the  American 
States  of  Maryland,  Tennessee,  and  North  Carolina,  Mr.  Breck 
enridge  can  be  elected,  as  all  the  other  slave  States  are  in  his 
favor,  and  California  and  Oregon,  with  their  present  delegation, 
may  be  relied  upon  for  him. 

If  Mr.  Breckenridge  is  not  elected  by  the  House,  no  one  will 
be,  and  Joe  Lane,  who  will  be  made  Vice -President  by  the 
Senate,  will  then  become  President,  and  it  is  known  that,  being 
a  Northern  doughface,  his  pro- slaveryism  commends  him  equally 
with  Mr.  Breckenridge  to  Mr.  Douglas. 

Everybody  must  see  that  the  only  effect,  therefore,  of  Mr. 
Douglas  running,  must  be  to  divert  votes  from  Lincoln,  so  as  to 
effect  the  election  of  Breckenridge  by  the  House,  or  of  Lane  by 
the  Senate,  to  the  Presidency. 

And  were  he  in  earnest  in  his  pretended  opposition  to  them, 
his  natural  course  would  be,  as  he  knows  he  cannot  be  elected 


APPENDIX.  405 

himself,  to  withdraw  from  the  contest  and  allow  them  to  be 
defeated  by  Lincoln,  when  seeing  the  miscarriage  of  the  pro- 
slavery  creed,  the  Breckenridge  party  might  learn,  through 
adversity,  to  conform  to  his,  Douglas',  pretended  standard,  and 
support  it  as  the  only  alternative  of  success  in  another  contest. 
Such  would  be  our  advice  to  Mr.  Douglas  were  we  his  Mend, 
and  wished  to  save  him  from  utter  and  irretrievable  mortification 
and  disgrace. 

But  it  is  evident  any  calamity  to  himself  is  of  less  importance 
than  to  the  idol  of  his  affections — the  pro-slavery  cause;  and  sink 
deep  as  he  must,  he  will  never  despair  of  raising  thereby  Breck 
enridge  or  Lane  to  the  Presidency.  This  he  expected  to  do  of 
his  own  strength,  but  finding  it  unlikely  that  he  would  carry  a 
State,  by  which  to  defeat  Lincoln,  now  he  turns  to  his  natural 
allies  in  the  pro-slavery  work — the  American  party — for  help. 
Hence  the  Union  of  the  Douglas  and  American  parties  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  to  carry  that  State  against  Lincoln,  and,  as 
we  have  shown,  with  no  other  view  than  to  raise  Breckenridge 
or  Lane  to  the  Presidency — an  object  evidently  desirable  to  both 
these  parties.  Thus,  affecting  love  for  the  foreigner,  and  a  desire 
to  extend  his  rights  to  the  new  territories,  Mr.  Douglas  would 
marshal  the  Irish  and  German  hosts  to  his  standard  merely  to 
march  them  over  to  subserve  their  natural  and  avowed  enemies, 
the  pro-slavery  and  Native  American  party.  We  have  heard  the 
Irish  accused  of  being  led  by  their  passions,  and  blinded  easily 
by  priests  and  demagogues,  so  as  to  be  brought  to  kiss  the  rod 
uplifted  for  their  affliction,  and  thus  defeat  measures  otherwise 
effective  for  their  amelioration.  Will  you  justify  this  charge 
and  now  plunge  with  Douglas  into  the  pool  of  self-generated 
slime  in  which  he  delights  to  wallow,  and  imbreeding  there  the 
infection  of  the  Douglas- Bell  democracy,  bear  with  you,  ever 
after,  that  brand  of  self-pollution,  which  shall  render  you  not  only 
unworthy  of  sympathy,  but  objects  of  abhorrence  to  those  who 
now  seek  your  own  and  our  national  elevation  ?  Or  will  you 
unite  with  us  as  co-laborers  to  strengthen  those  hands,  which, 
we  are  confident,  are  soon  to  become  invested  with  this  office  of 
our  national  elevation  and  redemption  from  its  present  humilia 
tion  and  disgrace  before  the  enlightened  world  ? 

To  the  Americans  of   the  Hunt,  Brooks  &  Co.   school  we 


406  APPEXDIX. 

make  no  appeal ;  such  we  know  to  be  constitutional  aristocrats. 
Envenomed  at  the  loss  of  power  their  own  Whig  party  had  for 
sustaining  an  oligarchy,  they  actually  see,  in  the  aristocracy 
founded  on  property  in  "  niggers,"  a  still  lingering  ray  of  hope 
for  their  futile  schemes,  to  which  they  will  cling  with  all  the 
malignity  and  heartless  infatuation  of  their  natures.  But  those 
who  four  years  ago  believed  Americanism  meant  something  else 
than  slavery,  we  invite  to  the  ways  of  pleasantness  and  paths  of 
peace,  along  which,  with  the  cause  of  humanity,  we  intend  to 
bear  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  amid  the  chorus  of  our  emancipated 
nation. 
SEPTEMBER  11,  1860. 


FITNESS    FOR    THE    PRESIDENCY. 

"Is  he  capable,  is  he  faithful,  is  he  true  to  the  Constitution  ?" 
were  the  tests  for  office  laid  down  by  the  great  apostle  of  lib 
eral  statesmanship — Thomas  Jefferson. 

We  propose  to  apply  these  tests  to  the  candidates  for  the 
Presidency  now  before  the  people. 

To  possess  intelligence,  so  as  to  discriminate  between  right 
and  wrong,  and  integrity  to  embrace  and  adhere  to  what  is 
right,  should  seem  to  include  all  the  considerations  necessary  to 
qualify  a  person  for  any  trust  or  responsibility ;  but  in  view  of 
constitutional  obligations  this  is  not  enough,  and  requires  the 
third  test  of  being  true  to  the  Constitution.  This  requirement 
laid  down  by  Jefferson  was  found  to  be  not  gratuitous  by  his 
own  political  experience.  He  and  the  elder  Adams  were  respect 
ively  at  the  head  of  opposing  parties,  and  while  he  did  not  ap 
prove  the  policy  of  his  opponent,  which  had  an  illiberal  and  an 
aristocratic  tendency,  violative  of  the  spirit,  if  not  the  letter,  of 
our  Constitution,  he  did  not  impute  to  him  a  want  of  either  in 
telligence  or  integrity,  for  it  was  possible  with  Adams,  as  with 
many  minds,  both  then  and  now,  of  the  highest  order  and 
greatest  purity,  to  regard  certain  measures  of  aristocracy,  or 
inequality,  necessary  to  the  safsty  of  a  State ; — a  privileged 
party  identified  with  the  safety  of  a  State,  and  dependent  upon 
its  prosperity,  who  are  set  to  watch  over  and  control  those 
whose  lalx)r  and  industry  constitute  this  prosperity,  but  whose 


APPENDIX.  407 

virtues  are  assumed  to  be  so  low  as  to  unfit  them  for  self-con 
trol,  and  render  them  mischievous  without  the  restraints  im 
posed  by  an  upper  class.  This  is  the  present  position  of  many 
earnest,  and  we  doubt  not  honest  advocates  of  slavery ;  and  we 
are  aware  how  hard  our  opponents  now  and  in  times  past  have 
striven  to  establish  this  principle  in  our  free  States. 

Mr.  Jefferson  assumed  the  opposite  of  this  as  his  own  political 
creed,  and  as  the  true  spirit  of  our  Constitution  ;  and  the  happy 
effects  of  his  glorious  triumph  may  be  taken  as  the  index  to  the 
results  we  confidently  anticipate  as  the  issue  to  the  struggle  now 
impending. 

In  considering  Mr.  Breckenridge  upon  the  Jeffersonian  stand 
ard,  we  find  essentially  necessary  the  third  point :  "  Is  he  true 
to  the  Constitution  ?  " 

We  do  not  need  to  examine  the  two  first  points  to  find 
exceptions ;  he  may  be  capable,  he  may  be  faithful ;  or,  in  other 
words,  he  may  be  intelligent  and  honest,  but  we  thoroughly 
scorn  and  revolt  at  his  assumption  that  our  Constitution  carries 
slavery  into  the  territories,  and  requires  Congressional  protection 
there.  In  this  he  is  not  true  to  the  Constitution. 

Mr.  Bell,  as  a  pro-slavery  man,  is  in  the  same  attitude,  and 
technically  liable  to  the  same  objections.  To  this  he  adds  the 
policy  of  oppposing  the  migration  and  settlement  of  foreigners 
in  our  country,  so  as  to  prevent,  as  far  as  possible,  the  rapid  set 
tlement  of  the  territories  by  free  laborers. 

Our  Declaration  of  Independence  denounces  King  George  III. 
for  that  "  He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these 
States  ;  for  that  purpose  obstructing  the  laws  of  naturalization 
of  foreigners,"  which  is  precisely  the  attitude  of  Mr.  Bell 
toward  our  territories.  When  we  are  ready  to  renounce  the 
principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  give  up  this  glo 
rious  charter  of  freedom,  and  return  to  the  rule  of  some  George 
III.  of  England,  then,  and  then  only,  will  we  greet  Mr.  Bell,  his 
associates,  and  New  York  confederates  as  true,  not  to  our  Con 
stitution,  but  to  some  obsolete  British  Constitution,  congenial  to 
Native  Americanism.  Mr.  Bell  won  a  good  name,  and  deserved 
thanks  for  his  manly  course  in  opposing  the  Missouri  Compro 
mise  Repeal,  and  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  and  we  regret  he 
is,  by  his  present  course,  likely  to  forfeit  the  esteem  in  which  he 


408  APPENDIX. 

has  been  held  by  the  public — evincing,  indeed,  questionable 
integrity  in  joining  the  Douglas  party,  which  affects  to  despise 
the  American  party.  But,  as  mentioned  before  by  us,  this  is 
but  a  trick  by  which  to  get  the  foreign  vote,  through  Douglas, 
to  subserve  the  Southern  interest. 

To  Mr.  Douglas  our  test  is  so  obviously  inapplicable,  that 
we  turn  with  loathing  and  disgust  from  the  attempt.  When 
language  has  the  use  Richelieu  ascribed  to  it,  of  being  the 
means  of  disguising  our  thoughts,  then  will  the  terms  capable, 
faithful,  and  true  to  the  Constitution  have  their  ironical  appli 
cation  to  Mr.  Douglas. 

Degrade  him  from  the  chairmanship  of  the  Senate  Committee 
on  Territories,  give  him  a  spurious  nomination  for  the  Presi 
dency  and  a  sham  support — anything  his  Southern  masters  may 
require,  and  he  is  happy,  so  long  as  thereby  he  can  serve  them ; 
no  position  too  false,  no  humiliation  too  deep  for  this  labor  of 
love  : 

"  Look  down— your  head  begins  to  swim, 
Still  deeper  yet — that  pleases  him, 
If  he  can  yet  shout  '  nigger.'  ' 

It  only  remains  to  consider  our  test  in  reference  to  Mr.  Lin 
coln.  That  he  has  capacity  is  seen  in  the  fact,  that  from  an 
humble,  if  not  obscure  position,  he  has  risen  to  the  auspicious 
attitude  he  now  holds,  having  in  the  course  of  this  advancement 
been  placed  in  many  important  positions  of  trust  and  responsi 
bility,  and,  as  we  said  some  time  since,  the  capacity  and  fidelity 
evinced  on  these  occasions  secured  to  him  so  much  confidence 
and  affection,  that  his  friends  persisted  tenaciously  and  success 
fully  in  his  nomination  for  the  Presidency. 

In  the  canvass  of  Illinois  for  the  Senatorship,  he  offered  to  dis 
cuss  the  issues  between  himself  and  Mr.  Douglas  before  the  peo 
ple,  to  which  Mr.  Douglas,  relying  upon  his  usual  arrogance  and 
impudence,  rather  than  upon  force  of  argument,  assented,  and 
they  commenced  the  work  of  stumping  the  State  together,  but 
had  not  gone  far  when  Mr.  Lincoln's  conservatism  and  candor 
confounded  the  false  accusations  made  by  Douglas  of  sectional 
ism,  and  won  him  great  popularity  with  the  people.  Thereafter 
Mr.  Douglas  refused  to  meet  him  in  discussion.  Upon  this  dis 
cussion,  Mr.  Benjamin — pro-slavery,  from  Louisiana-  remarked 


APPENDIX.  409 

that  it  evinced  sentiments  which  commended  Mr.  Lincoln  to  him 
over  Douglas.  The  objection  raised  to  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  par 
ty  is,  that  they  are  sectional ;  and  Mr.  Douglas,  Mr.  Fillmore,  and 
others  at  the  North,  clamor  that  he  is  not  conciliatory  enough 
toward  slaveholders.  Yet  both  these  horror-struck  alarmists, 
before  becoming  demoralized  by  a  morbid  malice  and  a  mania 
for  office,  were  as  much  sectional  as  he ;  both  then  supported 
the  Wilmot  Proviso,  and  said  hard  things  against  slavery.  Mr. 
Fillmore,  now  a  pro-slavery  Bell  man,  in  1838  said  he  opposed 
the  admission  of  Texas  as  a  slave  State,  the  slave-trade  between 
the  States,  and  was  in  favor  of  abolishing  slavery  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia.  Mr.  Lincoln's  crime  is,  that  he  will  not  stul 
tify  his  integrity  to  play  the  demagogue.  He  at  this  time 
opposed  the  passage,  by  the  Illinois  Legislature,  of  certain  aboli 
tion  resolutions,  and  entered  his  protest  upon  the  journal,  "  that 
the  promulgation  of  abolition  doctrines  tends  rather  to  increase 
than  abate  its  (slavery's)  evils ; "  that  Congress  has  no  power 
over  slavery  in  the  States ;  that  though  Congress  had  power  over 
the  matter  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  "  that  power  ought  not 
to  be  exercised  unless  at  the  request  of  the  people  of  said  Dis 
trict."  It  is  this  obvious  integrity  and  sense  of  justice  that  com 
mends  Mr.  Lincoln  to  his  friends  and  conciliates  his  enemies. 
He  is  capable,  he  is  faithful,  and  these  views  show  that  he  is  not 
amenable  to  the  constitutional  objections  raised  against  him. 

In  being  opposed  to  the  extension  of  slavery  to  the  new  terri 
tories,  he  is  in  entire  concurrence  with  the  sentiment  of  the  fram- 
ers  of  the  Constitution,  who  sought  to  free  the  Government  from 
all  complicity  with  slavery  or  any  religious  creed.  They  did  so, 
and  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  following  them,  is  true  to  the  Constitution. 

To  a  private  life  of  purity,  he  adds  a  public  character  of  un 
spotted  integrity  and  of  consistency,  and  possessing  highly  prac 
tical  abilities,  we  have  in  Abraham  Lincoln  a  man  of  associa 
tions,  character,  and  habits,  eminently  fitted  for  the  Presidency. 
For  purposes  of  State  policy  our  National  Executive  is  invested 
with  great  power,  both  of  direct  authority  and  indirectly 
through  his  patronage.  This  has  been  totally  prostituted  to  the 
slave  interest,  with  all  the  moral  influence,  happily  now  small, 
that  could  be  forced  into  this  service. 

"The  oppressor's  wrong,  the  proud  man's  contumely,  the 
18 


410  APPENDIX. 

pangs  of  despised  love,  the  law's  delay  (and  perversion),  the  in 
solence  of  office,  and  the  spurns  that  patient  merit  of  the  unwor 
thy  takes,"  have  all  had  their  office  in  this  pro-slavery  work, 
till  the  corruptions  of  power  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  debase 
ment  of  servile  men  on  the  other,  call  aloud  in  agonizing  tones, 
from  rock,  tree,  hill,  vale,  and  plain,  and  in  impetuous  echoes 
resound  through  the  skies,  with  the  demand  for  a  reform,  con 
spicuous  of  which  the  time  and  man  are  at  hand. 
SEPTEMBER  22, 1860. 

THE    SECRET   OP   IT. 

The  causes  of  our  national  revolution,  which  separated  us 
from  the  British  Government,  and  which  was  formally  initiated 
in  our  Declaration  of  Independence,  in  which  these  causes  are  so 
pathetically  and  eloquently  recited,  were  understood  to  consist 
in  grievances  too  intolerable  to  be  borne  by  men  unwilling  to  be 
slaves ;  and  to  meet  these  grievances  our  forefathers  of  that  day, 
under  a  sense  of  their  own  wrongs,  rose  to  a  height  of  moral 
grandeur,  seemingly  above  men,  and  with  lips  of  lire  boldly  pro 
claimed  the  inalienable  rights  of  man,  for  which,  with  hearts  of 
steel,  they  strove  in  the  ensuing  desperate,  protracted,  but  tri 
umphant  struggle. 

The  lofty  sentiments  with  which  they  were  inspired,  the  hero 
ism  with  which  they  were  sustained,  the  sacrifices  and  pains  they 
endured,  and  the  glorious  objects  they  accomplished,  in  effect 
ing  our  independence,  and  the  establishment  of  our  Govern 
ment,  have  all  been  exhaustless  themes  of  our  gratitude  for  the 
inestimable  favors  thus  secured  to  us. 

With  such  sacred  appreciation  have  these  favors  been  regard 
ed,  that  the  ark  of  the  covenant — our  system  of  Government — 
by  which  they  have  been  transmitted  to  us  has,  till  lately,  been 
regarded  as  the  summum  lanum  of  our  race,  the  lightest  disaffec 
tion  for  which,  or  indifference,  aroused  our  deepest  abhorrence 
and  scorn  for  the  calloused  susceptibilities  that  could  find  out 
side  of  it  a  compensating  good,  adequate  to  the  sufferings  its  loss 
or  serious  injury  must  impose. 

In  contrast  to  this,  we  now  find  disunion  of  our  Government, 
and  disaffection  for  its  priceless  liberties,  announced  with  pomp 
ous  arrogance,  as  popular  sentiments,  and  as  the  alternative  of 


APPENDIX.  411 

not  having  the  national  Government  administered  to  the  ad 
vancement  of  the  institution  of  slavery. 

To  an  observer  of  current  events,  the  secret  is  not  that  slave 
owners  want  more  slaves  or  slave  States  as  a  means  of 
making  more  secure  and  profitable  this  species  of  property ;  for, 
upon  examination,  there  is  not  a  feature  wanting  on  this  head, 
which  could  be  supplied  by  such  means.  The  institution  car 
ries  in  itself  the  elements  of  deterioration  and  weakness  to  those 
who  tolerate  it,  and  has  been  at  all  times  so  characterized,  and 
most  pathetically  so,  by  enlightened  statesmen  who  are  familiar 
with  it.  These,  the  graphic  and  prophetic  effects  of  it,  depict 
ed  by  the  immortal  Jefferson,  should  alone  prove  the  word  suf 
ficient  to  wise  men  who  would  take  heed  how  they  hear.  But 
it  is  the  infatuation  of  the  times,  and  the  unscrupulous  selfish 
ness  of  demagogues,  that  words  of  wisdom  and  suggestions  of 
prudence — the  fruits  of  bitter  experience — are  scouted  as  the 
mantling  mist  of  stagnant  fogyism,  till  misapprehension,  per 
version,  and  folly  have  brought  us  to  the  present  state  of  absurd 
wrangling  rather  than  dangerous  antagonism. 

This  state  of  deterioration  and  weakness,  which  is  the  inev 
itable  concomitant  of  slavery,  has  naturally  enough  awakened 
alarm  with  those  who  tolerate  it,  for  their  own  safety,  and  for 
that  of  the  institution  itself.  The  slave  insurrection  of  1832 
showed  their  apprehensions  well  grounded,  and  the  generous 
guarantees  of  support,  both  from  the  Government,  through  the 
army  and  navy,  and  that  volunteered  from  the  North,  gave 
every  needed  assurance  of  sympathy  for  the  South,  and  earnest 
devotion  to  our  institutions.  Happy  if  the  South  had  seen  and 
met  these  things  in  their  true  spirit !  But  now  start  up  uneasy 
politicians,  who,  Calhoun  and  Douglas-like,  traffic  on  the  gulli 
bility  of  the  people,  and  assume  supernatural  powers  to  foresee 
direful  visions,  portending  disaster  to  their  darling  pet  of 
slavery,  to  which  they  affect  such  a  devotion,  overriding  all 
other  considerations,  as  to  evince  the  sure  qualifications  for 
office. 

This  scheme  succeeded  so  well  that  no  man  could  get  to 
Congress,  or  any  other  office,  at  the  South,  upon  any  other  basis, 
and  at  once  the  hue  and  cry  of  "  niggerism  "  is  started,  as  the 
effective  evidence  of  fealty  to  a  deluded  constituency. 


412  APPENDIX. 

Upon  this  ground  Southern  men  were  insisted  upon  for  the 
Presidency,  as  security  on  the  one  hand  against  unfavorable 
executive  action  toward  slavery,  and,  on  the  other,  against 
executive  patronage  adverse  to  its  interests.  So  uniform  was 
Southern  sentiment  in  these  respects  as  to  form,  in  the  main,  but 
one  party,  and,  therefore,  between  the  nearly  equally  divided 
Whig  and  Democratic  parties  North,  that  one  was  sure  of  polit 
ical  ascendency  which  should  be  found  congenial  to  Southern 
sentiment.  It  is  easily  seen  that  in  an  earnest  struggle  a  party 
had  great  inducements,  therefore,  to  court  this  party  of  unani 
mous  Southern  sentiment ;  and  in  this  effort  both  parties  strove 
hard,  but  the  Democratic  party  succeeded  by  trimming  party 
sails,  and  decking  party  leaders,  to  suit  their  fastidious  South 
ern  allies.  So  patent  was  this  scheme  of  success  to  party 
leaders,  that  they  of  the  North  had  only  to  sacrifice  much  of 
their  party  interests  and  principles,  that  by  so  doing  they  pan 
dered  to  Southern  demands  so  as  to  secure  an  undivided  sup 
port  from  that  quarter. 

Ever  since  this  policy  was  initiated  by  Calhoun,  in  behalf  of 
the  South,  tricky  political  hucksters  North  have  been  playing  at 
this  game — Mr.  Van  Buren  proclaiming  himself  a  Northern  man 
with  Southern  principles,  so  necessary  were  his  Southern  pro 
clivities  to  attainment  of  office. 

And  when,  at  times,  Northern  men  become  aroused  to 
this  imposition,  and  evince  a  disposition  to  revolt  at  it,  the 
sacred  ties  and  devotion  to  the  Union,  to  which  we  alluded 
above,  have  no  binding  force  for  the  South ;  but  our  Northern 
ears  are  dinned  by  our  political  scavengers  and  patent  right 
Union  saviors,  with  the  dangers  of  disunion,  and  rhapsodies 
upon  the  value  of  the  Union,  its  cost,  and  the  consequences  of 
its  loss,  till  satisfied  it  can  only  be  saved  and  our  political  dis 
orders  cured  by  their  superior  elixir  pharmacy.  In  this  way, 
for  some  time  past,  small  men  and  political  adventurers  have 
gained  position  only  to  disgrace  it,  and  render  its  patronage  and 
power  subservient  to  the  wishes  of  Southern  men,  who,  taking 
advantage  of  our  susceptible  devotion  to  the  Union,  have  only 
to  threaten  us  with  disunion  to  raise  an  army  of  ready-apology 
office-seekers,  to  sway  us  with  their  sophistries  to  the  necessity 
of  yielding.  The  Douglas  and  Bell  men  North,  under  their  re- 


APPENDIX.  413 

spective  leaders,  Douglas  and  Fillmore,  are  now  in  this  condition, 
whining  vagaries  and  unmeaning  misgivings  about  the  sectional 
ism  of  the  Lincoln  men,  in  order  to  coerce  them  into  the  support 
of  measures  revolting  to  them.  Mr.  Douglas  affects  a  show  of 
independence,  and  thereby  has  subjected  himself  to  the  charge 
of  sectionalism  by  his  late  Lecompton  opposition,  but  this  was 
a  necessity  to  save  some  little  force  North,  without  which  a 
united  South  could  not  save  him. 

The  secret,  therefore,  of  the  matter  is  that,  upon  a  clamor  for 
disunion  on  the  part  of  the  South,  Northern  men  and  Northern 
parties,  for  sake  of  office  and  place,  pander  to  this  clamor,  to 
the  monopoly,  by  the  South,  of  the  patronage  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  the  swaying  of  executive  power  in  its  behalf;  and 
the  eternal  cry  of  "  nigger  "  is  but  the  hollow  pretense  for  this 
clamor. 

How  well  they  have  succeeded  we  have  lately  mentioned  in 
part,  and  it  is  evident  by  the  unblushing  effrontery  with  which 
this  trick  is  now  pursued,  but  with  an  unscrupulous  selfishness 
sure  to  defeat  its  own  ends ;  and  thus,  aside  from  the  auspices 
of  the  occasion,  we  have  a  prophetic  indication  of  the  return, 
at  last,  to  the  true  policy  of  our  Government. 

SEPTEMBER  29,  I860. 


OUR     GRIEVANCES. 

The  present  prospect  of  the  election  to  the  Presidency  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  again  raises  the  cry  of  1856  from  the  South 
against  the  election  of  a  Republican  President,  that  such  an 
event  will  justify  the  Southern  or  slave  States  in  separating 
from  the  Northern  or  free  States,  and  that,  as  a  duty  to  their 
own  rights  and  self-respect,  they  are  determined  to  do  it.  In 
other  words,  the  proposition  literally  stands :  If  the  North, 
goaded  by  the  arrogance  of  the  South,  backed  by  the  subserv 
iency  of  the  Government  power  to  its  purposes,  dares  to  assert 
its  constitutional  right  of  voting  for  and  electing  a  Republican 
President,  this  shall  constitute  a  grievance  too  intolerable  to  be 
borne,  and  disunion  must  follow.  A  fawning  Pierce,  sunk  in 
truculency,  figuratively  emasculates  his  person  of  manhood  and 
his  office  of  virtue ;  a  blear-eyed  old  hypocrite,  now  occupying 


414  APPENDIX. 

the  JVhite  House,  whose  visual  obliquity  corresponds  to  that  of 
his  moral  sentiments,  falsifies  his  oath  of  office,  his  promises  and 
obligations,  in  order  to  comply  with  the  demands  of  the  pro- 
slavery  power,  to  which  the  North  is  required  to  submit,  and 
tremblingly  refrain  from  daring  once  to  express  opposition,  on 
pain  of  disunion,  with  all  the  rage,  revenge,  hate,  blood, 
thunder,  dust,  sword,  and  destruction,  to  say  nothing  of  smoke 
and  gas,  which  shall  overwhelm  us  as  by  magic  from  the  wrath 
of  the  South. 

What  grievances  cause  all  this  uproar,  and  what  their  reme" 
dies,  we  earnestly  inquire.  Complaint  is  made  that  the  people 
of  the  North  will  not  give  up  slaves  who  escape  from  slavery 
and  take  refuge  among  them.  Will  disunion  remedy  this? 
Will  a  Southern  Confederacy  have  less  dissatisfied  slaves,  or 
more  power  to  silence  these  longings  for  freedom,  and  keep  out 
those  who  excite  this  longing  ?  The  Southern  States  possess 
all  power  now  over  these  matters.  But  says  the  South  :  "  You  are 
under  constitutional  obligations  to  give  up  fugitive  slaves,  and 
as  you  will  not  do  it,  we  will  save  our  self-respect  and  dignity 
by  refusing  a  voluntary  union  with  such  faithless  associates." 
Suppose  this  true,  and  a  just  cause  for  disunion,  the  question 
arises,  Why  is  the  election  of  Lincoln  to  determine  this  period 
for  the  vindication  of  a  right  long  since  due  the  South  ?  For  it 
is  not  easy  to  see  how  a  few  more  votes,  by  which  Lincoln  may 
be  elected,  are  to  change  Northern  sentiment  on  this  question — 
nor  indeed  are  more  votes  wanted,  comparatively — for  without 
the  frauds  in  Illinois  and  Pennsylvania,  at  the  last  Presidential 
election,  Fremont  would  have  been  elected.  But  according  to 
admissions,  this  ground  for  disunion  now  exists,  and  has  for  a 
long  time  existed,  and  therefore  the  election  of  Lincoln  can  in 
no  way  aggravate  this  provocation. 

On  this  ground,  disunion  should  have  been  under  way  before 
this  time.  Thus  far  our  argument  admits  there  are  grounds  of 
complaint  upon  this  head ;  but  this  we  deny.  In  the  earlier 
history  of  our  Government,  some  rare  instances  of  opposition  to 
the  recapture  of  fugitive  slaves  occurred,  but  no  resistance.  Not 
till  after  1832,  which  dates  the  momentous  era  of  slavery  excite 
ment,  did  resistance  arise ;  and  an  examination  into  the  facts  of 
the  case  will  show  about  as  many  beams  in  the  eyes  of  our 


APPENDIX.  415 

Southern  brethren  as  there  are  motes  of  which  they  complain 
in  those  of  our  Northern  people. 

This  was  the  notorious  period  of  those  slave  insurrections  of  the 
secession  nullification  schemes  of  Calhoun,  and  his  dogma  of 
equal  political  power  between  the  slave  and  non-slaveholding 
States.  At  this  time  several  innocent  persons  from  the  North 
were  seized  and  executed  by  mobs,  for  supposed  abolition  senti 
ments,  and  colored  citizens  of  Northern  States  were,  upon  arriv 
ing  at  the  South,  seized  and  imprisoned. 

Judge  Hoar  was  sent  to  South  Carolina  to  prosecute  there, 
before  the  United  States  Courts,  the  rights  of  the  citizens  of 
Massachusetts,  but  was  forced  to  leave  the  State.  No  Govern 
ment  power  here  interposed  to  enforce  constitutional  rights. 
Here  is  a  direct  and  open  violation  of  the  constitutional  provi 
sion  that  "  the  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the 
privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States,"  and 
the  courts,  provided  to  enforce  constitutional  rights,  are  forci 
bly  deterred  from  this  discharge  of  their  duties.  Such  discour 
tesies  and  want  of  faith,  under  the  national  compact,  aroused 
more  or  less  indignation  at  the  North,  and  thereupon  uprose 
the  abolition  organizations,  which  before  had  no  existence,  and 
which,  upon  aggravations  of  the  occasion,  assumed  a  strength 
of  number  and  violence  of  temper  which  required  the  stern 
efforts  of  conservative  men  to  successfully  oppose.  Now,  for  a 
series  of  years,  were  occasional  acts  of  resistance  to  the  execution 
of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  though  no  more  than  due,  by 
way  of  retaliation,  upon  the  South  for  a  want  of  fulfillment  of 
constitutional  obligations  to  the  rights  of  Northern  citizens,  it 
was  not  countenanced  by  any  effective  or  uniform  sentiment  at 
the  North  ;  and  when  complaint  was  made  by  the  South,  our 
Congressmen  admitted  grounds  for  it,  and  announced  readiness 
to  adopt  the  needful  remedies,  and  at  once  allowed  the  South 
ern  members  to  form  the  present  Fugitive  Slave  Bill  of  1850  in 
the  most  severe  terms,  justifying  objections  made  to  it,  that  it 
gave  means  to  kidnap,  and,  through  fraud  and  violence,  force 
off  into  slavery  free  colored  persons  of  the  North.  This  has 
been  done,  and,  notwithstanding  this  revolting  feature,  the 
North  acquiesced  in  this  and  other  measures  of  1850,  as  a  final 
settlement  of  the  slavery  question,  and  the  attempts  afterward 


41 G  APPENDIX. 

to  capture  fugitive  slaves  were  eminently  successful.  The  elec 
tion  of  Franklin  Pierce  followed  in  1852,  upon  the  basis  of  a 
firm  adherence  to  the  compromises  of  1850,  and  never,  since  the 
origin  of  the  party,  were  abolitionists  so  weak  and  unpopular. 
It  was  a  matter  of  notoriety  that  their  conventions,  in  the  spring 
of  Mr.  Pierce's  inauguration,  had  little  attendance  and  no  enthu 
siasm,  and  the  party  was  dying  out  for  want  of  countenance.  In 
this  state  of  quietude,  returning  confidence,  and  fraternal  feeling, 
is  sprung  upon  us  that  infamous  breach  of  good  faith  and  act  of 
national  demoralization,  for  which  its  ill-advised  and  unscrupu 
lous  author,  now  seeking  support  for  the  Presidency,  deserves 
the  unalterable  execration  of  his  race.  The  wanton  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise  unavoidably  aroused  rage,  indigna 
tion,  and  distrust,  which  were  soon  manifest  at  the  North  by  an 
indifference  to  adhere  longer  to  any  obligations  on  the  slavery 
question  toward  those  who  utterly  disregarded  theirs;  and  if,  for 
some  time,  fugitive  slaves  could  not  be  recaptured,  the  South 
has  only  itself  to  blame  for  having  unnecessarily  aggravated  this 
state  of  things. 

The  Missouri  Compromise  averted  disunion,  and,  averting  or 
abrogating  it,  restored  disunion  or  the  right  of  it  in  the  opin 
ion  of  many  at  the  North.  It  was  this  revolutionary  spirit  that 
caused  so  much  resistance  to  the  recapture  of  Burns,  in 
Boston,  and,  upon  the  ground  of  revolution,  us  justifiable,  for 
we  recognize  ths  right  of  revolution,  but  not  otherwise ; 
for,  if  we  are  to  form  a  part  of  the  Union,  deriving 
our  advantages  from  its  existence,  name,  and  power,  we 
must  fulfill  our  obligations  to  it,  and  therefore,  as  the  North 
was  not  disposed  to  dissolve  the  Union  on  account  of  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  it  had  no  right  to  withhold  its 
duties  under  constitutional  guarantees — a  political  apothegm 
we  commend  to  the  South  at  this  time.  Let  us  now  view  this 
question  in  connection  with  its  effects  upon  slavery. 

Slaves  have,  for  a  long  time,  been  rising  in  value,  and  this,  too, 
during  the  cry  of  a  want  of  security,  from  Northern  disregard 
of  obligations,  which  would  secure  it.  Property  so  insecure,  as 
these  alarmists  would  have  us  believe,  would  hardly  rise  thus  in 
value.  Moreover  it  is  the  far  Southern  States,  where  slaves  are 
most  secure,  and  where  there  can  be  no  complaint  about  the 


APPENDIX.  417 

execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  that  clamor  most  about 
disunion,  and  not  the  border  slave  States,  where,  if  anywhere, 
slaves  escape  to  the  free  States.  Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky, 
and  Missouri  are  not  disunion  States,  nor  do  all  the  boasts  of  fiery 
fulsome  fanatics  hold  out  inducements  to  them  to  become  so. 
All  this  hobby  about  the  security  of  the  "  nigger"  is,  therefore, 
but  a  pretext,  while  the  possession  of  Government  offices,  and 
the  control  of  Government  power  in  behalf  of  the  slave  interest, 
are,  as  we  have  before  stated,  the  real  motives  to  these  pre 
tended  grievances. 

OCTOBER  13,  1860. 

DISUNION. 

Under  the  heading  of  "  Our  Grievances,"  we  considered  the 
main  grievance  complained  of  by  the  South,  as  the  cause  of  dis 
union,  and  in  considering  further  grievances  we  adopt  for  our 
present  heading  the  consequence  threatened,  as  the  main  object 
of  our  attentions. 

Our  last  article  showed  the  aversion,  on  the  part  of  the  people 
of  the  North,  to  the  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  to  have 
been  provoked  by  the  aggravations  of  the  South,  in  doing  vio 
lence  to  innocent  persons  from  the  North,  and,  under  an  affecta 
tion  of  fear  for  the  security  of  slaves,  imprisoning,  forcing  off 
with  many  indignities,  and  executing  with  mob-violence  her 
citizens,  refusing  to  allow  the  United  States  Courts  to  discharge 
their  constitutional  duties,  and  culminating  in  falseness  to  her 
plighted  faith  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  Pur 
suing  thus  the  suicidal  course  of  provoking  enemies  toward  an 
institution  that  needs,  for  its  perpetuity,  no  little  zeal  exerted  to 
conciliate  friends  for  it.  If  our  Northern  people  are  implicated 
in  any  interference  with  slavery  in  the  South,  we  raise  no  objec 
tions  to  the  severe  measures  of  repression  the  Southern  people 
may  adopt,  and  this  has  recently  been  evinced  by  the  uniform 
acquiescence,  at  the  North,  in  the  treatment  adopted  toward 
John  Brown  and  his  party  in  their  Harper's  Ferry  invasion. 
False  and  silly  is  the  hue  and  cry  against  the  whole  North  for 
this,  as  was  also  the  assumption  of  Virginia's  pompous  Governor 
that  he  possessed  facts  showing  complicity  therein  of  the  lead 
ing  men  of  the  North. 
IS* 


418  APPENDIX. 

Upon  the  rights  of  Congress  to  exclude  slavery  from  the  Ter 
ritories,  we,  of  the  Republican  party,  are  on  the  strong  ground 
that  Congress  has  repeatedly  asserted  and  exercised  this  right ; 
and  that,  even  putting  this  exercise  in  abeyance,  as  in  the  Kan 
sas-Nebraska  Bill,  to  which  the  South  was  committed  in  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  allowing  the  people  of 
the  Territories  to  express  their  unbiased  will,  without  fraud  or 
violence,  we  shall  obtain  practically  our  wishes,  for,  in  our 
enlightened  age,  the  institution  of  slavery  will  not  be  adopted 
as  a  matter  of  choice.  But  now,  under  Southern  demands,  we 
must  overturn  our  time -honored  policy,  to  interpose  by  Congress 
and  establish  slavery  against  the  will  of  the  people  in  the  Terri 
tories,  upon  the  alternative  of  a  separation,  which,  with  charac 
teristic  blindness,  must  leave  the  Southern  Confederacy  without 
an  inch  of  territory  to  extend  slavery  over. 

The  tariff  can  no  longer  be  a  Southern  hobby.  The  policy 
of  free  trade,  so  far  as  consistent  with  tariff  for  such  revenues  as 
are  needed  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  Government,  is  our  pres 
ent  practice  substantially,  and  undoubtedly  our  true  policy. 

These  bugaboo  screechers,  about  the  calamity  to  the  country 
of  a  Republican  President,  would  have  us  believe  that  our  Pres 
ident  is  invested  with  such  absolute  authority  that  he  can  arbi 
trarily  exercise  it  at  the  behests  of  party,  and  impose  such  intol 
erable  oppressions  that  armed  resistance  is  the  only  alternative 
of  ignoble  submission.  Surely,  if  this  is  our  state,  we  gained 
little  by  our  revolution  and  separation  from  England,  and  our 
forefathers  made  a  sad  botch  of  our  Constitution  in  not  provid 
ing  against  these  evil?.  But  this  is  not  so ;  our  forefathers 
adopted  every  precaution  that  the  terms  of  language  admit,  and 
it  is  our  painful  reflection  these  terms,  both  in  letter  and  in  spirit, 
have  had  their  only  violation  in  behalf  of  the  pro-slavery 
interest. 

Some  grounds  of  alarm  might  justly  exist  if  a  Republican 
President  should  usurp  the  unauthorized  powers  against  slavery 
that  have  been  assumed  by  the  present  and  preceding  adminis 
tration  in  its  favor,  and  against  which,  and  further  subserviency 
to  the  South  by  our  sycophantic  Presidents,  we  are  told  the 
North  has  no  right  of  complaint. 

The  great  and  growing  power  of  executive  patronage,  already 


APPENDIX.  419 

beyond  the  anticipations  of  the  founders  of  our  Government, 
and  capable  of  sustaining  a  corrupt  party  policy,  to  some  extent, 
against  the  wishes  of  the  people,  is  a  subject  worthy  of  serious 
attention  with  a  view  to  measures  of  restriction.  It  is,  indeed, 
against  these  gross,  base  assumptions  and  abuses  of  executive 
power  that  the  Republican  party  has  arisen,  and  however  pro 
voked  to  retaliation  we  pledge  our  party  to  constitutional  and 
legal  measures.  And  these  measures,  let  us  notify  our  Southern 
brethren,not  by  way  of  threat  but  of  warning,  we  intend  to  enforce. 
As  our  brave  Ohio  Senator  (Mr.  Wade)  said  :  "  We  submitted  to 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  remained  in  the  Union 
in  disgrace,  not  because  we  were  weak  and  needed  it  for  sup 
port,  but  because  we  were  strong,  and  could  bear  the  indignity, 
under  the  consciousness  of  strength  available,  in  due  time,  to  re 
dress  our  wrongs  and  restrain  refractory  mem  bers  from  fanatical 
suicide."  We  endured  the  Union  under  oppression,  because  of 
our  constitutional  right  of  peaceful  redress,  and  in  doing  so  car 
ry  with  us  the  power  to  find  it,  in  which  we  illustrate  a  princi 
ple  which  it  will  be  our  duty  to  enforce,  that  in  going  into  an 
election  of  Government  officers,  which  to  our  Government  is  the 
peaceful  way  of  correcting  abuses,  we  commit  ourselves  to  the 
moral  obligation  to  abide  the  result,  and  we  have  no  disposition 
to  commit  nor  to  tolerate  a  falseness  and  treachery  that  will 
not. 

From  our  Northern  doughfaces,  who  tell  us  the  South  must 
have  its  way  or  the  Union  is  not  safe,  we  turn  with  loathing, 
and  leave  them  to  the  ignominious  oblivion  to  which  their 
pusillanimity  reduced  them.  As  well  say  to  the  highwayman, 
"  We  pay  you  tribute  and  will  shield  you  from  punishment  if 
we  may  pass  on  in  peace;  "  or  to  the  ruffian  who  despoils  our 
homes  of  peace  and  virtue :  "  We  yield  because  we  want  no  diffi 
culty  with  you."  To  such  we  say,  we  desire  not  your  assistance, 
we  fear  not  your  opposition,  but  we  sicken  with  ineffable  shame 
and  disgust  that  American  mothers  ever  nourished  such  un 
worthy  sons. 

Our  conclusion  is  that  the  North  shall  fulfill  its  obligations 
on  the  one  hand,  and  refuse  a  slavish  submission  to  extravagant 
demands  on  the  other,  and  that  in  this  the  South  and  the  whole 
country  have  respectively  the  only  grounds  for  safety  and  pros- 


420  APPENDIX. 

parity.  The  recent  State  elections  give  us  the  glorious  promise 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  be  our  next  President,  and  we  pledge  him 
to  fulfill  his  constitutional  obligations,  but  to  withhold  the 
executive  powers  from  longer  pandering  to  morbid  appetites 
and  disastrous  measures. 

OCTOBER  ^0, 18CO. 


OUR   POLITICAL    SUMMARY. 

It  is  a  consideration  of  great  consolation,  and  one  that,  as 
man  improves  in  his  understanding,  gives  hope  of  an  ultimately 
high  destiny  for  him,  that  in  all  matters  of  faith  and  purpose, 
whether  initiated  by  political  or  religious  associations,  there  is 
an  assumed  ntegrity  of  motive,  and  a  decent  respect  is  paid  to 
virtue  by  affecting  a  conformity  to  her  dictates.  Even  in  the 
outrageous  measures  of  the  pro- slavery  party  in  our  country, 
operating,  through  their  servile  tools  of  the  present  and  past 
administrations  of  the  General  Government,  to  overturn  the  dic 
tates  of  common-sense  and  the  experience  of  past  ages,  there 
has  been  the  assumption,  however  bold  and  startling,  that 
slavery  was  the  natural  and  healthful  state  of  society,  contribut 
ing  to  its  refinement  and  elevation  so  much  that  we  must  ac 
cept  it  as  a  social  and  political  blessing.  Upon  this  basis,  when 
mankind  shall  no  longer  be  subject  to  misrepresentation,  and 
diverted  with  specious  delusions  and  plausible  sophistries,  he 
will  set  out  upon  the  pathway  of  his  highest  prosperity  and 
happiness.  The  progress  of  the  present  campaign  for  the  Presi 
dency  gives  a  hopeful  indication  of  an  earnest  search  for  this 
pathway,  or  one,  at  least,  that  may  save  him  from  the  serious 
blunders  committed  in  following  the  blind  leaders  of  the  De 
mocracy.  It  is  our  purpose  to  point  out  this  path,  and  encour 
age  our  fellow-men  to  pursue  it,  and  we  here  recur  to  the  con 
siderations  that  govern  us,  to  the  end  that  we  may  confirm  in  it 
those  of  the  true  faith,  and  point  out  the  dangers  of  our  hereti 
cal  opponents  who  depart  from  it. 

Without  alluding  to  the  festering  corruptions  engendered  by 
slavery  in  a  community  which  tolerates  it,  we  have  opposed  its 
extension  into  our  Territories  because  of  its  injurious  effects  upon 
the  free  laborer,  and  consequent  diminution  of  the  productions 
of  labor.  An  appeal  is  made  to  prejudice  against  color,  and  to 


APPENDIX.  42 1 

the  offensive  attitude  of  the  abolitionists  to  charge  us  with 
being  negro-worshipers,  Black  Republicans,  abolitionists,  &c. 
But  with  a  consistency  characteristic  of  the  emanations  of 
malice,  we  are  told  that  the  slaveholders  are  the  true  Iriends  of 
the  negro,  and  by  their  system  they  are  elevating  the  black  race. 
The  Kamschatkan  would  tell  us  to  give  up  our  work-oxen  and 
use  dogs  in  their  place,  and  thus  improve  the  race  of  dogs ;  a 
morbid  snake-tamer  would  have  us  adopt  snakes  and  lizards  for 
domestic  pets,  because  we  thus  improve  their  breed.  To  this 
we  answer,  we  are  not  concerned  with  improving  the  black  race, 
nor  the  breed  of  dogs  and  reptiles,  any  further  than  such  im 
provement  may  contribute  to  the  welfare  and  advancement  of 
our  own  race  ;  our  cause  is  the  white  man,  and  not  the  negro 
nor  the  lower  animals.  We  are  told  that  the  welfare  of  the 
whites  at  the  South  is  advanced  by  slave  labor  and  their  wealth 
of  late  increased.  We  admit  that  the  South  has  shared  the 
great  prosperity  of  our  country  for  years  past,  but  not  a  propor 
tional  prosperity  to  that  at  the  North.  They  snarl,  "  Let  us 
alone ;  that  is  our  concern,  not  yours,  and  we  will  acquiesce  in 
all  the  evils  that  slavery  may  entail  upon  us/'  Very  well,  we 
say,  let  us  alone  too.  You  may  nurse  a  viper  and  get  stung  by 
it,  but  we  protest  that  you  shall  not  obtrude  your  viper  upon  us, 
against  our  will,  nor  require  us  to  sustain  you  with  the  substance 
it  is  devouring  from  you.  This  you  have  been  doing  through 
the  machinery  of  government,  but  we  propose  to  modify  the 
workings  of  this  machine.  But,  says  the  South,  if  you  won't 
let  the  operations  of  the  machine  inure  to  our  benefit  exclusively, 
we  will  stop  it,  and  turn  upon  you  the  innumerable  and  never- 
ending  plagues  of  our  offended  wrath.  We  answer,  it  is  our 
purpose  to  operate  the  machine  according  to  its  original  con 
struction,  putting  in  full  play  all  its  component  parts  and  check 
ing  any  eccentricities  that  might  interrupt  the  harmony  and 
success  of  its  movements.  This  mission  we  commit  to  the 
Republican  party,  and,  awaiting  their  execution  of  this  trust, 
we  set  ourselves  at  rest  upon  the  final  issue. 

OCTOBER  27 ,1860. 


422  APPENDIX. 

A   TFORD    TO   THE    BRETHREN. 

To  those  who,  prompted  by  an  integrity  of  purpose,  possess 
the  intelligence  to  determine  and  resolution  to  pursue  the  prop 
er  objects  in  our  national  well-being,  we  would  address  a  few 
words  in  confidence  upon  impending  events.  Inspired  with  a 
confidence  in  the  ultimate  prevalence  of  almighty  truth,  party 
ties,  personal  affections,  and  promises  of  reward  have  not  re 
strained  the  manifestations  of  your  noble  impulses,  nor  have  fruit 
less  labors  disappointment,  and  defeat  dismayed  and  subdued 
you. 

In  the  enjoyment  of  a  conscious  rectitude,  you  have  a  higher 
reward  than  any  wages  of  compliance  with  the  demands  of  the 
pro-slavery  Democracy  can  afford.  Under  these  sentiments  you 
unavoidably  sprang  into  existence  as  a  party,  upon  the  iniqui 
tous  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  the  unscrupulous 
measures  of  the  Pierce  administration  to  establish  slavery  in 
Kansas.  So  strong  were  your  numbers  there  was  no  doubt  that 
the  popular  voice  of  all  or  nearly  all  the  Northern  States  was  on 
your  side,  and  but  for  the  villainous  frauds  of  your  opponents  in 
Illinois,  Indiana,  and  Pennsylvania,  your  Presidential  candidate 
(Mr.  Fremont)  would  have  been  declared  (as  in  fact  he  was) 
duly  elected. 

In  the  meantime,  under  the  Buchanan  dynasty,  you  have  met 
a  more  dogged  and  shameless  opposition  than  that  of  the  Pierce 
administration ;  and  though  the  name  of  James  Buchanan  is 
justly  held  in  universal  contempt,  it  is  difficult  to  see  that  it  has 
become  so  other  than  in  his  persistent  subserviency  to  the  pro- 
slavery  cause. 

In  the  meantime,  your  policy,  both  local,  in  Kansas,  and 
national,  in  Congress,  has  substantially  triumphed.  You  have  rid 
yourselves  of  border-ruffian  rule,  and  established  the  freedom 
of  Kansas  and  this  great  commonwealth  of  Republicanism. 
Challenged  to  this  field,  you  have  struggled  against  the  minions 
of  slave  oligarchy  and  the  Executive  power,  and,  spite  of  priva 
tions  and  sacrifices,  have  won  a  victory,  which,  in  its  consequences, 
may  bear  comparison  with  the  most  signal  triumphs  in  behalf 
of  humanity,  and  should  enroll  you  upon  the  roll  of  fame  as  the 
greatest  benefactors  of  your  race  and  nation,  and  transmit  to  an 
admiring  and  grateful  posterity,  the  record  of  your  heroic  virtues. 


APPENDIX.  423 

Alike  creditably  to  Governor  Seward  and  just  to  you,  did  he, 
in  his  Lawrence  speech,  bow  before  you  in  reverential  acknowl 
edgment  of  greater  services  done  by  you  to  the  cause  he  had  so 
much  at  heart  than  by  any  other  people.  In  vain  are  govern 
ors,  judges,  and  other  Federal  appointments  made  to  oppose 
you.  However  prompted  by  hate  of  you  and  subserviency  to 
the  appointing  power,  they  dare  no  longer  trifle  with  an  injured 
and  exasperated  people.  In  Congress  your  opposition  to  the 
establishment  of  slavery  in  Kansas,  the  Lecompton  Constitution, 
the  addition  of  Cuba  to  increase  the  pro-slavery  power,  the 
opening  of  the  slave-trade,  and  the  venality  of  Government  offi 
cers,  has  had  a  gratifying  triumph  in  the  face  of  Executive  op 
position.  And  though  this  opposition  defeated  your  beneficent 
homestead  measure,  you  have  forced  upon  your  opponents  in  the 
Senate  an  acceptance  of  its  principles.  So  doubly  armed  are 
you  in  this  just  quarrel,  that  your  enemies,  so  far  from  resisting 
you,  are  forced  to  assist  in  doing  the  drudgery  of  your  cam 
paign.  Your  principles,  therefore,  through  their  own  inherent 
virtues,  have  had  a  practical  triumph,  though  the  power  and 
patronage  of  the  Government  have  been  in  the  hands  of  your 
opponents,  and  used  with  every  possible  effect  against  you. 
You  have  labored  hard,  but  successfully ;  and  if,  by  the  chances 
of  the  corning  election,  the  candidates  of  your  party  do  not  suc 
ceed,  you  can  well  labor  on  and  wait  to  behold  the  confusion 
and  disgrace  of  your  designing  opponents,  however  vainly  you 
must  regret  the  misfortunes  of  the  ignorant  and  weak  who  lend 
support  to  the  very  hands  that  bind  them. 

Kansas,  by  treachery,  fraud,  and  violence,  had  been  opened  to 
slavery;  you  sprang  to  save  her,  to  save  yourselves  and  the 
North  from  the  disgrace  of  a  craven  spirit,  that  would  allow 
the  soil  of  Kansas,  once  consecrated  to  freedom  by  a  sacred 
compact,  to  be  tamely  submitted  to  the  cold  embraces  of  the 
taskmasters  of  slavery.  Bleak  were  her  then  wintry  plains, 
repulsive,  savage,  and  murderous  the  ruffians  with  whom  you 
had  to  contend,  and  portentous  the  frowning  opposing  power 
of  Government ;  but  you  hesitated  not  at  them — sufferings,  sac 
rifices,  and  defeats  could  not  deter  you  from  your  purpose.  You 
turned  in  distress  to  those  you  supposed  your  natural  allies 
and  friends  in  the  States.  Your  vain  cry  was  met  with  rebuke, 


424  APPENDIX. 

that  your  opposition  to  the  arrogant  demands  of  the  South 
must  break  up  the  Union,  as  submission  is  the  only  way  to 
preserve  it ;  and  denunciations  as  fanatical  "Kansas  Shriek ers" 
were  the  response  to  your  appeal  from  those  constitutional  cow 
ards,  in  whose  behalf  you  were  fighting,  and  who  crown  their 
baseness  by  assisting  to  foist  upon  you  a  new  and  still  more 
oppressive  administration  of  the  Government. 

You  struggled  on  with  a  zeal  proportioned  to  the  increasing 
opposition,  and  you  have  nobly  triumphed.  It  is  impossible 
you  can  again  be  placed  under  so  many  adverse  circumstances, 
and  the  present  indications  are,  that  a  returning  sanity  of  our 
people  will  soon  show  a  due  appreciation  of  your  position,  and 
do  you  justice.  If  not,  be  not  discouraged;  as  we  have  shown, 
your  candidates  may  not  get  office  and  power,  but  your  prin 
ciples  will  have  a  practical  success  with  the  people,  and  your 
opponents  will  be  placed  in  awkward  confusion  with  their 
own  blindness  and  folly. 

"  Then  bear  on.  though  thy  repining  eye 
See  worthless  men  exalted  high, 
And  modest  merit  sink  forlorn 
In  cold  neglect  and  cruel  scorn. 
If  disappointment  fills  the  cup, 
Undaunted  nobly  drink  it  up ; 
Truth  will  prevail  and  justice  show 
Her  tardy  honors,  sure,  but  slow  ! 
Bear  on.  bear  bravely  on." 

This  you  will  do,  and  if  only  to  encounter  hereafter  reverses  and 
opposition,  you  will  know  well  how  to  deal  with  them,  and  find 
a  satisfactory  reward  in  the  conscious  rectitude  of  your  conduct. 

You  are  told,  if  Lincoln  is  elected,  you  have  to  encounter  a 
catalogue  of  woes,  from  the  disunion  of  the  South  from  the  North 
and  a  bloody  civil  war.  You  are  not  to  be  frightened  by  what 
must  be  regarded  as  an  idle  threat,  nor  will  you  be  unprepared 
if  it  should  not  prove  idle.  Your  Kansas  struggle  will  prove  to 
have  been  a  good  school,  and  the  result  of  it  an  ominous  indica 
tion  of  what  may  be  expected  in  an  issue  where  so  many  cir 
cumstances,  heretofore  in  favor  of  the  South,  must  now  be  turned 
against  her. 

This,  the  last  number  of  our  paper  before  the  election,  and,  as 
we  hope,  triumph  of  our  party  in  the  nation,  makes  these  con- 


APPENDIX.  425 

siderations  appropriate  to  this  occasion,  and  in  submitting  them 
we  join  with  our  illustrious  patron  of  the  cause  of  freedom  in 
Kansas,  and  "  bow  in  profound  reverence  before  you,  as  we  have 
never  done  to  any  other  people — we  salute  you  with  gratitude 
and  affection." 

NOVEMBER  3,  1860. 

REPUBLICAN    REFLECTIONS. 

The  object  of  government  is  security  against  wrong,  whether 
arising  from  our  private  or  public  relationship.  It  is  the  duty  of 
government  to  guarantee  to  all  its  subjects  protection  from 
injustice  and  fraud,  and  at  the  same  time  redress  the  grievances 
of  society,  and  punish  the  aggressions  of  lawless  violence. 

When  a  government  fails  either  from  impotence  or  want  of 
inclination  to  secure  the  rights  and  meet  the  equitable  demands 
of  society,  it  ceases  to  command  the  respect,  veneration,  and 
adherence  of  all  freemen. 

In  a  society  favored  with  the  wide  diffusion  of  general  informa 
tion,  the  increased  facilities  of  commercial  and  social  inter 
course,  and  the  ameliorating  influences  of  free  institutions,  the 
necessity  of  a  powerful  government  and  strict  surveillance  is 
obviated.  A  prompt  and  ready  execution  of  the  laws  and  vin 
dication  of  justice  is  nevertheless  an  evidence  of  a  just  and  effi 
cient  government,  and  promo  tive  of  the  happiness  and  well- 
being  of  mankind. 

The  policy  pursued  by  the  last  two  administrations  toward 
this  Territory  will  brand  them  in  the  eyes  of  a  discriminating 
nation  as  weak,  hypocritical,  and  false,  while  the  impartial  word 
of  history  will  stamp  them  with  its  black  broad  seal  of  reproba 
tion  and  condemnation. 

The  history  of  Kansas  will  remain  a  foul  blot  on  the  annals  of 
liberty,  and  condemn  to  everlasting  infamy  the  vile  hordes  of 
pro-slavery  ruffians  who,  in  1855,  with  armed  violence  and 
impending  force,  polluted  the  virgin  soil  of  this,  Freedom's  fair 
heritage,  invaded  the  polls  and  struck  down  the  rights  and  lib 
erties  of  free-born  Americans,  and  sought  to  establish  and  per 
petuate  a  reign  of  tyranny,  oppression,  and  wrong ;  while  the 
administrations  of  Pierce  and  Buchanan,  if  they  did  not  aid  and 
abet,  at  least  connived  at  these  demonstrations  of  lawless  vio- 


426  APPENDIX. 

lence,  will  excite  in  the  bosoms  of  all  law-abiding  men  a  per 
petual  lothing  and  disgust. 

The  leading  object  of  the  Pierce  and  Buchanan  dynasties  has 
been  to  establish  the  institution  of  slavery  on  a  broad,  national, 
and  permanent  basis,  and  secure  and  perpetuate  the  ascendency 
in  the  Federal  Government  of  an  element  of  power,  which,  like 
a  rapacious  oligarchy,  is  sapping  the  foundations  and  absorbing 
the  liberties  of  the  laboring  classes. 

Those  peculiar  leading  measures  of  the  Pierce  administration, 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  the  passage  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  the  authorship  of  which  Mr.  Douglas 
makes  his  boast,  and  which  have  yielded  him  the  greater  por 
tion  of  his  fame,  and  which  will  mark  him  in  the  eyes  of  pos 
terity  as  a  political  intriguer,  reveal,  when  viewed  in  the  light 
of  collateral  facts  and  circumstances,  a  broad  conspiracy  and 
deep-laid  plot  to  betray,  in  all  the  Territories,  the  constitutional 
rights  of  freedom. 

Excluding  altogether  from  our  consideration  the  public 
avowals  of  leading  Southern  statesmen  who  have  controlled  the 
Government  during  the  last  eight  years,  and  interpreting  the 
spirit  and  design  of  the  Federal  administration  through  the 
policy  which  it  has  persistently  and  assiduously  pursued  toward 
its  pioneer  citizens,  we  are  led  inevitably  to  this  conclusion. 

How  else  can  we  explain  the  manifest  distaste  and  strenuous 
opposition  of  the  administration,  in  1856,  to  a  public  investi 
gation  of  the  outrages  perpetrated  in  Kansas?  The  greedy 
haste  with  which  a  pro-slavery  and  obnoxious  constitution  was 
sought  to  be  forced  on  a  protesting  and  indignant  people,  and 
the  repeated  refusal  by  a  Democratic  Senate  to  admit  Kansas 
writh  a  constitution,  the  embodiment  of  her  enlightened  choice, 
and  which,  harmonizing  with  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
guarantees  freedom  to  all  ? 

These  acts  have  been  scrutinized  by  the  eye  of  a  discriminat 
ing  nation ;  and  the  spirit  of  a  fearful  retribution  has  swept 
over  the  party  under  whose  protecting  shadow  the  reign  of 
tyranny  and  violence  in  Kansas  has  been  continued,  and  torn, 
and  rent,  and  wrecked  and  precipitated  it  to  ruin ;  while  liberty, 
in  her  mild  glory  and  serene  radiance  prepares  to  mount  the 
throne  of  the  nation.  There  may  she  live,  and  reign,  and  sway 


APPENDIX.  427 

this  vast  Empire  till  the  world  shall  end,  and  time's  last  note  be 
heard  sounding  upon  the  trumpet  of  eternal  doom. 

NOVEMBER.  10,  I860. 


OTJii    TRIUMPH. 

Thanks  to  the  success  of  Republicanism  in  Kansas,  we  nave 
telegraphs  and  presses  to  which  we  have  been  indebted  for  the 
early  intelligence  of  the  results  of  the  election,  which  reached 
us,  at  this  point,  about  forty-eight  hours  from  the  closing  of  the 
polls  on  election  day. 

Our  last  week's  issue  announced  the  happy  tidings  to  our  re 
joicing  readers,  that  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  and  HANNIBAL  HAM- 
LIN  were,  on  the  6th  instant,  elected  to  the  respective  positions 
of  President  and  Yice-President  of  these  United  States,  to  which 
they  had  been  nominated  by  the  Republican  party  in  conven 
tion  at  Chicago. 

An  undeviating  purpose — obstinate  as  it  was  cruel — to 
subvert  the  framework  of  our  national  policy,  and  substitute 
therefor  a  gloomy  pile,  upon  which,  and  tottering  beneath  its 
load,  the  hopes  of  humanity  and  the  happiness  of  our  people 
were  to  be  sacrificed  as  a  holocaust  to  slavery,  has  been  reso 
lutely  pursued  for  the  last  six  years  on  the  part  of  the  advo 
cates  of  slavery.  Arrogant  and  domineering  in  spirit,  and, 
through  the  powers  of  the  General  Government,  oppressive  in 
manners  toward  the  people  of  the  North,  they  claimed  the 
right  of  rule,  to  which  cowardly  commerce  and  time-serving 
office-seeking  politicians  lent  themselves ;  and  to  perpetuate  this 
rule,  every  resort  that  art  could  devise,  and  fraud  and  force 
eifect,  has  been  adopted  to  this  end.  Oppressed  through  these 
long  years  of  lonely  darkness,  the  cohorts  of  freedom  have  strug 
gled  on,  to  reach,  at  last,  the  daylight  of  deliverance  which  now 
dawns  upon  them.  Thank  you  from  the  depth  of  our  heart, 
beloved  brethren  of  the  North.  We  bow  at  your  feet  in  humble 
acknowledgment  of  our  gratitude,  due  you  for  asserting  your 
own  and  our  manhood,  unswayed  by  bribes,  unintimidated  by 
threats. 

We  now  rise  to  our  proper  level,  and,  in  catching  the  first  rays 
of  light  and  breath  of  deliverance,  our  impulse  is  one  of  un- 


428  APPENDIX. 

bounded  joy,  and  we  have  hardly  been  able  to  do  else  than 
indulge  our  feelings  and  manifestations  of  delight. 

But  we  must  reflect  that,  as  we  take  our  new  position,  we  are 
involved  in  new  duties  and  responsibilities ;  and  it  becomes  us, 
thus  early,  to  reflect  upon  the  proper  discharge  of  them,  to  the 
end  that  we  may  justify  our  promises  and  the  hopes  of  our  race, 
and  avoid  the  errors  and  follies  which  have  swept  the  Democ 
racy  from  existence,  and  made  the  name  of  it,  as  identified  with 
the  corrupt  Buchanan,  the  seceding  Brcckenridge,  and  the  com 
pact-violating  Douglas,  a  byword  for  all  that  is  deceitful  and 
unjust. 

Our  policy. — Our  policy  should  be  to  administer  this  Govern 
ment  with  equal  justice  and  honor  to  all  parties  of  the  country, 
and  not  necessarily,  as  has  been  done  for  many  years,  in  behalf 
of  a  class  whose  impudence  and  presumption  correspond  to 
their  idleness,  incapacity,  and  poverty ;  and  who,  upon  the  capi 
tal  of  a  few  "  niggers  "  at  their  command,  claim  all  refinement 
and  gentility  of  society,  and  a  monopoly  of  the  lucrative  offices 
under  the  Government.  Pampered  and  spoiled  by  these  in 
dulgences,  it  is  this  class  that  has  brought  us  our  present 
troubles,  to  remedy  which  the  Republican  party  has  arisen  ;  and 
of  course  it  follows  that  to  continue  the  same  policy  would 
defeat  the  purposes  of  the  party,  and  still  further  exasperate  the 
evils  we  seek  to  cure.  What  most  we  have  wanted  is  a  Presi 
dent  who  would  do  justice  to  the  North,  without  being  swayed 
by  a  senseless  and  false  clamor  that,  by  so  doing,  he  would  fail 
of  justice  to  the  South.  So  sensitive  would  some  of  our  con 
ciliatory  Presidents  have  been  that,  to  avoid  the  charge  of  being 
partial  to  the  North,  they  would  have  neglected  to  do  it  justice, 
in  order  to  pacify  the  exacting  and  capricious  South.  This  was 
the  apprehension  concerning  Mr.  Seward,  and  this  feature  of 
his  character  had  much  to  do  toward  the  defeat  of  his  nom 
ination.  Nor  would  we  indulge  in  any  spirit  of  retaliation 
toward  the  South  in  revenge  for  the  gross  injustice  we  have 
suffered  at  her  hands.  Our  new  President,  we  are  confident, 
understands  his  mission  in  these  respects. 

He  should  administer  the  Government  himself  in  accordance 
with  the  theory  of  our  Government,  and  call  the  heads  of  the 
respective  departments  to  their  positions,  to  assist  him,  not 


APPENDIX.  429 

govern  him,  correcting  in  this  respect  the  awkward  position  of 
Mr.  Buchanan,  in  which  the  heads  of  the  different  departments 
exercise  their  functions,  and  give  orders  in  their  own  name, 
irrespective  of  the  President,  as  though  an  independent  power 
therein  existed  in  them. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  sends  in  his  report,  and  urges 
upon  Congress  a  tariff  policy  the  very  reverse  of  that  recom 
mended  by  the  President.  We  fancy  Secretary  Cobb  would 
have  cut  a  sorry  figure,  as  a  cabinet  minister  of  General  Jack 
son,  in  opposing  his  views  of  State  policy. 

Mr.  Secretary  Floyd  indicates,  irrespective  of  any  known 
views  of  the  President  that  the  matter  of  Disunion  is  in  his 
hands,  and  that  he  is  uncertain  what  is  his  duty,  and  how  far 
he  shall  use  the  force  of  the  army  to  prevent  secession  of  South 
ern  States,  just  as  though  this  was  exclusively  his  office,  and 
not  that  of  the  President.  Mr.  President  Lincoln,  the  power  is 
yours  alone — use  it ;  the  responsibility  yours — discharge  it ;  and 
the  reward  due,  either  of  praise  or  blame,  shall  be  yours.  Do 
not,  Buchanan-like,  timidly  shift  upon  your  irresponsible  secre 
taries  a  responsibility  which  devolves  upon  you  alone. 

Slavery. — Not  to  be  disturbed  where  it  now  exists,  nor  to  be 
abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia  without  the  wishes  of 
the  people,  and  then  by  moderate  degrees. 

The  Fugitive  Slave  Law  to  be  enforced  in  good  faith ;  the 
present  law  should  not  be  changed  to  impair  its  efficiency  in  it. 

Slavery  is  not  extended  by  our  Constitution  over  the  Terri 
tories.  On  the  contrary,  they  are  free  in  the  absence  of  law 
establishing  slavery,  and  no  such  law  should  be  made  till  a 
Territory  becomes  a  State,  when  she  can,  if  it  be  the  unbiased 
will  of  her  people,  that  will  being  expressed  without  force  or 
fraud,  provide  for  slavery,  and  should  not  be  refused  admission 
to  the  Union  on  this  account.  Such  we  believe  to  be  our  true 
policy,  and,  so  far  as  we  understand,  the  views  of  our  President 
elect. 

Disunion,  however,  threatens  to  become  a  great  question  for 
the  solution  of  our  new  President  and  his  party. 

If  a  State  avails  herself  of  the  advantages  of  the  Union,  she 
should  share  the  responsibilities  of  it.  She  grows  in  prosperity 
under  the  aegis  of  our  laws  and  our  protection  ;  shall  she  escape 


430  APPENDIX. 

her  share  of  our  adversities,  arising  from  war  or  uejts  unavoid 
ably  incurred  ?  Upon  every  principle  of  moral  obligation,  no 
State  can  of  right  withdraw  from  the  Union  without  the  consent 
of  the  others,  but  by  revolution. 

We  prefer  discreet  measures  of  restraint  and  coercion  on  such 
an  occasion ;  but  we  doubt  the  probability  of  any  necessity  for 
them. 

NOVEMBKR, 1860. 

PROPOSED    AMENDMENTS    TO    THE    CONSTITUTION. 

In  his  late  message  to  Congress,  the  President,  after  an  elabo 
rate  discussion  of  the  present  threatening  aspect  of  affairs  in  the 
Southern  States,  and  the  absence  in  Congress  of  the  constitu 
tional  power  to  compel  the  continued  allegiance  of  the  States  to 
the  General  Government,  proposes  to  pacify  the  slave  States 
and  perpetuate  the  Union  by  a  fresh  sacrifice  on  the  altar  of 
slavery.  Mr.  Buchanan  would  have  the  North  bow  its  knee, 
and  worship  again  the  imperious  god  of  negro  slavery.  He 
would  have  another  exhibition  of  craven  submission  to  the  exact 
ing  demands  of  ruthless  oppression  and  despotic  violence. 

The  sway  and  almost  absolute  control  by  the  South  of  the 
Federal  Government  has  been  broken,  and  because  two  or  three 
little  States  fret  and  fume,  and  kick  like  spoiled  children,  Mr. 
Buchanan  is  alarmed.  "  The  grandest  temple  which  has  ever 
been  dedicated  to  human  freedom — which  has  been  consecrated 
by  the  blood  of  our  fathers,  by  the  glories  of  the  past  and  the 
hopes  of  the  future — is  about  being  destroyed,  and  the 
nation  enshrouded  in  a  long  night  of  leaden  despotism."  "  The 
hopes  of  the  friends  of  freedom  throughout  the  world  are  to 
suffer  annihilation,  while  our  example  will  be  quoted  as  a  proof 
of  the  failure  of  the  theory  of  self-government.''  To  all  these 
threatening  and  alarming  calamities  Mr.  Buchanan  has  dis 
covered  a  remedy.  He  would  convert  this,  the  grandest  temple 
of  human  freedom,  to  a  huge  charnel-house  of  human  bondage. 
He  would  meet  and  sustain  the  hopes  of  the  friends  of  freedom, 
by  fastening  more  securely  on  the  nation  the  growing  curse  of 
oppression.  He  proposes  to  demonstrate  the  practicability  of 
self-government  by  dooming  an  inoffensive  race  to  hopeless, 
unending  slavery,  and  reducing  the  majority  of  a  free  nation  to 


APPENDIX.  431 

a  meek,  tame,  and  unqualifying  submission  of  the  iniquitous 
exactions  of  an  imperious  oligarchy. 

Mr.  Buchanan,  uniting  in  himself  more  sagacity  and  patriot 
ism  than  was  possessed  by  the  whole  band  of  our  Revolutionary 
sires,  has  detected  a  radical  defect  in  the  Constitution,  a  breach 
in  the  fundamental  law  of  the  nation,  which  he  proposes  to 
patch  over  with  slavery.  Slavery  is  discovered  to  be  the  cohe 
sive  force  which  will  bind  these  States  in  fraternal  union,  while 
the  irrepressible  conflict  must  cease,  since  freedom  is  to  be 
pushed  out  and  slavery  shoved  in. 

We  are  to  have  a,  final  settlement  of  this  question  by  a  new 
construction  of  the  Constitution,  giving  an  "  express  recognition 
of  the  right  of  property  in  slaves  in  the  States  where  it  now 
exists  or  may  hereafter  exist."  Also,  "  the  duty  of  protecting 
this  right  in  all  the  common  territory  throughout  their  territo 
rial  existence,  and  until  they  shall  be  admitted  as  States  into 
the  Union,  with  or  without  slavery  as  their  constitution  may 
prescribe ;  together  with  a  like  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the 
master  to  his  slave,  who  has  escaped  from  one  State  to  another, 
to  be  restored  and  delivered  up  to  him,  and  the  validity  of  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  enacted  for  that  purpose,  accompanied 
with  declaration  that  all  State  laws  impairing  or  decreasing  this 
right  are  violations  of  the  Constitution,  and  consequently  null." 

It  might  be  pertinent  to  suggest  to  our  venerable  President, 
that  there  have  been  several  final  settlements  of  this  vexed 
question  already.  The  Jeffersonian  Ordinance  of  1784  was 
intended  to  be  final,  and  while  it  received  at  the  time  the  entire 
support  of  the  South  the  North  was  satisfied.  The  Missouri 
Compromise  was  the  next  final  settlement ;  but  this  not  meeting 
the  entire  demands  of  the  South,  Congress,  in  1352,  to  allay 
agitation  and  save  the  Union,  enacted  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 
The  fourth  final  settlement  was  commenced  by  Mr.  Douglas, 
and  the  Popular  Sovereignty  dodge  was  to  banish  slavery  agita  • 
tion  from  the  halls  of  Congress.  The  lameness  of.  this  settle 
ment  having  been  made  apparent  on  a  short  trial,  the  Supreme 
Court  steps  in  and  makes  a  final  disposition  of  the  whole 
matter. 

We  can  but  commend  the  sagacity  of  the  hero  of  this  new 
final  settlement.  Mr.  Buchanan's  proposition  covers  the  whole 


432  APPENDIX. 

ground ;  he  would  even  anticipate  the  future  wants  of  the 
slave  power.  "  All  the  South  has  ever  contended  for  is  to  be 
let  alone,  and  permitted  to  manage  their  domestic  institutions  in 
their  own  way  as  sovereign  States."  Then  why,  Mr.  Buchanan, 
botch  the  noble  character  of  our  liberties  with  the  foul  features 
of  slavery  ? 
DECEKBKR  1,  1860. 


THE  FOLLOWING  IS  A  LIST  OF  THE    NAMES    OF    THOSE    WHO,     IN 

JANUARY,   1861,   ORGANIZED    SECRETLY    FOR 

THE     PURPOSE     OF 

SUSTAINING    THE    FLAG 


GOVERNMENT     OF    THE    UNION, 

AND  TO  PROTECT  UNION  MEN    IN    THE    CITY    OF 

ST.   LOUIS  5   BUT  MORE  ESPECIALLY  TO    PROTECT    THE     ST.     LOUIS 

ARSENAL  FROM  FALLING  INTO  THE 

HANDS  OF  THE  REBELS. 


ROLL    OF    THE    UNION    LEGION, 

Organized   January,     ISO  I. 

BLACK   YAEGERS    (RIFLES),    UNION   GUARDS,    CITIZEN   GUARDS, 
MOUNTED  RANGERS,  &C.,  &C. 

ID 


THEE     ROLL,. 


NAMES    OF    OFFICERS    AND    PRIVATES. 


CAPTAIN  KLEIN'S  COMPANY. 

BERNHARD  KLEIN,  Captain. 
FEED.  SCHUEDDIG,  First  Lieutenant. 
J.  PETER  LIPPHARDT,  Second  Lieutenant. 
JULIUS  SAUER,  Quartermaster. 


ALTENBACH,  CHR. 
ADRIAN,  FRIEDRICH, 
ALTSCHUL,  LEOPOLD, 
ALTSCHUL,  CHARLES, 
ABLER,  SAMUEL, 
AMITT,  PETER, 
BERK,  ERNST, 
BECKMANN,  CHARLES, 
BRUNO,  CHARLES, 
BECHER,  JOHN, 
DRUM,  CHARLES, 
EWALD,  LEOPOLD. 
EMANUEL,  N. 
EMANUEL,  SAMUEL, 
EVERTZ,  C. 
EVERTS,  FRIEDRICH, 
FRANCK,  GEORGE, 
FLUGEL,  JACOB, 
GELZHAUSER,  ANDRES, 
GETTLER,  M. 
GESSERT,  CHR. 
GELDMACHER,  FRIED. 
GELD  MAC  HER,  KARL, 


GLEICHAUP,  J.  C. 
GRISON,  CHRISTOPHER, 
HEDER,  BALTHASER, 
HINTERSCHIETT,  JNO. 
HESSE,  FERD. 
HEINZE,  HENRY, 
HORN,  CONRAD, 
HERBY,  JOHN, 
HELLER,  M. 
HART,  ALEX. 
JUNG,  CHR. 
JOST,  CHARLES, 
KLEIN,  LOUIS, 
KOEUNKER,  WM. 
KOB,  ANDREAS, 
KALTWASSER,  F.  P. 
KALTWASSER,  FRED 
KRAUSE,  JOHN, 
KLEIN,  ALBERT, 
KLARENBACH,  GUSTAV, 
KNOBLAUCH,  CHR. 
LEILICH,  FRANZ, 
LOEFFEL,  WM. 


436 


ROLL    OF    THE    UNION    LEGION. 


LANGE,  EMIL, 
LORENZ,  HENRY, 
MAURER,  ADAM, 
MAGNUS,  M. 
MONTAG,  A. 
MEITHE,  E. 
MEES,  P. 
MADS,  AUGUST, 
MELCHER,  GUSTAV, 
NICKERL,  FRANZ, 
NITZ,  PH. 
NEUN,  PH. 
NEUN,  CHARLES, 
OEKENFUSS,  JOHN, 
ROHS,  VALENTIN, 
REICHERT,  JACOB, 
ROGGE,  HERMANN, 


STARK,  DR.  C.  E. 
STAMM,  FRIED. 
SICHER,  M. 
SAUER,  AUGUST, 
SPEXGLER,  FRIED. 
STOECKER,  ROBT. 
SCHUEDDIG,  FRED. 
STOECKER,  FRED. 
TRESCHER,  GEORGE, 
TRAUER,  M. 
TRAUER,  A. 
TEMPLER,  WILLIAM, 
VOGHT,  ANTON, 
VASTERLING,  FRIED. 
WODISKA,  IGNATZ, 
WIPPERMANN,  GEORGE, 
WILZ,  FRANZ, 


BOLL    OF   THE    UNION   LEGION.  437 


CAPTAIN   OTT'S  COMPANY. 


OTT,  Captain. 

-  HRUDICKA,  First  Lieutenant. 
—  NICKERLE,  Second  Lieutenant. 
J.  MOTTEL,  Quartermaster. 

BILY,  M.  PERICHA,  JOHN, 

BAUDA,  JACOB,  RICHA,  MATH. 

BILEK,  WENZEL,  STESSANEK,  JOHN, 

CELERIN,  IGNATZ,  SWACINA,  J. 

DOLAR,  FRITZ,  STODOLA,  JOSEPH, 

HOLY,  L.  J.  SLIKA,  JOHN, 

HAYEK,  W.  SCHULZ,  JOSEPH, 

KAREL,  J.  SISSEK,  JOSEPH, 

KRISTUFEK,  JACOB,  SERRY,  W.  J. 

KORAN,  JACOB,  SUDA,  A.  M. 

KONAT,  THOMAS,  SERY,  SR. 

LOYDA,  ALBERT,  TRESCHER,  S. 

MACHACEK,  JOHN,  WODIKA,  IGNATZ, 

MACHA,  M.  WOREL,  JOHN, 

MEYER,  JOSEPH,  WESSELLY,  EMIL, 

MOLLER,  W.  WIRLEL,  JOHN, 

MASSEK,  FR.  WORACEK,  WENZEL, 

POLAK,  MATTHIAS,  ZONF,  JOSEPH, 

PAMISKA,  WENZEL,  ZIKA,  JOHN, 


438 


KOLL   OF   THE    UNION    LEGION. 


CAPTAIN    ALMSTEDPS  COMPANY. 

MOUNTED    CITIZENS'    GUAKD. 


HENRY  ALMSTEDT,  Captain  pro  tern. 


ALMSTEDT,  H 
ALFELT,  C. 
BLOCK,  J. 
BURGER,  JNO. 
BERG,  NICH. 
BERG,  FRED. 
BALZ,  WM. 
DECKER,  WM. 
FATH,  JACOB, 
FLORE,  EDWARD, 
GARXEY,  THOMAS, 
GLEISSER,  WM. 
KEPPLER,  CH. 
KOHLER,  CONRAD, 
LIPPIIARDT,  H. 
LAUNERT,  CONRAD, 
MAURER,  S. 
MARSCHAEL,  A. 
MAY,  G. 
OKEL,  C. 


OTTENAT,  JOHN, 
OSTZ,  LEWIS, 
POLLACK,  T. 
REMHARDT,  G. 
REUNEBERG,  GEORGE, 
REITH,  J. 
REINHART,  J. 
RINTZKOPF,  J. 
RAPP,  FRED. 
SCHETTZ,  JOHN, 
SCHMETE,  JOHN, 
STOLL,  H. 
SCHAEFER,  G. 
SEIBER,  JNO. 
STIEFFER,  FRANZ, 
SLA  WICK,  ALBERT, 
SCHNEIDER,  M. 
WEBER,  B. 
WACKER,  JNO. 
WOETHE,  JOSEPH, 


ROLL    OF   THE    UNION   LEGION. 


439 


CAPTAIN  GOERISCH'S  COMPANY. 


CHRIS.   GOERISCH,  Captain. 
GEORGE  ZIGLER,  First  Lieutenant. 
PH.  FRANK,  Second  Lieutenant. 


ACKERMAN,   PETER, 
ANHEISER,  PETER, 
BENNING,  HENRY, 
BLOETZ,  JOHN, 
BETZOLDT,  CARL, 

BREHM,  T.  c. 

BALLMANN,  THEO. 
BERNNARD,  FR  D. 
BESK,  E.  A. 
BEHR,  GEORGE, 
BAUSCHNAURT,  MICHAEL, 
BALLMANN,  VALENTINE, 
BAUMGARDEN,  HENRY, 
BISKENBURG,  CASPAR, 
BOLDONEN,  GEORGE, 
BLORCKER,  F. 
BANG,  GEORGE, 
BECKER,  CASPAR, 
BIEMANN,  GEORGE, 
CLTJMN,  CARL, 
DAUB,  JOHN, 
DRASZP,  FELIX, 
DAWER,  C. 
DOLL,  WM. 
DOTTE,  ED. 
ECKERT,  CHR. 
ENGELMANN,  A. 
FRANK,  CH. 
FREUKES,  GERHARDT, 
FUGLE,  F. 


GRAU,  JOHN  G. 
GOESSEL,  AUGUST, 
GEROLDT,  E. 
GUTZAHR,  E.  B. 
GLEISK,  JACOB, 
GLEISK,  NICH. 
GOERISCH,  JACOB, 
GOERISCH,  DAVID, 
GIZZIKE,  T.  W. 
GEISEL,  PH. 
HAEFNER,  A. 
HAUSEK,  CARL, 
HOLWEZ,  A. 
HARTING,  WILHELM, 
HEISEL,  CASSIMER, 
HESSE,  HERMAN, 
HOFFMANN,  JOHN, 
HAFFTI,  THOMAS, 
HELMN,  JOHN, 
HUNICKE,  JOHN, 
HUNICKE,  JULIUS, 
KLINK,  PETER, 
KERNER,  T.  CH. 
KLEIN,    HENRY, 
KLEIN,  LEWIS, 
KINNBE,  ED. 
KAUFMANN,  CHR. 
KUETZEL,  A. 
KORTMANN,  LOUIS, 
LANDFRIED,  JACOB, 


440 


ROLL    OF   THE    UNION    LEGION. 


LORENTZ,  HENKY, 
LEHM,  CHR. 
METTZAU,  A. 
MAXWELL,  JAMES. 
MDLBACH,  A. 
MORSCH,  ADAM, 
MULLER,  A. 
MOHR,  LUDWIG, 
MESCHAB,  PHILIPP, 
NESSEL,  HENRY, 
NAGEL,  CONRAD, 
NAX,  PH. 
OHL,  WM. 
OST,  L. 

PETRY,  JACOB, 
PETREH,  ED. 
PRACH,  JACOB, 
RANFT,  ADAM, 
REIS,  JACOB, 
ROSSEL,  MARTIN, 
RASCHER,  WILLIGAN, 
RAUSCH,  EMIL, 
ROGGE,  HERMAN, 
RUF,  STEPHEN, 
ROLFING,  HENRY, 
SPAHN,  P. 
STOCK,  PETER, 
SCHMIDT,  HERMAN", 

ZIMMER, 


STETTER,  PAUL, 
STOLL,  CARL, 
SEINERT,  NICHOLAS, 
STUMPF,  HENRY, 
SCHNEIDER,  PH. 
SCHMAUDT,  HARDIN, 
SAUPE,  CARL, 
SANDERMANN,  GOTTLEIB, 
STOEBER,    HENRY, 
STREMMLER,  JOHN, 
SEIPP,  CONRAD, 
SAUDE,  FERD. 
TAHLER,  JOSEPH, 
TEUBER,  AUGUST, 
VOWENSKEL,  JACOB, 
VOLHERS,  W.  H. 
WINZLIEK,  PETER, 
WOLF,  GUSTAV, 
WALTER,  PH. 
WENGER,  JOSEPH, 
WETZEL,  JOHN, 
WALLET,  JACOB, 
WURSTER,  FRED. 
WAGNER,  GUSTAV, 
WEISENBORN,  CHR 
WALDEMEIER,  CHR. 
WAND,  HENRY, 
ZAUER,  PH. 
CONRAD. 


BOLL   OF  THE    UNION   LEGION. 


441 


CAPTAIN  NIEGKEMANJSPS  COMPANY, 


FRED.  NIEGEMANN,  Captain. 
WM.  ROTERMANN,  First  Lieutenant. 
D.  GRONEMEIER,  Second  Lieutenant. 


ARAND,  D. 
ARNOLD   FRED. 
ANDRES,  - 
AUTON,  J. 
ANDERS,  C. 
BRUHLINGER,  W. 
BRANDLE,  B. 
BOLTE,  H. 
BLOSSER,  F. 
BONIFER,  M. 
BUSCHLE,  J. 
BASTIAN,  J. 
BERNHARD,  J. 
BAUGE,  H.  A. 
BRAUER,  C. 
CUNZELMANN,  C. 
DUNKLER,  F 
DEIBING.  L. 
DOERR,  G. 
DUNKE,  F. 
DUERMEIER,  H. 
ELLERSICK,  H. 
ERB,  J.  A. 
FISCHBACH,  F. 
FLUGELMANN,  B. 
GERAUF,   C. 
GOTTELMANN,   P.  G. 
GOTTELMANN,  JOHN, 
GRUND,  A. 

19* 


GUTTER,  F.  A. 
GOEBEL,  FRANZ, 
HORST,  C. 
HAUSFURTHER,  G. 
HUXHOLD,  G. 
HEIM,  G. 
HERBST,  H. 
HALBES,  H. 
HUFSHMIDT,  P. 
HOFFMANN,  L. 
JOBS,  J. 
JOST,  J.  D. 
KLEIBSTEIN,  A. 
KUTZER,   H. 
KEPPERT,  E. 
KUELL,  Y. 
KAUFMANN,    P. 
KUSSLING,  M. 
KRAMER,  J. 
KELLER,  T. 
KICK,  C. 
KOCH,  J. 
LANGE,  J. 
LAMER,  L. 
LIEBLANG,  N. 
LUNGENBUHL,  E. 
MAHRS.  H. 
MACK,  F. 
MAHRS,  AUGUST, 


442  BOLL    OF    THE    UNION    LEGION. 

MACKES,  A.  SCHMIDT,  H. 

MUCKSTADT,J.  STROH,  F. 

MACKES,  H.  SCHUBERT,  J. 

MULLER,  W.  SCHADLER,  J. 

NEUENHAUS,  H.  SCHARTZ,  C. 

NAGEL,  JACOB,  SCHARTZ,  B 

NEUSTATTER,  F.  STUPP,    P. 

NEUMEISTER,  G.  SEYBOLD,  W. 

OBENAUER,  M.  SCHMAHLENBACH,  M. 

REISSE,  WM.  THOMA,A. 

REISSE,  C.  A.  TJFEN,  A. 

REIGHNER,  A.  ULLINS,  H. 

REUTING,  H.  YOGEL,  A. 

RUDOLPH,  F  VOLZ,  C. 

RIO,  L.  WOLF,  J. 

REISSER,  J.  WITHROSCII,  WM. 

ROTERMANN,  T.  WOLF,  CHR. 

RIETH,  G.  WEISS,  J. 

SPUHLER,  P.  WILL,  H. 

SALLER,  A.  WESTHUS,  T. 

STEINEK,  J.  ZESCH,  M. 

SCHATZ,  M.  ZESCH,  R, 


ROLL    OF   THE    UNION   LEGION. 


443 


CAPTAIN   SCHOENFELD'S  COMPANY. 


MORITZ   SCHOENFELD,  Captain. 
FRED.  UNGER,  First  Lieutenant. 
FRANCIS  UNGER,  Second  Lieutenant. 
LEOPOLD  HELMPT,  Third  Lieutenant. 


ARGAST,  SEBASTIAN, 
BOEMER,  FERD. 
BERK,  FRED. 
CARREL,  PH. 
DUEBELWEISS,  JOHN, 
'BREYER,  GEORGE , 
DREYFUSS,  JOHN,    . 
ENGEL,  MORITZ, 
ENGERT,  SEBASTIAN, 
ESCHELBACH,  GEORGE, 
ECKERT,  FRANK, 
FAUTH,  JACOB, 
FEDERLE,  M.  S. 
FROHNHOEFFER,  AUG, 
GIBEL,  EDMUND, 
HORN,  ADAM, 
KOENIG,  NICHOLAS, 
KAISER,  JACOB, 
LENDY,  HENRY, 
LEOSCHER,  WM. 
MAURICE.  WM. 
MAESS,  R. 
MUELLER,  AND. 


MUELLER,  GUS.  T. 
METZ,  ANDREAS, 
NUSS,  HENRY, 
NECKER,  JACOB, 
NERKER,  JOHN, 
PLEEISH,    CHARLES, 
ROEMER,  WILLIAM. 
RAAB,  ANDREAS 
RUEDI,    JOHN, 
SCHNEEWEISS,  CH. 
SEINNINGER,  STEPH. 
STEINER,  PH. 
SCHILLER,  GEORGE, 
STRIEHEL,  GEORGE, 
STUMPF,  CHR. 
SCHMERTHE,  THEO. 
SCHREINER,  FRED. 
STAPFF,  DANL. 
SCHNEEWEISS,  WM. 
SUTTER,  GOTTLEIB, 
STURBARTH,  ADOLPH. 
STEITZ,  LUDWIG, 
VOLKMANN,  JOHN, 


444  BOLL   OF   THE   UNION   LEGION. 


MAJOR  SCHUTTNER'S  COMPANY. 


NICHOLAS  SCHUTTNER,  Major. 

ACKERMAN,  JOHN,  LANGENSTRASEN,  AUG. 

BRAUNS,  AUG.  LIPF,  JOHN, 

BAEKER,  JOHN,  MORELBACH,  CHARLES, 

BOTTCHER,  ADOLPII,  OBRECHT,  FRED. 

CORING,  F.  H.  OSBURG,  CHRIS. 

CLAUDITZ,  HY.  PROSS,  ANDREAS, 

DIEKHORNER,  H.  W.  REIN,  JOHN, 

ECKMAN,  CHAS.  SCHADLER,  WILHELM, 

FREUDT,  CHAS.  SCHAFFER,  ALFRED, 

GULDE,  FRANK,  SCHNABEL,    ANTON, 

GROSS,  HENRY,  SCHONHARDT,  CHR. 

GLORIUS,  WTLHELM,  SAUER    JOHN, 

GOSKER,  HY.  SCHOBB,  PH. 

HITTMAN,  WILHELM,  SCHWAUTER,  ADOLPH, 

HERR,  MAX.  VENN,  ROBT. 

HAUG,  JACOB,  VALKENET,  JOHN, 

HARTMAN,  FR.  VOLLMER,  WILLHELM, 

HERWIG,  WILHELM,  WALTHER,    MICHAEL, 

HERZOG,  ED.  WEIGEL,  JOHN, 

HAGNER,  CHARLES,  WAGNER   JULIUS, 

HAUG,  ALEX.  WAGNER,  E.  F. 

KOCH.  HENRY,  WTLCRICPT,  HY. 

KOTH,  CHAS.  WERTHEIM,  JOSEPH, 
WEIGEL,  JACOB, 


KOLL    OF   THE   UNION    LEGIOX.  445 


CAPTAIN  PRIESTER'S  COMPANY, 


MICHAEL  PRIESTER,  Captain. 
P.  MULLER,  First  Lieutenant. 
C.  WEISS,  Second  Lieutenant. 

AURNST,  A.  F.  KOLBING.  A. 

BLOECHER,  C.  KNELL,  V. 

BUK,  KARL,  KASTLER,  ADAM, 

BAUER,  W.  KAUFMAN,  P. 

BURKEL,  F.  LICK,  FRANK, 

BRUCKMAUER,  H.  LINDER,  GEO. 

DREYER,  J.  H.  PATOW,  JOHN, 

DROWINGER,  L.  ROCH,  JOHN, 

DERPP,  HENRY,  STAS,  C. 

EKERT,  F.  STENDER,  F. 

FALLER,  A.  STOENER,  D. 

GUTGEMAN,  J.  SAUERWEIN,  F. 

GESSMAN,  C.  SAUERWEIN,  U. 

HAUSLER,  H.  SAUERWEIN,  C. 

HORNBACH,  M.  SCHAEFFER,  P. 

HOFFMAN,  A.  SCHMIDTZ,  L. 

HOERER,  J.  SCHOENEMAN,  L. 

HACKER,  F,  SCHULLER,  A. 

HUCK,  L.  WEBER,  C. 

HEIM,  GEO.  WEYANT,  J. 

JOBS,  JACOB,  WYANT  J. 

KRAUSS,    A.  WILDERGER,J. 

KOLBING,  F.  WOLF,  LOUIS, 
ZICK,  W 


446 


ROLL    OF   THE   UXIOX    LEGION. 


CAPTAIN  DAHMER'S  COMPANY. 


GEORGE  DAHMER,  Captain. 

GUS.  BOERNSTEIN,  First  Lieutenant 

AUG.  GUNTZEL,  Second  Lieutenant. 


ADAM,  AUG. 
ALIS,  JACOB, 
BUSCH,  JACOB, 
BERG,  HY. 
BAYER,  B. 
BREKLE,  JOHN, 
BEYRER,    ALBERT, 
BOSSARD,  HERMAN, 
DEITZ,  FR. 
DEYPLE,  CHARLES, 
GOTZ,  JOHN, 
GLUCKERT,  FR. 
GULDE,  FR. 
GERICHTEL,  J. 
GUNTHER,  W. 
GERICHTEN.    P. 
HAIER,  R. 
HEIZMANN,  JOS 
HAHN,  JOHN, 
HEMLE,  LEOPOLD, 
KRUMHOLZ,  JOHN, 
KAYSER,  JOHN, 
KESTEN,  DANIEL, 
KEIL,  WM. 
LIND,  JNO. 
LEBERG,  MARTIN, 
LEILICH,  FR. 
MTTTMANN,  W. 
MAYER,  W. 


METTBACH,  ALBERT, 
MAYER,  FR. 
MANTEL,  C.  P. 
MULLER,  CHR. 
MAYER,  T.  H. 
MAIER,  P.  H. 
OTT,  CHR. 
REISSE,  ERNST, 
RAPP,  WM. 
RUEDI,  T.  W. 
SCHUNK,  GEORGE, 
STEINER,  JACOB, 
SCHLUMPF,  WILLIAM, 
SCHMIDT,  MACK, 
SCHAEREFF,  CH. 
SCHUSTER,  A.  J. 
SCHADT,  OTTO, 
SUKOFF,  J. 
SCHMITT,  PETER, 
SIEFERT,  E. 
SAUPS,  CHAS. 
STUBEXRAUCH,  CHARLES, 
STOEHR,  MARTIN 
STROH,  LUD. 
WARNEKE,  T.  HENRY, 
WALZ,  JOSEPH, 
WICHNER,  JNO. 
WAECHTER,  L. 
WIEDMANN,  HY. 
WEISS,  GEORGE, 


BOLL    OF   THE    UNION   LEGION. 


447 


CAPTAES"  SCHMIDT'S  COMPANY, 


GOTFRIED  SCHMIDT,  Captain. 
JOSEPH  GER  WINER,  First  Lieutenant. 
JOHN  NOLTE,  Second  Lieutenant 


ABERLE,  CONST. 
ANHAUSER,  PETER, 
BAUER,  H. 
BARTTELT,  F 
BOUHNER,  H. 
BARDELL,  FERD. 
CLAUS,  H. 
DAGE,  H. 
DEWALD,  PETER, 
DEWALD,  NICK. 
DATWEILER,  JACOB, 
ERNST,  GEORGE  E. 
FINK,  W. 
FIPPER,  JULIUS 
FLAMINGER,   J. 
FAHLER,  A. 
HUEBNER.  ED. 
HERKEL,  H. 
HINZPETER,  F. 
HAMM,  HERMAN, 
HOEHL,  J. 
HEINZ,  A. 
HEHRLEIN,  S.  H. 
HEMLER,  FRANK, 
HANISCH.  D. 
HERSCHOMAN,  A. 
HAMM,  WM. 
HARWIGH,  H. 


KAISER,  G.  P 
KASSEL,  FRED. 
KIEPART,  A. 
KIRCHER,  J. 
KULIN,  J.  0. 
LEMMER,  J. 
LEHN,  A. 
MUECH,  J. 
MEYER,  B.  V. 
MARBETH.  J. 
MAIER,  M. 
OTT,  HENRY, 
POLZER,  J. 
SCHMITTER,  J. 
SPIETZIG,  CARL, 
SCHWEIZER,  C. 
SCHANDZLER,  TR. 
SCHALLER,  J. 
SPEHN,  J. 
SOLL,  F. 
SCHNELL,  H. 
ULZ,  J. 
VOGT,  JACOB, 
VEDDER,  H.  P. 
WOHLEHLAGER,  B. 
WEBER,  WM. 
WIESEAtf,  A. 
WAGNER,  H. 
ZAHN,  FR. 


1  — — 


~~~^ 


